Changes

The widely taught theory that American Indians Haplogroup Q-M242 is the predominant Y-DNA haplogroup among Native Americans and several peoples of Central Asia and Northern Siberia. These populations are the descendants of migrants the major founding groups who migrated from [[Asia]], who crossed into the Americas by crossing the [[Bering Strait|Bering Straitland bridge]] during an [[Ice Age]]. <ref>https://academic.oup.com/mbe/article/21/1/164/1114763</ref> Thus, is almost certainly false according the Native-Americans are closely related to [[TIME magazine]]. [[Liberal]] archaeologists long insisted that this took place as early as 10the Ket and Selkup,000 years agothe highest frequencies of Q-M242 in Eurasia being witnessed in Kets (central Siberia) at 93.8% (45/48) and in Selkups (north Siberia) at 66.4% (87/131).<ref name="whoKarafet2004">TIME T. M. Karafet, 'High Levels of Y- Who Were Chromosome Differentiation among Native Siberian Populations and the Genetic Signature of a Boreal Hunter-Gatherer Way of Life', Human Biology, December 2002, v. 74, no. 6, pp. 761–789</ref>  Russian ethnographers believe that their ancient places were farther south, in the area of the Altai and Sayan mountains (Altai-Sayan region). <ref>https://academic.oup.com/mbe/article/21/1/164/1114763</ref> Their populations are at present small in number, being just under 1,500 and 5,000 respectively. In linguistic anthropology, the Ket language is significant as it is currently the only surviving one in the Yeniseian language family which has been linked by some scholars to the Native American Na-Dené languages<ref>E. J. VAJDA, "Siberian Link with Na-Dene Languages." The First Americans?Dene–Yeniseian Connection, By MICHAEL Ded. LEMONICKby J. Kari and B. Potter(2010), ANDREA DORFMANpp.33–99, SundayAnthropological Papers of the University of Alaska, Marnew series, vol. 055(2010), 2006 [Fairbanks: University of Alaska Fairbanks, Department of Anthropology</ref> and, more controversially, the language of the Huns. (See: L. Lieti, E. Pulleybank,<ref>E. J. Vajda, Yeniseian Peoples and Languages: A History of Yeniseian Studies with an Annotated Bibliography and a Source Guide (2013, Oxford/New York, Routledge) pp.103-106, etc.</ref> E. Vajda,<ref>{{cite journal | year = 2000 | title = Did the Xiong-nu speak a Yeniseian language? | url = | journal = Central Asiatic Journal | volume = 44 | issue = 1| pages = 87–104 }}</ref> A. Vovin,<ref>{{cite journal | year = 2000 | title = Did the Xiong-nu speak a Yeniseian language? | url = | journal = Central Asiatic Journal | volume = 44 | issue = 1| pages = 87–104 }}</ref> etc.)  The Dene-Yeniseian is supported not only by shared grammatical features (both families are exclusively prefixing, head marking, possess shape prefixes and classifiers, and verb heavy), but dozens of regular correspondences between conlangs as well, for example- <ref>http://www.timegoldbeltheritage.comorg/timewp-content/magazineuploads/article2014/02/Tlingit-Dictionary-GHF-UAS-and-Twitchell.pdf</ref> <ref>https://www.unco.edu/library/pdf/Navajo_English_Dictionary.pdf</ref> <ref>http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/query.cgi?root=config&morpho=0&basename=\data\yenisey\yenet</ref> # ''to run'',9171Tlingit joox (čʷVx),1169905Proto-Yeniseian čɔq# ''before'',00Tlingit shukát, Navajo tsi (Proto-Dene tsʷikat, see ''Towards the Reconstruction of Proto-Na-Dene'', by Sergei Nikolaev, <ref>http://www.html]jolr.ru/files/(141)jlr2014-11(103-124).pdf</ref> ), Proto-Yeniseian qot- (~χ-), Proto-Dene-Yeniseian tsʷVKot # ''to see'', t=uŋ, t=oŋ, Tlingit ya-teen ( < tyyn), Navajo -ʼĮ́Į́ʼ, “to look”# ''once'', (semelfactive) Tlingit tleitaheen, Navajo łah# ''BENEFACTIVE'' But Ket qariɣa, Navajo -ká, -á, ''for, for the facts are benefit of benefactive'' # ''with/by means of'', Ket as/an (''with'' vs ''without'', Pre-Proto-Yeneseian nas/nan), Tlingit -n- (Note that initial nasals *m and *n are lost in Yeniseian, explaining the constraint against their occurrence)# ''little'', Proto-Yeniseian xim, or PY ʒVl and Proto-Athabaskan *-yažʷə (“woman's child”) # ''to laugh'', PY ǯāq- PA *də-ləqʼʷ > *dlʊ̓q’, or Tlingit √goo, ''happy'' and PY ǯāq (< dzʷVq)# ''soft'', PY p[u/o]GVm, Navajo -KǪʼ ( < PA -kʊʼN)# ''dark'', PY χoʔn, Navajo hayííłką́ (ha-yíí-ł-ką́?, < kan), ''morning twilight period''# ''to know'', PY ʔit-, Navajo NIIʼ# ''morning'', PY pVk-, Navajo abíní # ''water'', PY to, Navajo dah-too' (dew drop), # ''nominalizing suffix'', Navajo i, Tlingit i, yi, wu, u# ''to live'', PY ʔēte, Tlingit tee # ''to use hands'', PA *niʼg, Ket utoq?# ''to sleep'', PY tVn, Tlingit taa# ''to jump'', PY dōq, Navajo dah# ''negative particle'', Navajo ndagaʼ, PY ʔat# ''to turn'', PA *wątsʼ(“roll”), Tlingit haa < PND hʷentsʼ, PY pa More evidence of the Dene-Yeniseian connection can be found in the pronouns. <ref>http://www.academia.edu/839575/Dene-Yeniseian_And_Dene-Caucasian_Pronouns_And_Other_Thoughts</ref> There is also the strong correspondence between the Na-Dene palatalized velars/affricates and Yeniseian palatals- <ref>http://www.academia.edu/2497705/Dene-Yeniseian_a_critical_assessment</ref> {| class="wikitable"|-! Na-Dene !! Proto-Yeniseian !! |-| *gʲ (or *dzʲ) || *ǯ |||-| *kʲ, *kʲʼ (or *tsʲ, *tsʲʼ) || *č (before original front vowels), *q (before original back vowels) || |-| *xʲ (or sʲ) || *s || |} However, American Indians have very different characteristics from Asians, ranging from blood types to [[DNA]], most likely due to thousands of years of reproductive isolation as well as adaptations forced by separate climates, nutritional availability, and survival tactics.<ref>For example, American Indians have among the highest percentage for any ethnicity of blood type "O", while Asians have the lowest percentage. As another example, American Indian fingerprint patterns are strikingly different from Asians'.</ref> Recent linguistic study shows no connection between American Indian and East Asian language, and archaeological evidence shows that each population used fundamentally different tools, suggesting no technology transfer via migration.<ref>Fortescue, Michael D., ''Language Relations Across Bering Strait: Reappraising the Archaeological and Linguistic Evidence,'' 87-108.</ref>

Some [[creation scientists]] have pointed to the [[American]] Indian population's supposed lack of any ties to other populations as evidence of biblical veracity. However, it is also true that American Indian creation myths are remarkably similar to the biblical Genesis account.<ref>[http://creation.com/indian-creation-myths American Indian Creation Myths]</ref> The population was established after the destruction of the Tower of [[Babel]], as God dispersed the nations, their languages, and skills.<ref>Ronald L. Numbers, ''The Creationists: From Scientific Creationism to Intelligent Design,'' 467.</ref>