Samuel Johnson

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Samuel Johnson (18 September 1709 (O.S.) 7 September – 13 December 1784), often referred to as Dr. Johnson, was an English author who made lasting contributions to English literature as a poet, essayist, moralist, literary critic, biographer, editor and lexicographer. Johnson was a devout Anglican and committed Tory, and has been described as "arguably the most distinguished man of letters in English history."[1] He is also the subject of "the most famous single work of biographical art in the whole of literature": James Boswell 's Life of Samuel Johnson .[2]

Johnson was born in Lichfield, Staffordshire, and attended Pembroke College, Oxford for just over a year, before his lack of funds forced him to leave. After working as a teacher he moved to London, where he began to write miscellaneous pieces for The Gentleman's Magazine . His early works include the biography The Life of Richard Savage, the poems "London " and "The Vanity of Human Wishes", and the play Irene.

After nine years of work, Johnson's Dictionary of the English Language was published in 1755; it had a far-reaching effect on Modern English and has been described as "one of the greatest single achievements of scholarship."[3] The Dictionary brought Johnson popularity and success. Until the completion of the Oxford English Dictionary 150 years later, Johnson's was viewed as the pre-eminent British dictionary.[4] His later works included essays, an influential annotated edition of William Shakespeare's plays, and the widely read tale Rasselas. In 1763, he befriended James Boswell, with whom he later travelled to Scotland; Johnson described their travels in A Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland . Towards the end of his life, he produced the massive and influential Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets , a collection of biographies and evaluations of 17th- and 18th-century poets.

Johnson had a tall and robust figure, but his odd gestures and tic s were confusing to some on their first encounter with him. Boswell's Life, along with other biographies, documented Johnson's behaviour and mannerisms in such detail that they have informed the posthumous diagnosis of Tourette syndrome (TS),[5] a condition not defined or diagnosed in the 18th century. After a series of illnesses he died on the evening of 13 December 1784, and was buried in Westminster Abbey . In the years following his death, Johnson began to be recognised as having had a lasting effect on literary criticism, and even as the only great critic of English literature.[6]

Contents

Biography

Early life and education

Born on 18 September 1709 (New Style) to Michael Johnson, a bookseller, and his wife, Sarah Ford,[7] Samuel Johnson often claimed that he grew up in poverty. Since both families had money, it is uncertain what happened between Michael and Sarah's marriage and the birth of Samuel just three years later to provoke such a change in fortune.[8] Johnson was born in the home above his father's bookshop in Lichfield, Staffordshire and,[7] because his mother Sarah was 40 when she gave birth, a "man-midwife" and surgeon of "great reputation" named George Hector was brought in to assist.[9] He did not cry and, with doubts surrounding the newborn's health, his aunt claimed "that she would not have picked such a poor creature up in the street".[10] As it was feared the baby might die, the vicar of St Mary's was summoned to perform a baptism.[11] Two godfathers were chosen: Samuel Swynfen, a physician and graduate of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Richard Wakefield, a lawyer, coroner, and Lichfield town clerk.[12]

Johnson's health improved and he was put to wet-nurse with Joan Marklew. He soon contracted scrofula,[13] known at that time as the "King's Evil" because it was thought royalty could cure it. Sir John Floyer, former physician to Charles II of England|Charles II, recommended that the young Johnson should receive the " scrofula|royal touch ",[14] which he received from Queen Anne on 30 March 1712. However, the ritual was ineffective, and an operation was performed that left him with permanent scars across his face and body.[15] With the birth of Johnson's brother, Nathaniel, a few months later, Michael was unable to keep on top of the debts he had accumulated over the years, and his family was no longer able to live in the style to which it had been accustomed.[16]

When he was a child in petticoats, and had learned to read, Mrs Johnson one morning put the common prayer-book into his hands, pointed to the collect for the day, and said, 'Sam, you must get this by heart.' She went up stairs, leaving him to study it: But by the time she had reached the second floor, she heard him following her. 'What's the matter?' said she. 'I can say it,' he replied; and repeated it distinctly, though he could not have read it over more than twice.[17]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

Johnson demonstrated signs of great intelligence as a child, and his parents, to his later disgust, would show off his "newly acquired accomplishments".[18] His education began at the age of three, and came from his mother who had him memorise and recite passages from the Book of Common Prayer .[19] When Johnson turned four, he was sent to a nearby school, and, when he reached the age of six, he was sent to a retired shoemaker to continue his education.[20] A year later, Johnson was sent to Lichfield Grammar School, where he excelled in Latin.[21] During this time, Johnson started to exhibit the tics that would influence how people viewed him in his later years, and which formed the basis for the posthumous diagnosis of Tourette syndrome .[22] He excelled at his studies and was promoted to the upper school at the age of nine.[21] During this time, he befriended Edmund Hector, nephew of his "man-midwife" George Hector, and John Taylor, with whom he remained in contact for the rest of his life.[23]

At the age of 16, Johnson was given the opportunity to stay with his cousins, the Fords, at Pedmore, Worcestershire.[24] There he became a close friend of Cornelius Ford, who employed his knowledge of the classics to tutor Johnson while he was not attending school.[25] Ford was a successful, well-connected academic, but was also a notorious alcoholic whose excesses contributed to his death six years after Johnson's visit.[26] Having spent six months with his cousins, Johnson returned to Lichfield, but Mr. Hunter, the headmaster, "angered by the impertinence of this long absence", refused to allow him to continue at the grammar school.[27] Unable to return to Lichfield Grammar School, Johnson was enrolled into the King Edward VI grammar school at Stourbridge.[25] Because the school was located near Pedmore, Johnson was able to spend more time with the Fords, and he began to write poems and verse translations.[27] However, he spent only six months at Stourbridge before returning once again to his parents' home in Lichfield.[28]

During this time, Johnson's future was uncertain as his father was deeply in debt.[29] To earn money, Johnson began to stitch books for his father, and it is possible that Johnson spent most of his time in his father's bookshop reading various works and building his literary knowledge. They remained in poverty until Sarah Johnson's cousin, Elizabeth Harriotts, died in February 1728 and left enough money to send Johnson to college.[30] On 31 October 1728, a few weeks after he turned 19, Johnson entered Pembroke College, Oxford.[31] The inheritance did not cover all of his expenses at Pembroke, but Andrew Corbet, a friend and fellow student at Pembroke, offered to make up the deficit.[32]

Johnson made friends at Pembroke and read much. In later life, he told stories of his idleness.[33] He was later asked by his tutor to produce a Latin translation of Alexander Pope 's Messiah as a Christmas exercise.[34] Johnson completed half of the translation in one afternoon and the rest the following morning. Although the poem brought him praise, it did not bring the material benefit he had hoped for.[35] The poem later appeared in Miscellany of Poems (1731), edited by John Husbands, a Pembroke tutor, and is the earliest surviving publication of any of Johnson's writings. Johnson spent the rest of his time studying, even over the Christmas vacation. He drafted a "plan of study" called "Adversaria", which was left unfinished, and used his time to learn French while working on his knowledge of Greek.[36]

After thirteen months, a shortage of funds forced Johnson to leave Oxford without a degree, and he returned to Lichfield.[30] Towards the end of Johnson's stay at Oxford his tutor, Jorden, left Pembroke and was replaced by William Adams (master)|William Adams . He enjoyed Adams as a tutor, but by December, Johnson was already a quarter behind in his student fees, and he was forced to return home. He left behind many books that he had borrowed from his father because he could not afford to transport them and as a symbolic gesture in that he hoped to return to his studies soon.[37]

He eventually received a degree: just before the publication of his Dictionary in 1755, Oxford University awarded Johnson the degree of Master of Arts (Oxbridge and Dublin)|Master of Arts .[38] He was awarded an honorary doctorate in 1765 by Trinity College Dublin and in 1775 by Oxford University.[39] In 1776, he returned to Pembroke with Boswell and toured the college with his previous tutor Adams, who was then its Master. He used that visit to recount his time at the college, his early career, and to express his later fondness for Jorden.[40]

Early career

Little is known about Johnson's life between the end of 1729 and 1731; it is likely that he lived with his parents. He experienced bouts of mental anguish and physical pain during years of illness;[41] his tics and gesticulations associated with Tourette syndrome became more noticeable and were often commented upon.[42] By 1731 Johnson's father was deeply in debt and had lost much of his standing in Lichfield. Johnson hoped to get an usher's position which became available at Stourbridge Grammar School, but as he did not have a degree his application was passed over on 6 September 1731.[41] At about this time, Johnson's father became ill and developed an "inflammatory fever" which led to his death in December 1731.[43] Johnson eventually found employment as undermaster at a school in Market Bosworth, run by Sir Wolstan Dixie, 4th Baronet who allowed Johnson to teach without a degree.[44] Although Johnson was treated as a servant,[45] he found pleasure in teaching despite thinking it boring. After an argument with Dixie he quit the school, and by June 1732 he had returned home.[46]

Johnson continued to look for a position at a Lichfield school. After being turned down for a position in Ashbourne, he spent his time with his friend Edmund Hector, who was living in the home of the publisher Thomas Warren. At the time Warren was starting his Birmingham Journal (eighteenth century)|Birmingham Journal , and he enlisted Johnson's help.[47] This connection with Warren grew, and Johnson proposed a translation of Jeronimo Lobo 's account of the Ethiopian Empire|Abyssinians .[48] Johnson read Abbé Joachim Le Grand's French translations, and thought that a shorter version might be "useful and profitable".[49] Instead of writing the whole work himself, he dictated to Hector, who then took the copy to the printer and made any corrections. Johnson's A Voyage to Abyssinia was published a year later.[49] He returned to Lichfield in February 1734, and began an annotated edition of Poliziano 's Latin poems, along with a history of Latin poetry from Petrarch to Poliziano; a Proposal was soon printed, but a lack of funds halted the project.[50]

Johnson remained with his close friend Harry Porter during a terminal illness,[51] which culminated when Porter died on 3 September 1734, leaving his wife Elizabeth Jervis Porter (otherwise known as "Tetty") widowed at the age of 45, with three children.[52] Some months later, Johnson began to court her. The Reverend William Shaw claims that "the first advances probably proceeded from her, as her attachment to Johnson was in opposition to the advice and desire of all her relations".[53] Johnson was inexperienced in such relationships, but the well-to-do widow encouraged him and promised to provide for him with her substantial savings.[54] They married on 9 July 1735, at St Werburgh's Church, Derby|St Werburgh's Church in Derby .[55] The Porter family did not approve of the match, partly because Johnson was 25 and Elizabeth was 21 years his elder, and Elizabeth's marriage to Johnson so disgusted her son Jervis that he severed relations with her.[56] However, her daughter Lucy had accepted Johnson from the start, and her other son, Joseph, accepted the marriage later.[57]

In June 1735, while working as a tutor for Thomas Whitby's children, Johnson had applied for the position of headmaster at Solihull School .[58] Although Walmesley gave his support, Johnson was passed over because the school's directors thought he was "a very haughty, ill-natured gent., and that he has such a way of distorting his face (which though he can't help) the gent[s] think it may affect some lads".[59] With Walmesley's encouragement, Johnson decided that he could be a successful teacher if he ran his own school.[60] In the autumn of 1735, Johnson opened Edial Hall School as a private academy at Edial, near Lichfield. He had only three pupils: Lawrence Offley, George Garrick, and the 18-year-old David Garrick, who later became one of the most famous actors of his day.[59] The venture was unsuccessful and cost Tetty a substantial portion of her fortune. Instead of trying to keep the failing school going, Johnson began to write his first major work, the historical tragedy Irene.[61] Biographer Robert DeMaria believed that Tourette syndrome likely made public occupations like schoolmaster or tutor almost impossible for Johnson to hold; this may have led Johnson to "the invisible occupation of authorship".[22]

Johnson left for London with his former pupil David Garrick on 2 March 1737, the day Johnson's brother had died. He was penniless and pessimistic about their travel, but fortunately for them, Garrick had connections in London, and the two were able to stay with his distant relative, Richard Norris.[62] Johnson soon moved to Greenwich near the Golden Hart Tavern to finish Irene.[63] On 12 July 1737 he wrote to Edward Cave with a proposal for a translation of Paolo Sarpi 's The History of the Council of Trent (1619), which Cave did not accept until months later.[64] In October 1737 Johnson brought his wife to London, and he found employment with Cave as a writer for The Gentleman's Magazine .[65] His assignments for the magazine and other publishers during this time were "almost unparalleled in range and variety", and "so numerous, so varied and scattered" that "Johnson himself could not make a complete list".[66] The name Columbia (name)|Columbia , a poetic name for America coined by Johnson, first appears in a 1738 weekly publication of the debates of the British Parliament in the Magazine.[67][68]

In May 1738 his first major work, the poem London (1738 poem)‎|London , was published anonymously.[69] Based on Juvenal's Satires of Juvenal#Satire III: There is no Room in Roma for a Roman|Satire III, it describes the character Thales leaving for Wales to escape the problems of London,[70] which it portrays as a place of crime, corruption, and neglect of the poor. Johnson could not bring himself to regard the poem as earning him any merit as a poet.[71] Alexander Pope claimed that the author "will soon be déterré" (brought to light, become well known), but this would not happen until 15 years later.[69]

In August, Johnson's lack of an MA degree from Oxford or Cambridge led to his being denied a position as master of the Appleby Grammar School. In an effort to end such rejections, Pope asked Lord Gower to use his influence to have a degree awarded to Johnson.[10] Gower petitioned Oxford for an honorary degree to be awarded to Johnson, but was told that it was "too much to be asked".[72] Gower then asked a friend of Jonathan Swift to plead with Swift to use his influence at the University of Dublin to have a Masters degree awarded to Johnson, in the hope that this could then be used to justify an MA from Oxford,[72] but Swift refused to act on Johnson's behalf.[73]

Between 1737 and 1739, Johnson befriended Richard Savage .[74] Feeling guilty about living on Tetty's money, Johnson stopped living with her and spent his time with Savage. They were poor and would stay in taverns or sleep in "night-cellars" except for nights that they would roam the streets because they lacked the necessary funds.[75] Savage's friends tried to help him by attempting to persuade him to move to Wales, but Savage ended up in Bristol and again fell into debt. He was committed to debtors' prison and died in 1743. A year later, Johnson wrote Life of Mr Richard Savage (1744), a "moving" work which, in the words of the biographer and critic Walter Jackson Bate, "remains one of the innovative works in the history of biography".[76]

A Dictionary of the English Language

In 1746, a group of publishers approached Johnson about creating an authoritative dictionary of the English language;[69] a contract with William Strahan and associates, worth 1,500 guineas, was signed on the morning of 18 June 1746.[77] Johnson claimed that he could finish the project in three years. In comparison, the Académie Française had forty scholars spending forty years to complete its dictionary, which prompted Johnson to claim, "This is the proportion. Let me see; forty times forty is sixteen hundred. As three to sixteen hundred, so is the proportion of an Englishman to a Frenchman".[69] Although he did not succeed in completing the work in three years, he did manage to finish it in nine, justifying his boast.[69] According to Bate, the Dictionary "easily ranks as one of the greatest single achievements of scholarship, and probably the greatest ever performed by one individual who laboured under anything like the disadvantages in a comparable length of time".[3] However, others, such as Thomas Babington Macaulay who described Johnson as "a wretched etymologist," have criticised Johnson's dictionary.[78]

Johnson's dictionary was not the first, nor was it unique. It was, however, the most commonly used and imitated for the 150 years between its first publication and the completion of the Oxford English Dictionary in 1928. Other dictionaries, such as Nathan Bailey 's Dictionarium Britannicum, included more words,[4] and in the 150 years preceding Johnson's dictionary about twenty other general-purpose monolingual "English" dictionaries had been produced.[79] However, there was open dissatisfaction with the dictionaries of the period. In 1741, David Hume claimed: "The Elegance and Propriety of Stile have been very much neglected among us. We have no Dictionary of our Language, and scarce a tolerable Grammar".[80] Johnson's Dictionary offers insights into the 18th century and "a faithful record of the language people used".[4] It is more than a reference book; it is a work of literature.[79]

For a decade, Johnson's constant work on the Dictionary disrupted his and Tetty's living conditions. He had to employ a number of assistants for the copying and mechanical work, which filled the house with incessant noise and clutter. He was always busy with his work, and kept hundreds of books around.[81] John Hawkins described the scene: "The books he used for this purpose were what he had in his own collection, a copious but a miserably ragged one, and all such as he could borrow; which latter, if ever they came back to those that lent them, were so defaced as to be scarce worth owning".[82] Johnson was also distracted by Tetty's health, as she started to show signs of a terminal illness.[81] To accommodate both his wife and his work, he moved to 17 Gough Square near his printer, William Strahan.[83]

In preparation for the work, Johnson wrote a Plan for the Dictionary. Philip Stanhope, 4th Earl of Chesterfield, was the patron of the Plan, to Johnson's displeasure.[84] Seven years after first meeting Johnson to go over the work, Chesterfield wrote two anonymous essays in The World recommending the Dictionary.[85] He complained that the English language lacked structure and argued in support of the dictionary. Johnson did not like the tone of the essay, and he felt that Chesterfield had not fulfilled his obligations as the work's patron.[86] Johnson wrote a letter expressing this view and harshly criticising Chesterfield, saying "Is not a patron, my lord, one who looks with unconcern on a man struggling for life in the water, and when he has reached ground, encumbers him with help? The notice which you have been pleased to take of my labours, had it been early, had been kind: but it has been delayed till I am indifferent and cannot enjoy it; till I am solitary and cannot impart it; till I am known and do not want it."[87] Chesterfield, impressed by the language, kept the letter displayed on a table for anyone to read.[87]

The Dictionary was finally published in April 1755, with the title page acknowledging that Oxford had awarded Johnson a Master of Arts degree in anticipation of the work.[88] The published dictionary was a huge book. Its pages were nearly 18" tall, and the book was 20" wide when opened; it contained 42,773 entries, to which only a few more were added in subsequent editions, and sold for the extravagant price of £4 10s, perhaps the rough equivalent of £350 today.[89] An important innovation in English lexicography was to illustrate the meanings of his words by literary quotation, of which there are around 114,000. The authors most frequently cited include Shakespeare, Milton and Dryden .[90] It was years before "Johnson's Dictionary", as it came to be known, turned a profit. Author's royalties were unknown at that time, and Johnson, once his contract to deliver the book was fulfilled, received no further money from its sale. Years later, many of its quotations would be repeated by various editions of the Webster's Dictionary and the New English Dictionary .[91]

Besides working on the Dictionary, Johnson also wrote various essays, sermons, and poems during these nine years.[92] He decided to produce a series of essays under the title The Rambler that would run every Tuesday and Saturday for twopence each. Explaining the title years later, he told his friend, the painter Joshua Reynolds : "I was at a loss how to name it. I sat down at night upon my bedside, and resolved that I would not go to sleep till I had fixed its title. The Rambler seemed the best that occurred, and I took it".[93] These essays, often on moral topics, tended to be more grave than the title of the series would suggest; his first comments in The Rambler were to ask "that in this undertaking thy Holy Spirit may not be withheld from me, but that I may promote thy glory, and the salvation of myself and others".[93] The popularity of The Rambler took off once the issues were collected as a volume; they were reprinted nine times during Johnson's life. Writer and printer Samuel Richardson, enjoying the essays greatly, questioned the publisher as to who wrote the works; only he and a few of Johnson's friends were told of Johnson's authorship.[94] One friend, the novelist Charlotte Lennox, includes a defence of The Rambler in her novel The Female Quixote (1752). In particular, the character Mr. Glanville says, "you may sit in Judgment upon the Productions of a Young, a Richardson, or a Johnson. Rail with premeditated Malice at the Rambler; and for the want of Faults, turn even its inimitable Beauties into Ridicule" (Book VI, Chapter XI). Later, she claims Johnson as "the greatest Genius in the present Age".[95]

His necessary attendance while his play was in rehearsal, and during its performance, brought him acquainted with many of the performers of both sexes, which produced a more favourable opinion of their profession than he had harshly expressed in his Life of Savage ... He for considerable time used to frequent the Green Room, and seemed to take delight in dissipating his gloom, by mixing in the sprightly chit-chat of the motley circle then to be found there. Mr David Hume related to me from Mr Garrick, that Johnson at last denied himself this amusement, from considerations of rigid virtue; saying, "I'll come no more behind your scenes, David; for the silk stockings and white bosoms of your actresses excite my amorous propensities".[96]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

However, not all of his work was confined to The Rambler. His most highly regarded poem, The Vanity of Human Wishes , was written with such "extraordinary speed" that Boswell claimed Johnson "might have been perpetually a poet".[97] The poem is an imitation of Juvenal's Satires of Juvenal#Satire X: Wrong Desire is the Source of Suffering|Satire X and claims that "the antidote to vain human wishes is non-vain spiritual wishes".[98] In particular, Johnson emphasises "the helpless vulnerability of the individual before the social context" and the "inevitable self-deception by which human beings are led astray".[99] The poem was critically celebrated but it failed to become popular, and sold less than London.[100] In 1749, Garrick made good on his promise that he would produce Irene, but its title was altered to Irene (play)#Stage history|Mahomet and Irene to make it "fit for the stage".[101] The show eventually ran for nine nights.[102]

Tetty Johnson spent most of her time in London ill, and in 1752 she decided to return to the countryside while Johnson was busy working on his Dictionary. She died on 17 March 1752, and, at word of her death, Johnson wrote a letter to his old friend Taylor, which according to Taylor "expressed grief in the strongest manner he had ever read".[103] He wrote a sermon in her honour, to be read at her funeral, but Taylor refused to read it, for reasons which are unknown. This only exacerbated Johnson's feelings of being lost, and his despair after the death of his wife, and John Hawkesworth had to take over organising the funeral. Johnson felt guilty about the poverty in which he believed he had forced Tetty to live, and blamed himself for neglecting her. He became outwardly discontent, and his diary was filled with prayers and laments over her death until his own. She was his primary motivation, and her death hindered his ability to complete his work.[104]

Later career

On 16 March 1756, Johnson was arrested for an outstanding debt of £5 18 Shilling|s . Unable to contact anyone else, he wrote to the writer and publisher Samuel Richardson . Richardson, who had previously lent Johnson money, sent him six guineas to show his good will, and the two became friends.[105] Soon after, Johnson met and befriended the painter Joshua Reynolds, who so impressed Johnson that he declared him "almost the only man whom I call a friend".[106] Reynolds' younger sister Frances observed during their time together "that men, women and children gathered around him [Johnson]", laughing at his gestures and gesticulations.[107] In addition to Reynolds, Johnson was close to Bennet Langton and Arthur Murphy . Langton was a scholar and an admirer of Johnson who persuaded his way into a meeting with Johnson which led to a long friendship. Johnson met Murphy during the summer of 1754 after Murphy came to Johnson about the accidental republishing of the Rambler No. 190, and the two became friends.[108] Around this time, Anna Williams began boarding with Johnson. She was a minor poet who was poor and becoming blind, two conditions that Johnson attempted to change by providing room for her and paying for a failed cataract surgery. Williams, in turn, became Johnson's housekeeper.[109]

To occupy himself, Johnson began to work on The Literary Magazine, or Universal Review, the first issue of which was printed on 19 March 1756. Philosophical disagreements erupted over the purpose of the publication when the Seven Years' War began and Johnson started to write polemical essays attacking the war. After the war began, the Magazine included many reviews, at least 34 of which were written by Johnson.[110] When not working on the Magazine, Johnson wrote a series of prefaces for other writers, such as Giuseppe Baretti, William Payne and Charlotte Lennox .[111] Johnson's relationship with Lennox and her works was particularly close during these years, and she in turn relied so heavily upon Johnson that he was "the most important single fact in Mrs Lennox's literary life".[112] He later attempted to produce a new edition of her works, but even with his support they were unable to find enough interest to follow through with its publication.[113] To help with domestic duties while Johnson was busy with his various projects, Richard Bathurst, a physician and a member of Johnson's Club, pressured him to take on a free slave, Francis Barber, as his servant.[114]

These efforts, however, consumed only a small portion of his time; his work on The Plays of William Shakespeare|Edition of Shakespeare took up the rest. On 8 June 1756, Johnson published his The Plays of William Shakespeare#Proposal|Proposals for Printing, by Subscription, the Dramatick Works of William Shakespeare , which argued that previous editions of Shakespeare were edited incorrectly and needed to be corrected.[115] However, Johnson's progress on the work slowed as the months passed, and he told music historian Charles Burney in December 1757 that it would take him until the following March to complete it. Before that could happen, he was arrested again, for a debt of £40, in February 1758. The debt was soon repaid by Jacob Tonson, who had contracted Johnson to publish Shakespeare, and this encouraged Johnson to finish his edition to repay the favour. Although it took him another seven years to finish, Johnson completed a few volumes of his Shakespeare to prove his commitment to the project.[116]

In 1758, Johnson began to write a weekly series, The Idler, which ran from 15 April 1758 to 5 April 1760, as a way to avoid finishing his Shakespeare. This series was shorter and lacked many features of The Rambler. Unlike his independent publication of The Rambler, The Idler was published in a weekly news journal The Universal Chronicle, a publication supported by John Payne, John Newbery, Robert Stevens and William Faden.[117] Since The Idler did not occupy all Johnson's time, he was able to publish his philosophical novella The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abissinia|Rasselas on 19 April 1759. The "little story book", as Johnson described it, describes the life of Prince Rasselas and Nekayah, his sister, who are kept in a place called the Happy Valley in the land of Abyssinia. The Valley is a place free of problems, where any desire is quickly satisfied. The constant pleasure does not, however, lead to satisfaction; and, with the help of a philosopher named Imlac, Rasselas escapes and explores the world to witness how all aspects of society and life in the outside world are filled with suffering. They return to Abyssinia, but do not wish to return to the state of constantly fulfilled pleasures found in the Happy Valley.[118] Rasselas was written in one week to pay for his mother's funeral and settle her debts; it became so popular that there was a new English edition of the work almost every year. References to it appear in many later works of fiction, including Jane Eyre , Cranford (novel)|Cranford and The House of the Seven Gables . Its fame was not limited to English-speaking nations: Rasselas was immediately translated into five languages (French, Dutch, German, Russian and Italian), and later into nine others.[119]

By 1762, however, Johnson had gained notoriety for his dilatoriness in writing; the contemporary poet Churchill teased Johnson for the delay in producing his long-promised edition of Shakespeare: "He for subscribers baits his hook / and takes your cash, but where's the book?"[120] The comments soon motivated Johnson to finish his Shakespeare, and, after receiving the first payment from a government pension on 20 July 1762, he was able to dedicate most of his time towards this goal.[120] Earlier that July, the 24-year-old King George III granted Johnson an annual pension of £300 in appreciation for the Dictionary.[39] While the pension did not make Johnson wealthy, it did allow him a modest yet comfortable independence for the remaining 22 years of his life.[121] The award came largely through the efforts of Thomas Sheridan (actor)|Sheridan and the John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute|Earl of Bute . When Johnson questioned if the pension would force him to promote a political agenda or support various officials, he was told by Bute that the pension "is not given you for anything you are to do, but for what you have done".[122]

On 16 May 1763, Johnson first met 22-year-old James Boswell —who would later become Johnson's first major biographer—in the bookshop of Johnson's friend, Tom Davies. They quickly became friends, although Boswell would return to his home in Scotland or travel abroad for months at a time.[123] Around the spring of 1763, Johnson formed " The Club (dining club)|The Club ", a social group that included his friends Reynolds, Edmund Burke|Burke, Garrick, Goldsmith and others (the membership later expanded to include Adam Smith and Edward Gibbon ). They decided to meet every Monday at 7:00 pm at the Turk's Head in Gerrard Street, Soho, and these meetings continued until long after the deaths of the original members.[124]

During the whole of the interview, Johnson talked to his Majesty with profound respect, but still in his firm manly manner, with a sonorous voice, and never in that subdued tone which is commonly used at the levee and in the drawing-room. After the King withdrew, Johnson shewed himself highly pleased with his Majesty's conversation and gracious behaviour. He said to Mr Barnard, 'Sir, they may talk of the King as they will; but he is the finest gentleman I have ever seen.'[125]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

On 9 January 1765, Murphy introduced Johnson to Henry Thrale, a wealthy brewer and Member of Parliament|MP, and his wife Hester Thrale|Hester . They struck up an instant friendship; Johnson was treated as a member of the family, and was once more motivated to continue working on his Shakespeare.[126] Afterwards, Johnson stayed with the Thrales for 17 years until Henry's death in 1781, sometimes staying in rooms at Thrale's Anchor Brewery in Southwark .[127] Hester Thrale's documentation of Johnson's life during this time, in her correspondence and her diary ( Thraliana ), became an important source of biographical information on Johnson after his death.[128]

Johnson's edition of Shakespeare was finally published on 10 October 1765 as The Plays of William Shakespeare, in Eight Volumes ... To which are added Notes by Sam. Johnson in a printing of one thousand copies. The first edition quickly sold out, and a second was soon printed.[129] The plays themselves were in a version that Johnson felt most true to the original based on his analysis of the manuscript editions. Johnson's revolutionary innovation was to create a set of corresponding notes that allow readers to identify the meaning behind many of Shakespeare's more complicated passages or ones that may have been transcribed incorrectly over time.[130] Included within the notes are occasional attacks upon rival editors of Shakespeare's works and their editions.[131] Years later, Edmond Malone, an important Shakespearean scholar and friend of Johnson's, stated that Johnson's "vigorous and comprehensive understanding threw more light on his authour than all his predecessors had done".[132]

In February 1767 Johnson was granted a special meeting with King George III. This took place at the library of the Queen's house, and it was organised by Frederick Augusta Barnard, the King's librarian.[133] The King, hearing that Johnson would visit the library, commanded Barnard to introduce him to Johnson.[134] After a short meeting, Johnson was impressed with both the King himself and their conversation.[125]

Final works

On 6 August 1773, eleven years after first meeting Boswell, Johnson set out to visit his friend in Scotland, to begin "a journey to the western islands of Scotland", as Johnson's 1775 account of their travels would put it.[135] The work was intended to discuss the social problems and struggles that affected the Scottish people, but it also praised many of the unique facets of Scottish society, such as a school in Edinburgh for the deaf and mute.[136] Also, Johnson used the work to enter into the dispute over the authenticity of James Macpherson's Ossian poems, claiming they could not have been translations of ancient Scottish literature on the grounds that "in those times nothing had been written in the Earse [i.e. Gaelic] language".[137] There were heated exchanges between the two, and according to one of Johnson's letters, MacPherson threatened physical violence.[138] Boswell's account, The Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides (1786), was a preliminary attempt at a biography before his Life of Johnson . Included were various quotes and descriptions of events, including anecdotes such as Johnson swinging around a broadsword while wearing Scottish garb, or dancing a Highland jig.[139]

In the 1770s, Johnson, who had tended to be an opponent of the government early in life, published a series of pamphlets in favour of various government policies. In 1770 he produced The False Alarm, a political pamphlet attacking John Wilkes . In 1771, his Thoughts on the Late Transactions Respecting Falkland's Islands cautioned against war with Spain.[140] In 1774 he printed The Patriot, a critique of what he viewed as false patriotism. On the evening of 7 April 1775, he made the famous statement, "Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel."[141] This line was not, as widely believed, about patriotism in general, but the false use of the term "patriotism" by John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute (the patriot-minister) and his supporters; Johnson opposed "self-professed Patriots" in general, but valued what he considered "true" patriotism.[142]

The last of these pamphlets, Taxation No Tyranny (1775), was a defence of the Coercive Acts and a response to the Declaration of Rights of the First Continental Congress of America, which protested against taxation without representation .[143] Johnson argued that in emigrating to America, colonists had "voluntarily resigned the power of voting", but they still had " virtual representation " in Parliament. In a parody of the Declaration of Rights, Johnson suggested that the Americans had no more right to govern themselves than the Cornish people . If the Americans wanted to participate in Parliament, said Johnson, they could move to England and purchase an estate.[144] Johnson denounced English supporters of American separatists as "traitors to this country", and hoped that the matter would be settled without bloodshed, but that it would end with "English superiority and American obedience".[145] Years before, Johnson had advocated that the English and the French were just "two robbers" who were stealing land from the natives, and that neither deserved to live there.[110] After the signing of the 1783 Peace of Paris treaties, marking the colonists' defeat of the British, Johnson was "deeply disturbed" with the "state of this kingdom".[146]

Mr Thrale's death was a very essential loss to Johnson, who, although he did not foresee all that afterwards happened, was sufficiently convinced that the comforts which Mr Thrale's family afforded him, would now in great measure cease.[147]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

On 3 May 1777, while Johnson was trying to save Reverend William Dodd from execution, he wrote to Boswell that he was busy preparing a "little Lives" and "little Prefaces, to a little edition of the English Poets".[148] Tom Davies, William Strahan and Thomas Cadell had asked Johnson to create this final major work, the Lives of the English Poets , for which he asked 200 guineas, an amount significantly less than the price he could have demanded.[149] The Lives, which were critical as well as biographical studies, appeared as prefaces to selections of each poet's work, and they were quite larger than originally expected.[150] The work was finished in March 1781 and the whole collection was published in six volumes. As Johnson justified in the advertisement for the work, "my purpose was only to have allotted to every Poet an Advertisement, like those which we find in the French Miscellanies, containing a few dates and a general character."[151]

Johnson was unable to enjoy this success because Henry Thrale, the dear friend with whom he lived, died on 4 April 1781.[152] Life changed quickly for Johnson, and Hester Thrale became interested in the Italian singing teacher Gabriel Mario Piozzi, which forced Johnson to move on from his previous lifestyle.[153] After returning home and then travelling for a short period, Johnson received word that his friend and tenant Robert Levet, had died on 17 January 1782.[154] Johnson was shocked by the death of Levet, who had resided at Johnson's London home since 1762.[155] Shortly afterwards Johnson caught a cold which turned into bronchitis, lasting for several months, and his health was further complicated by "feeling forlorn and lonely" by Levet's death being accompanied by the deaths of Johnson's friend Thomas Lawrence and his housekeeper Williams.[156]

Final years

Although he had recovered his health by August, he experienced emotional trauma when he was given word that Hester Thrale would sell the residence that Johnson shared with the family. What hurt Johnson the most was the possibility that he would be left without her constant company.[157] Months later, on 6 October 1782, Johnson attended church for the final time in his life, to say goodbye to his former residence and life. The walk to the church strained him, but he managed the journey unaccompanied.[158] While there, he wrote a prayer for the Thrale family:

To thy fatherly protection, O Lord, I commend this family. Bless, guide, and defend them, that they may pass through this world, as finally to enjoy in thy presence everlasting happiness, for Jesus Christ's sake. Amen.[159]

Hester Thrale did not completely abandon Johnson, and asked him to accompany the family on a trip to Brighton.[158] He agreed, and was with them from 7 October until 20 November 1782.[160] On his return, his health began to fail him, and he was left alone following Boswell's visit on 29 May 1783 until he travelled to Scotland.[161]

On 17 June 1783, Johnson's poor circulation resulted in a stroke[162] and he wrote to his neighbour, Edmund Allen, that he had lost the ability to speak.[163] Two doctors were brought in to aid Johnson; he regained his ability to speak two days later.[164] Johnson feared that he was dying, and wrote:

The black dog I hope always to resist, and in time to drive, though I am deprived of almost all those that used to help me. The neighbourhood is impoverished. I had once Richardson and Lawrence in my reach. Mrs. Allen is dead. My house has lost Levet, a man who took interest in everything, and therefore ready at conversation. Mrs. Williams is so weak that she can be a companion no longer. When I rise my breakfast is solitary, the black dog waits to share it, from breakfast to dinner he continues barking, except that Dr. Brocklesby for a little keeps him at a distance. Dinner with a sick woman you may venture to suppose not much better than solitary. After dinner, what remains but to count the clock, and hope for that sleep which I can scarce expect. Night comes at last, and some hours of restlessness and confusion bring me again to a day of solitude. What shall exclude the black dog from an habitation like this?[165]

By this time he was sick and gout -ridden. He had surgery for gout, and his remaining friends, including novelist Fanny Burney (the daughter of Charles Burney), came to keep him company.[166] He was confined to his room from 14 December 1783 to 21 April 1784.[167]

His health had begun to improve by May 1784, and he travelled to Oxford with Boswell on 5 May 1784.[167] By July, many of Johnson's friends were either dead or gone; Boswell had left for Scotland and Hester Thrale had become engaged to Piozzi. With nobody to visit, Johnson expressed a desire to die in London and arrived there on 16 November 1784. On 25 November 1784, he allowed Burney to visit him and expressed an interest to her that he should leave London; he soon left for Islington, to George Strahan's home.[168] His final moments were filled with mental anguish and delusions; when his physician, Thomas Warren, visited and asked him if he were feeling better, Johnson burst out with: "No, Sir; you cannot conceive with what acceleration I advance towards death."[169]

A few days before his death, he had asked Sir John Hawkins, as one of his executors, where he should be buried; and on being answered, "Doubtless, in Westminster Abbey," seemed to feel a satisfaction, very natural to a Poet.[170]

Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

Many visitors came to see Johnson as he lay sick in bed, but he preferred only Langton's company.[169] Burney waited for word of Johnson's condition, along with Windham, Strahan, Hoole, Cruikshank, Des Moulins and Barber.[171] On 13 December 1784, Johnson met with two others: a young woman, Miss Morris, whom Johnson blessed, and Francesco Sastres, an Italian teacher, who was given some of Johnson's final words: "Iam Moriturus" ("I who am about to die").[172] Shortly afterwards he fell into a coma, and died at 7:00 pm.[171]

Langton waited until 11:00 pm to tell the others, which led to John Hawkins' becoming pale and overcome with "an agony of mind", along with Seward and Hoole describing Johnson's death as "the most awful sight".[173] Boswell remarked, "My feeling was just one large expanse of Stupor ... I could not believe it. My imagination was not convinced."[172] William Gerard Hamilton joined in and stated, "He has made a chasm, which not only nothing can fill up, but which nothing has a tendency to fill up. -Johnson is dead.- Let us go to the next best: There is nobody; -no man can be said to put you in mind of Johnson."[171]

He was buried on 20 December 1784 at Westminster Abbey with an inscription that reads:

Samuel Johnson, LL.D.
Obiit XIII die Decembris,
Anno Domini
M.DCC.LXXXIV.
Ætatis suœ LXXV.[174]

Bibliography

Works

Biographies

Notes

  1. Rogers, Pat (2006), "Johnson, Samuel (1709–1784)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.), Oxford University Press, [1], retrieved 25 August 2008
  2. Bate 1977, p. xix
  3. 3.0 3.1 Bate 1977, p. 240
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 Lynch 2003, p. 1
  5. Murray 1979 and Stern 2005
  6. Winters 1943, p. 240
  7. 7.0 7.1 Bate 1977, p. 5
  8. Lane 1975, pp. 13–14
  9. Lane 1975, pp. 15–16
  10. 10.0 10.1 Watkins 1960, p. 25
  11. Lane 1975, p. 16
  12. Bate 1977, pp. 5–6
  13. Lane 1975, pp. 16–17
  14. Lane 1975, p. 18
  15. Lane 1975, pp. 19–20
  16. Lane 1975, pp. 20–21
  17. Boswell 1986, p. 38
  18. Bate 1977, pp. 18–19
  19. Bate 1977, p. 21
  20. Lane 1975, pp. 25–26
  21. 21.0 21.1 Lane 1975, p.  26
  22. 22.0 22.1 DeMaria 1994, pp. 5–6
  23. Bate 1977, p. 23, 31
  24. Lane 1975, p. 29
  25. 25.0 25.1 Wain 1974, p. 32
  26. Lane 1975, p. 30
  27. 27.0 27.1 Lane 1975, p. 33
  28. Bate 1977, p. 61
  29. Lane 1975, p. 34
  30. 30.0 30.1 Bate 1977, p. 87
  31. Lane 1975, p. 39
  32. Bate 1977, p. 88
  33. Bate 1977, pp. 90–100. Bate also comments that Johnson's standard of effort was very high, so high that Johnson said he had never known a man to study hard.
  34. Boswell 1986, pp. 91–92
  35. Bate 1977, p. 92
  36. Bate 1977, pp. 93–94
  37. Bate 1977, pp. 106–107
  38. Lane 1975, pp. 128–129
  39. 39.0 39.1 Bate 1955, p. 36
  40. Bate 1977, p. 99
  41. 41.0 41.1 Bate 1977, p. 127
  42. Wiltshire 1991, p. 24
  43. Bate 1977, p. 129
  44. Boswell 1986, pp. 130–131
  45. Hopewell 1950, p. 53
  46. Bate 1977, pp. 131–132
  47. Bate 1977, p. 134
  48. Boswell 1986, pp. 137–138
  49. 49.0 49.1 Bate 1977, p. 138
  50. Boswell 1986, pp. 140–141
  51. Bate 1977, p. 144
  52. Bate 1977, p. 143
  53. Boswell 1969, p. 88
  54. Bate 1977, p. 145
  55. Bate 1977, p. 147
  56. Wain 1974, p. 65
  57. Bate 1977, p. 146
  58. Bate 1977, pp. 153–154
  59. 59.0 59.1 Bate 1977, p. 154
  60. Bate 1977, p. 153
  61. Bate 1977, p. 156
  62. Bate 1977, pp. 164–165
  63. Boswell 1986, pp. 168–169
  64. Wain 1974, p. 81; Bate 1977, p. 169
  65. Boswell 1986, pp. 169–170
  66. Bate 1955, p. 14
  67. The Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. 8, June 1738, p. 285 Retrieved 22 August 2009
  68. Debates in Parliament, Samuel Johnson. Retrieved 22 August 2009
  69. 69.0 69.1 69.2 69.3 69.4 Lynch 2003, p. 5
  70. Bate 1977, p. 172
  71. Bate 1955, p. 18
  72. 72.0 72.1 Bate 1977, p. 182
  73. Watkins 1960, pp. 25–26
  74. Watkins 1960, p. 51
  75. Bate 1977, pp. 178–179
  76. Bate 1977, pp. 180–181
  77. Hitchings 2005, p. 54
  78. Winchester 2003, p.33
  79. 79.0 79.1 Lynch 2003, p. 2
  80. Lynch 2003, p. 4
  81. 81.0 81.1 Lane 1975, p. 109
  82. Hawkins 1787, p. 175
  83. Lane 1975, p. 110
  84. Lane 1975, pp. 117–118
  85. Lane 1975, p. 118
  86. Lane 1975, p. 121
  87. 87.0 87.1 Bate 1977, p. 257
  88. Bate 1977, pp. 256, 318
  89. "Currency Converter", The National Archives. Retrieved on 24 July 2008.
  90. Lynch 2003, pp. 8–11
  91. Bate 1955, p. 25
  92. Lane 1975, p. 113
  93. 93.0 93.1 Lane 1975, p. 115
  94. Lane 1975, p. 116
  95. Lynn 1997, p. 241
  96. Boswell 1986, p. 67
  97. Bate 1955, p. 22
  98. Weinbrot 1997, p. 49
  99. Bate 1977, p. 281
  100. Lane 1975, pp. 113–114
  101. Lane 1975, p. 114
  102. Bate 1955, p. 17
  103. Bate 1977, pp. 272–273
  104. Bate 1977, pp. 273–275
  105. Bate 1977, p. 321
  106. Bate 1977, p. 324
  107. Murray 1979, p. 1611
  108. Bate 1977, pp. 322–323
  109. Martin 2008, p. 319
  110. 110.0 110.1 Bate 1977, p. 328
  111. Bate 1977, p. 329
  112. Clarke 2000, pp. 221–222
  113. Clarke 2000, pp. 223–224
  114. Bate 1977, pp. 325–326
  115. Bate 1977, p. 330
  116. Bate 1977, p. 332
  117. Bate 1977, p. 334
  118. Bate 1977, pp. 337–338
  119. Bate 1977, p. 337
  120. 120.0 120.1 Bate 1977, p. 391
  121. Bate 1977, p. 356
  122. Boswell 1986, pp. 354–356
  123. Bate 1977, p. 360
  124. Bate 1977, p. 366
  125. 125.0 125.1 Boswell 1986, p. 135
  126. Bate 1977, p. 393
  127. Wain 1974, p. 262
  128. Keymer 1999, p. 186
  129. Bate 1977, p. 395
  130. Bate 1977, p. 397
  131. Wain 1974, p. 194
  132. Bate 1977, p. 396
  133. Boswell 1986, p. 133
  134. Boswell 1986, p. 134
  135. Bate 1977, p. 463
  136. Bate 1977, p. 471
  137. Johnson 1970, pp. 104–105
  138. Wain 1974, p. 331
  139. Bate 1977, pp. 468–469
  140. Bate 1977, pp. 443–445
  141. Boswell 1996, p. 182
  142. Griffin 2005, p. 21
  143. Bate 1977, p. 446
  144. Ammerman 1974, p. 13
  145. DeMaria 1994, pp. 252–256
  146. Griffin 2005, p. 15
  147. Boswell 1986, p. 273
  148. Bate 1977, p. 525
  149. Bate 1977, p. 526
  150. Bate 1977, p. 527
  151. Clingham 1997, p. 161
  152. Bate 1977, pp. 546–547
  153. Bate 1977, pp. 557, 561
  154. Bate 1977, p. 562
  155. Rogers, Pat (1996). The Samuel Johnson Encyclopedia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-29411-2.
  156. Martin 2008, pp. 501–502
  157. Bate 1977, p. 566
  158. 158.0 158.1 Bate 1977, p. 569
  159. Boswell 1986, p. 284
  160. Bate 1977, p. 570
  161. Bate 1977, p. 575
  162. Wiltshire 1991, p. 51
  163. Watkins 1960, p. 71
  164. Watkins 1960, pp. 71–72
  165. Watkins 1960, p. 72
  166. Watkins 1960, p. 73
  167. 167.0 167.1 Watkins 1960, p. 74
  168. Watkins 1960, pp. 76–77
  169. 169.0 169.1 Watkins 1960, p. 78
  170. Boswell 1986, p. 341
  171. 171.0 171.1 171.2 Watkins 1960, p. 79
  172. 172.0 172.1 Bate 1977, p. 599
  173. Hill 1897, p. 160 (Vol. 2)
  174. Boswell 1986, pp. 341–342

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