Difference between revisions of "Alger Hiss"

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In response to a query about candidates for employment at AAA, [[Lee Pressman|Pressman]], already at the agency, wrote, "I have talked to Alger Hiss and [[Nathan Witt|Nat Witt]] who are considering" taking posts at AAA (Hiss would later deny under oath that he had discussed the position with Pressman).<ref>[[#refWeinstein78|Weinstein 1978]]: 133</ref>
 
In response to a query about candidates for employment at AAA, [[Lee Pressman|Pressman]], already at the agency, wrote, "I have talked to Alger Hiss and [[Nathan Witt|Nat Witt]] who are considering" taking posts at AAA (Hiss would later deny under oath that he had discussed the position with Pressman).<ref>[[#refWeinstein78|Weinstein 1978]]: 133</ref>
  
[[Image:Woman Child.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Mother of seven children without food, California, ca. February 1936. ''[http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/list/128_migm.html Farm Security Administration Collection], Library of Congress'']]At AAA, Hiss reunited with [[Henry Collins|Collins]], as well as IJA colleagues [[Lee Pressman|Pressman]] (who would join the [[Communist Party]] about this time])<ref>[[#refHUAC50.2|HUAC 1950, pt. 2]]: 2850 (PDF 16) </ref> and  [[Nathan Witt|Witt]] (who would be identified as a fellow [[Communist]] by Pressman),<ref>[[#refChambers52|Chambers 1952]]: 612</ref> and became acquainted with [[#refCook91|secret Communist]] [[John Abt]]<ref>[[#HUAC48|HUAC 1948]]: 643 (PDF 153)</ref> and [[#refBC07|the Communist]]<ref>[[#refHK06|Haynes, Klehr 2006]]: 94</ref> [[Harold Ware]]<ref>[[#HUAC48|HUAC 1948]]: 652 (PDF 162)</ref>&mdash;recently returned from several years in the [[Soviet Union]], where he had been instrumental in the organization of [http://mars.wnec.edu/~grempel/courses/stalin/lectures/WarCom.html collective farms].<ref>[[Harold Ware|Ware]], the son of [http://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/sophiasmith/mnsss8_bioghist.html American Communist Party founder] [[Ella Reeve Bloor|"Mother" Bloor]], reportedly "tricked" Soviet peasants into collective farms. (Deborah Kay Fitzgerald, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=nQMNb6nGmPsC Every Farm a Factory: The Industrial Ideal in American Agriculture]'' [New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003] ISBN 0300088132, p. 161). "As the Soviet archives reveal, the experiment was a dystopian nightmare. Ware and [[Jessica Smith|Smith]] lured a group of unenthusiastic peasants into their grasp and proceeded to abuse them in a [http://www.frontpagemag.com/readArticle.aspx?ARTID=14209 brutal fashion]." Nevertheless, for this work Ware was [http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1922/oct/20b.htm praised by Lenin], that praise repeated by [[Stalin]] (J.V. Stalin, ''[http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/StWorks11.pdf Works, Vol. 11: 1928-March 1929]'' [Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954], pp. 195-196.)</ref> Ware was the founder of ''[[Facts for Farmers]]'',  a [[List of Communist publications|communist publication]] intended to influence decision makers in the Agricultural Department.<ref>[[#refTanenhaus97|Tanenhaus 1997]]: 92-93</ref>
+
[[Image:Woman Child.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Mother of seven children without food, California, ca. February 1936. ''[http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/list/128_migm.html Farm Security Administration Collection], Library of Congress'']]At AAA, Hiss reunited with [[Henry Collins|Collins]], as well as IJA colleagues [[Lee Pressman|Pressman]] (who would join the [[Communist Party]] about this time])<ref>[[#refHUAC50.2|HUAC 1950, pt. 2]]: 2850 (PDF 16) </ref> and  [[Nathan Witt|Witt]] (who would be identified as a fellow [[Communist]] by Pressman),<ref>[[#refChambers52|Chambers 1952]]: 612</ref> and became acquainted with [[#refCook91|secret Communist]] [[John Abt]]<ref>[[#refHUAC48|HUAC 1948]]: 643 (PDF 153)</ref> and [[#refBC07|the Communist]]<ref>[[#refHK06|Haynes, Klehr 2006]]: 94</ref> [[Harold Ware]]<ref>[[#refHUAC48|HUAC 1948]]: 652 (PDF 162)</ref>&mdash;recently returned from several years in the [[Soviet Union]], where he had been instrumental in the organization of [http://mars.wnec.edu/~grempel/courses/stalin/lectures/WarCom.html collective farms].<ref>[[Harold Ware|Ware]], the son of [http://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/sophiasmith/mnsss8_bioghist.html American Communist Party founder] [[Ella Reeve Bloor|"Mother" Bloor]], reportedly "tricked" Soviet peasants into collective farms. (Deborah Kay Fitzgerald, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=nQMNb6nGmPsC Every Farm a Factory: The Industrial Ideal in American Agriculture]'' [New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003] ISBN 0300088132, p. 161). "As the Soviet archives reveal, the experiment was a dystopian nightmare. Ware and [[Jessica Smith|Smith]] lured a group of unenthusiastic peasants into their grasp and proceeded to abuse them in a [http://www.frontpagemag.com/readArticle.aspx?ARTID=14209 brutal fashion]." Nevertheless, for this work Ware was [http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1922/oct/20b.htm praised by Lenin], that praise repeated by [[Stalin]] (J.V. Stalin, ''[http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/StWorks11.pdf Works, Vol. 11: 1928-March 1929]'' [Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954], pp. 195-196.)</ref> Ware was the founder of ''[[Facts for Farmers]]'',  a [[List of Communist publications|communist publication]] intended to influence decision makers in the Agricultural Department.<ref>[[#refTanenhaus97|Tanenhaus 1997]]: 92-93</ref>
  
 
Even before the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] would learn of [[Whittaker Chambers]]' charges, one of Hiss' colleagues at the AAA would tip off FBI investigators that Hiss and his circle were [[fellow traveller|fellow travelers]], if not Communists.<ref>FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949, p. 2 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44)</ref> In February 1935, the "[[#refChronology|radicals]]" [http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,748453,00.html were "purged"] from AAA. According to [[New Deal|New Dealer]] [http://lts.brandeis.edu/research/archives-speccoll/findingguides/xml/jackson.html Gardner Jackson]:
 
Even before the [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] would learn of [[Whittaker Chambers]]' charges, one of Hiss' colleagues at the AAA would tip off FBI investigators that Hiss and his circle were [[fellow traveller|fellow travelers]], if not Communists.<ref>FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949, p. 2 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44)</ref> In February 1935, the "[[#refChronology|radicals]]" [http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,748453,00.html were "purged"] from AAA. According to [[New Deal|New Dealer]] [http://lts.brandeis.edu/research/archives-speccoll/findingguides/xml/jackson.html Gardner Jackson]:

Revision as of 18:21, 30 September 2009

Alger Hiss.
Photo courtesy U.S. Bureau of Prisons

Alger Hiss (November 11, 1904 – November 15, 1996) was a high-ranking[1] U.S. State Department official and Secretary-General[2] of the founding conference of the United Nations. He was convicted of perjury in 1950, after denying involvement in Soviet espionage.

"Hiss was indeed a Soviet agent and appears to have been regarded by Moscow as its most important," wrote Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D.-N.Y.), who was instrumental in the declassification of Venona decrypts and FBI files on the case,[3] which had been classified for half a century. "Parts of the American government had conclusive evidence of his guilt," concluded the liberal Democrat[4] in 1998, "but they never told."[5]

Early life

Alger Hiss was born November 11, 1904, in Baltimore, Maryland[6] to a financially comfortable upper-middle-class[7] WASP[8] family. Alger's father, an executive with a wholesale dry goods firm,[9] committed suicide by slashing his throat with a razor when the boy was just two years old.[10] When Hiss was 25, his sister Mary Ann also committed suicide, by drinking a bottle of Lysol.[11] Two years earlier, Alger's older brother Bosley had died at age 26 from a kidney disorder attributed[12] to his excessive alcohol consumption.[13]

Johns Hopkins University

As a result of his father's death, Alger inherited $10,000,[14] the equivalent of more than $200,000 today.[15] After graduation from Baltimore City College and a year at Powder Point Academy[16] (a private[17] prep school[18] in Duxbury, Massachusetts) and the Maryland Institute of Art,[19] Hiss attended Baltimore's elite[20] Johns Hopkins University,[21] where he was voted "best hand-shaker" in his class.[22] As an undergraduate, Hiss was drawn to the work of (among others) the Fabian[23] George Bernard Shaw, Socialist[24] Maxwell Anderson, "card-carrying socialist" Sinclair Lewis and Communist[25] Theodore Dreiser[26]—the latter two famous atheists.

Hiss' favorite instructors included Broadus Mitchell, who, according to Hiss, was simply a "gifted" economics professor who happened to hold some "mildly Socialistic" views.[27] But Mitchell, according to the personal Web site of Hiss' son, Tony,[28] was actually a well-known socialist. He served as candidate for Governor of Maryland for the Socialist Party (U.S. supporter of the Comintern),[29] and distinguished socialism from communism only in "strategy and procedure," not "essential theory."[30] Another favorite was José Robles,[31] a committed Stalinist who would serve in the Spanish Civil War as a Colonel[32] in the Red Army and interpreter for General Jānis Bērziņš[33] (alias "Grishin"),[34] head of Soviet military intelligence.[35] Hiss, who apparently knew Robles well enough to spend time at his home,[36] would later say he too considered going to Spain to join the forces[37] characterized as "Stalin's foreign legion."[38]

Harvard Law School

After graduating in 1926, Hiss went on to Harvard Law School, where he resumed his friendship with boyhood friend Henry Collins,[39] who was attending Harvard Business School. Collins would later be identified as a Soviet agent by chief of Soviet intelligence in the U.S. Anatoly Gorsky[40] and by another friend at Harvard, State Department official Laurence Duggan[41] (himself identified by Comintern courier[42] Whittaker Chambers, OGPU recruiter Hede Massing,[43] Venona decrypts and Soviet archives).[44] Hiss served on the Harvard Law Review under editor Lee Pressman,[45] who would eventually testify that he had been a member of the "Ware group," an underground group of Communists in the Federal government.[46] Hiss became the protégé of one instructor, future Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter—who, said former U.S. President William Howard Taft, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, "seems to be closely in touch with every Bolshevist, Communist movement in this country." Frankfurter was at the time the leading champion of the convicted murderers Sacco and Vanzetti,[47] revolutionary terrorists who became a Communist[48] cause célèbre,[49] and whom Alger Hiss would later emulate.[50]

Early Career

Wall Street bombing, 1920, attributed to Galleanists. World-Telegram photo. Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation
Sacco and Vanzetti had been members of a terrorist[51] group known as the Galleanists,[52] which was responsible for the May Day 1919 attempted bombing of a number of public figures,[53] including Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.[54] Ironically, when Hiss graduated from law school in 1929, Frankfurter got him the coveted job of law clerk to Holmes. Influential as Frankfurter was, Hiss said he was probably even more influenced by Holmes, whom Hiss admired as "a skeptic of the first order" who "denied the existence of God."[55]

In violation of a condition of this employment,[56] Hiss married the former Mrs. Thayer Hobson (née Priscilla Fansler), a supporter of perennial Socialist Party presidential candidate Norman Thomas.[57] Hiss had met her on a transatlantic cruise when he was nineteen,[58] but since then she'd had a marriage, a Mexican divorce,[59] a pregnancy by a married man and an abortion.[60] Hiss went on to prestigious[61] law firms in Boston and New York.

Bombing of the Federal building, Chicago, moments after 95 Wobblies were convicted there, 1918. Source: National Archives and Records Administration
By 1932, Priscilla Hiss had registered as a member of the Socialist Party,[62] and was an active member of American Labor Associates. Alger was becoming "radicalized,"[63] joining (together with Pressman)[64] the International Juridical Association (IJA), which "consistently followed the Communist Party line."[65]

During this period, Hiss' letters to his wife reflected his increasing radicalism. In 1930, he made a coy reference to the terrorist[66] Industrial Workers of the World (whose leader, the Communist atheist "Big Bill" Haywood, had fled the U.S. for Moscow where he became a trusted adviser to the Bolshevik government),[67] writing to Priscilla, "[D]id thee call thyself a Wobbly with an I.W.W. tongue in thy socialistic (I couldn't bring myself to write 'Communistic') cheek." Suggesting that an article questioning the legitimacy of the existing “capitalist order”[68] did not go far enough, Hiss wrote to Priscilla in 1932, “Has thee seen Archibald MacLeish's[69] article on capitalism in last week's Saturday Review? Felix says it is soft thinking after Wilson.”[70]

New Deal

Agricultural Adjustment Administration

Victims of Stalin's Terror-Famine, Ukraine, 1933. Image courtesy Julien Fonjallaz (Switzerland)
In 1933, Frankfurter sent Hiss a telegram[71] strongly urging him[72] to join President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal[73] as assistant general counsel to the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA). At the peak of Stalin's Terror Famine (during which the Soviets killed some 14 million[74] people through collectivization of agriculture), the AAA curtailed U.S. farm production in order to drive up food prices in the depths of the Great Depression.[75]

The agency was the brainchild of FDR's Secretary of Agriculture (and future Vice President), so-called "farm dictator" Henry Wallace, who was reportedly "most impressed" with Soviet collective farming. Wallace would run for President in 1948 on the Communist-inspired[76] Progressive Party ticket, finally recanting his support for the Soviet Union[77] in 1952.[78]

In response to a query about candidates for employment at AAA, Pressman, already at the agency, wrote, "I have talked to Alger Hiss and Nat Witt who are considering" taking posts at AAA (Hiss would later deny under oath that he had discussed the position with Pressman).[79]

Mother of seven children without food, California, ca. February 1936. Farm Security Administration Collection, Library of Congress
At AAA, Hiss reunited with Collins, as well as IJA colleagues Pressman (who would join the Communist Party about this time])[80] and Witt (who would be identified as a fellow Communist by Pressman),[81] and became acquainted with secret Communist John Abt[82] and the Communist[83] Harold Ware[84]—recently returned from several years in the Soviet Union, where he had been instrumental in the organization of collective farms.[85] Ware was the founder of Facts for Farmers, a communist publication intended to influence decision makers in the Agricultural Department.[86]

Even before the Federal Bureau of Investigation would learn of Whittaker Chambers' charges, one of Hiss' colleagues at the AAA would tip off FBI investigators that Hiss and his circle were fellow travelers, if not Communists.[87] In February 1935, the "radicals" were "purged" from AAA. According to New Dealer Gardner Jackson:

Late in the day of our dismissal Wallace sent word that he would see two of the people on the dismissal list. Jerome Frank[88] and a member of his legal staff, Alger Hiss, were delegated for the interview. Wallace haltingly greeted them (and, through them, others on the list) as "the best fighters in a good cause" he had ever worked with. But he said that he had to fire them.

As it turned out, Jackson, Frank and Pressman were indeed fired—but Hiss was not. "Alger must have known at least a week before the purge that it was coming," said Jackson. "He undoubtedly told Pressman, and Lee told him what to do in order to remain in the Department as his pipeline."[89]

Frank, believing Hiss to be closely linked to a coterie of Communist lawyers at the agency, would later refuse to appear as a character witness for him.[90] According to reporters Ralph de Toledano (who covered the Hiss trials for Newsweek) and Victor Lasky (who covered the trials for the New York World-Telegram): "When Hiss' lawyers approached a well-known jurist to ask him if he would appear as a character witness [for Hiss]...he said tartly: 'I have no way of knowing whether or not Mr. Hiss was ever a Communist. But as to his character—Mr. Hiss has no character.'"[91]

Collins would refuse to testify on grounds of potential self-incrimination,[92] but another AAA official, Nathaniel Weyl, would later testify that he attended Communist cell meetings with Hiss[93] and saw him pay his party dues,[94] testimony he would reaffirm in his 2004 autobiography.[95] Ex-Communists Ralph de Sola and George Hewitt would both also testify to having seen Hiss at Communist Party meetings.[96] Communist lawyer John Abt would later admit having been a member of the Ware group,[97] as would Communist writer Hope Hale Davis, who would write that its meetings involved discussions of how to "achieve promotion—a primary goal," or whether to "try to influence policy," as well as "secret directives—for purloining official documents," etc.;[98] a former GRU station chief in London and New York reported that during the early and middle 1930s Hiss was a source of agent information for a Soviet spy ring in Washington, the Silvermaster group, according to Pavel Sudoplatov, former deputy director of Foreign Intelligence for the USSR.[99]

Nye Committee

In 1934, again with an assist from Pressman (according to Jackson),[100] Hiss, "on loan" from AAA, became General Counsel for the U.S. Senate's Nye committee, which investigated people Chairman Gerald P. Nye (R.-N.D.) called Wall Street's "merchants of death," whom he accused of conspiracy to lead the U.S. into war with Germany. One scholar has dubbed this a "witch-hunt" for "subversive capitalists," in which Hiss was to Nye what Roy Cohn would later be to Senator Joe McCarthy (R.-Wisc.)[101] On the Fabian-Leninist theory that "capitalism was a cause of aggression,"[102] Hiss employed what would later come to be known as "McCarthyite"[103] methods, badgering witnesses such as Bernard Baruch, reportedly the first man to openly assert that Hiss was a communist.[104]

The Soviets took great interest in the work of the committee for its propaganda value[105] as well as its access to classified documents on U.S. armaments and foreign policy.[106] Moscow had at least one source on the staff of the committee, who provided valuable documents to the Kremlin in 1935,[107] the same year an agent later code-named "Ales" (pronounced "Alles") began working for Soviet military intelligence. The committee's chief investigator, Stephen Rauschenbusch,[108] would later refuse to testify as a character witness for Hiss;[109] Nye would tell FBI investigators that he believed Hiss was a Communist during his time on the committee,[110] and would later say he believed Hiss used his position for espionage.[111]

Barely a month after joining the committee staff,[112] Hiss met Whittaker Chambers. According to Chambers, they were introduced by Communist underground boss[113] J. Peters;[114] Hiss would claim that Chambers had wandered into his office without introduction, as a free-lance writer looking for a story.

Chambers' version would be corroborated by the radical novelist Josephine Herbst, whose then-husband, John Herrmann, was an AAA official, a member of the Ware group[115] and a courier for the Communist underground[116] subordinate to Chambers.[117] Correspondence between Herrmann and Herbst confirms Chambers' testimony "to the detriment of Hiss";[118] Hiss would later claim that he did not even know Herrmann—a "lie," according to Herbst's biographer.

Justice Department

In 1935, Hiss transferred into the Justice Department as special assistant to the Solictor General, where he unsuccessfully defended the Agricultural Adjustment Act before the United States Supreme Court[119] (which ruled the AAA unconstitutional in 1936).

Hiss' 1929 Ford

In the summer of 1936, J. Peters arranged a dummy transaction, according to Chambers, in which Hiss donated his 1929 Ford to the Communist Party.[120] Hiss would deny this, testifying instead that he had sold[121] or gave[122] or loaned[123] the car to Chambers in June 1935, after buying a new car.[124] But Hiss did not buy a new car until some three months after this, and he continued to pay insurance on the Ford for a year after he claimed to have gotten rid of it.

Chambers' version would be corroborated by the car's certificate of title, which showed that Hiss actually transferred the car on July 23, 1936, to the Cherner Motor Company, which sold it the same day to the Communist[125] William Rosen for $25. The company's records of the transaction had vanished.[126] Rosen would refuse to answer questions about his role in the transfer or the Communist Party on grounds of potential self-incrimination.[127] Hiss' attorney, Edward McLean, wrote that Rosen's lawyer, Emmanuel Bloch, told him:

…that Rosen did lend himself to a dummy transaction concerning the Ford car.... [A]t some later date, a man came to see Rosen and told him that the title certificate to the Ford was in Rosen's name and asked Rosen to sign an assignment of it to some other person. Rosen did this. The man who came to see Rosen was a very high Communist. His name would be a sensation in this case. The man who ultimately got the car is also a Communist. Bloch implied that Rosen was a Communist too but did not say so expressly.[128]

The title transfer bore a signature Hiss acknowledged to be his own, notarized by Hiss' Justice Department colleague W. Marvin Smith. In 1948 Smith would tell HUAC that he had notarized Hiss' signature on the transfer,[129] but before he could so testify in the Hiss trial, Smith would plunge down a five-story Justice Department stairwell to his death; there would be no witnesses.[130]

Hede Massing and Noel Field

The name “Alger Hiss” in Cyrillic (Алджер Хисс) from Alexander Vassiliev's notes on an April 1936 report from Hede Massing to Moscow Center. Image source: Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
At a 1935 dinner at the home of State Department official (and Soviet intelligence source) Noel Field, Hiss argued with OGPU recruiter Hede Massing that Field should work with Hiss' GRU group, rather than Massing's OGPU group, according to Massing.[131]

Field would defect in 1948 to Communist Czechoslovakia, where he would tell the secret police that he was fleeing to avoid testifying in the trial of Alger Hiss, whom he identified as a fellow Communist underground agent in the State Department during the mid-thirties, according to official records published in 1990 by Karel Kaplan, former archivist of the Central Committee of the Czech Communist Party.[132] A 1955 Czechoslovak secret police reinvestigation (obtained in 2000 by Czech human rights activist Karel Skrabek) states, "Noel Field said that … Hiss worked for the USSR as a spy."[133] Field would end up in Communist Hungary, where in 1954 he would tell Hungarian secret police that he and Hiss "mutually realized we were Communists. Around the summer of 1935 Alger Hiss tried to induce me to do service for the Soviets."[134]

The transcripts also record Field saying that he turned over State Department documents to Hede Massing in the 1930s. In other statements Field twice said that although Hiss knew that Field “was a Communist,” he strongly supported Field at the State Department and even tried to help him obtain a job as a State Department adviser in the Philippines in 1940.[135] The dossier likewise records a statement by Field that he briefly visited Hiss in 1939 in America, where they agreed that if either's cover was ever blown, he would communicate to the other indirectly.[136] Shortly before his death in 2001, Field's brother Hermann said the dossier was accurate; Noel Field confirmed to him, said his brother, that Hiss was a spy.

The name “A. Hiss” and code name "Yurist" (Jurist) in Cyrillic (А. Хисс—"Юрист") from Vassiliev's notes on a Moscow Center annotation. Image source: Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
In a 1936 memorandum, found in the NKVD archives by former KGB agent Alexander Vassiliev, Massing complains to Moscow that Field (whom she refers to by his code name "Ernst")[137] "was approached by Alger Hiss" (Massing uses his real name), who "informed him that he is a Communist" with "ties to an organization working for the Sov. Union" —a serious breach of discipline. (A Moscow Center annotation identifies "A. Hiss" as the GRU agent designated by the code name "Jurist.")[138] As a result, noted Boris Bazarov, OGPU "illegal" station chief for the United States, Field "and Hiss [Bazarov also used Hiss's real name] have been openly identified" as Soviet agents.[139]

According to Massing, Hiss also asked Field to use his connections to help Hiss get into the State Department.[140]

State Department

Hiss took a pay cut[141] to transfer into the State Department in September 1936, the same month a GRU agent designated by the code name "Jurist" began working there.[142] Hiss was now special assistant to Assistant Secretary of State for Trade Agreements Francis B. Sayre, son-in-law of Woodrow Wilson. Two years later, Alger's younger brother Donald, who had followed him to Johns Hopkins, Harvard Law, and a clerkship for Justice Holmes, would join him at State, rising to the position of assistant to future Secretary of State Dean Acheson.

In a cable of the era found in the NKVD archives by Vassiliev, NKVD illegal Iskhak Abdulovich Akhmerov reports to Moscow that J. Peters (code-named "Storm")[143] told him that "Hiss [Akhmerov used his real name] used to be a member of bratskiy organization (the CPUSA underground) who had been implanted into 'Surrogate' (cover name for the State Department)[144] and sent to the Neighbors [the GRU][145]...."[146]

The year before, at the funeral of Marshal Józef Piłsudski in Warsaw, U.S. Ambassador to Moscow William C. Bullitt had had given confidential assurance to the Polish government that the United States would stand by Poland in the event of a Nazi invasion. But after Bullitt reported back to Washington that he had done so, someone at the State Department passed this information to the Kremlin, which in turn transmitted it to German intelligence (with which Soviet intelligence had maintained liaison since the time of Lenin).[147] Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels exploited this information to portray the United States as a warmonger. According to de Toledano, the State Department source who passed this information to the Soviets was Alger Hiss.

At some point in 1935-37, Chambers gave Hiss a rug from Bokhara, in Soviet Uzbekistan. Just before Christmas 1936, Soviet Colonel Boris Bykov, head of Soviet military intelligence in the U.S., had given Chambers $800 to buy four Bokhara rugs for Hiss, Harry Dexter White, George Silverman, and Julian Wadleigh, according to Chambers; Hiss would later claim that Chambers had given him his rug in 1935 in partial payment for rent.

Chambers' version was corroborated by Marxist[148] Columbia University art historian Meyer Schapiro, who confirmed that he arranged the purchase (and produced the canceled check dated December 23, 1936); by the Massachusetts Importing Company of Manhattan, which confirmed selling him the rugs (and produced the Bill of Sale); by White's widow and Silverman (who confirmed that they had received their rugs sometime between late 1936 and the fall of 1938); and by Wadleigh, who confessed to having been a member of Chambers' apparatus and delivering documents to him, confirmed that he had received his rug for New Year's 1937,[149] and conceded that he understood the rug to be a gift from the Soviets.

By 1937, the peak of Stalin's Great Terror[150] (whose victims would number over ten million), Hiss was delivering packets of documents to Whittaker Chambers at intervals of a week or ten days, according to Oleg Gordievsky, the highest-ranking KGB officer ever to defect.[151]

That year, Akhmerov cabled Moscow that Michael Straight (code-named "Nigel"), an American member of the NKVD's Cambridge spy ring (and future FDR speech writer[152] and publisher of The New Republic), then working at the State Department, mentioned Hiss (using his real name) as someone with "progressive" views "who occupied a responsible position."[153] Akhmerov worried that Straight "might guess that Hiss [Akhmerov again used Hiss' real name] belongs to our family" or "find out Hiss's nature" as a GRU agent.[154]

On November 23, 1937, Whittaker Chambers bought a car, using $400 he said Alger Hiss loaned him.[155] Hiss would deny making the loan, but records showed that the Hisses withdrew $400 in cash from their savings four days before Chambers bought the car.[156] At first the Hisses claimed that they had used the money to buy furniture for a new house, but they had not signed a lease at the time,[157] and could not produce receipts for any purchases, nor explain why they had used cash from savings rather than the checking and charge accounts they otherwise used for such purchases.[158]

In 1938, Whittaker Chambers made his final break with the Communists.[159] Wary after the murder of Ignace Poretsky[160] and disappearance of Juliet Poyntz,[161] Chambers asked his wife's nephew[162] to hide what he called his "life preserver"—a packet of copies of documents, hand-written memos and microfilm.[163] On the advice of Herbert Solow, former press agent for the Communist League of America,[164] Chambers made it known to the Soviet underground, via Schapiro and the ex-Communist[165] (and former Soviet agent)[166] Ludwig Lore, that he had "photographic copies of handwritten matters the appearance of which would seriously embarrass them," which would be made public in the event anything were to happen to him.[167]

In 1939, Sayre became United States High Commissioner to the Philippines, and Hiss transferred to become personal aide to Stanley Hornbeck, political advisor to the State Department's Far Eastern Division. When he first walked into the office, Hornbeck told him that he had been warned that Hiss was "a red." As his replacement, Hiss urged Sayre to hire Soviet Intelligence source Noel Field, despite his lack of experience.[168] Due to the fact that Field had been identified to the State Department as a member of various Red front groups starting in 1926, and as a Communist Party member the previous year,[169] he did not get the appointment.

Sayre would later refuse to testify as a character witness for Hiss.[170] After his defection behind the Iron Curtain, Field would confirm to East bloc authorities that Hiss knew he was a Communist when he recommended Field as his replacement.[171]

Nazi-Soviet Pact

Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov signs the Nazi-Soviet Pact; Nazi Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop and Soviet dictator Josef Stalin stand behind him, Moscow, August 23, 1939. Image source: Collection of Foreign Records Seized, National Archives and Records Administration
When in the wake of the Hitler-Stalin pact the Communist Party organ The Daily Worker came under suspicion for reversing its anti-Nazi posturing, Politburo member Roy Hudson[172] discussed what to do about it with Soviet agent[173] Robert Minor, according to Daily Worker editor Louis Budenz. Someone mentioned that Nathan Witt and Lee Pressman could not be of much help as they, too, were under suspicion at the time. According to Budenz, Alger Hiss was then mentioned as a good Comrade who would be helpful.[174]

That year, French Premier Édouard Daladier informed Bullitt (now Ambassador to France) that two brothers named Hiss, both in the U.S. government, were Soviet agents.[175] Bullitt “laughed it off as a tall tale, never having heard their names.”

The year before, in Paris, defecting former GRU chief in Europe Walter Krivitsky[176] had identified Hiss as an agent of Soviet military intelligence, according to Alexander Barmine, former Charge d'Affairs at the Soviet Embassy in Athens, who had defected in 1937.[177] When news of the Hitler-Stalin Pact (which Krivitsky had predicted)[178] broke on August 24, 1939, Krivitsky warned his Saturday Evening Post ghostwriter, Russian emigré Isaac Don Levine, "Everything that went on in the embassy, especially the major communications between Washington and Bullitt, were quickly relayed to the Soviet secret police."[179]

Chambers' meeting with Berle

In 1938, Whittaker Chambers confessed to Levine that he had been a courier for the Communist underground. As the joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland[180] was gearing up, Levine sought to get Chambers an appointment with President Roosevelt, but was diverted by the White House to Assistant Secretary of State for Administration (in charge of security) Adolf Berle.[181] On September 2, 1939, Chambers told Berle of an underground apparatus of the Communist Party for employees of the Federal government in Washington, D.C. Its organizer, said Chambers, was Harold Ware, its treasurer Henry Collins; among its members he identified Lee Pressman, Nathan Witt, and the brothers Alger and Donald Hiss.

Joint victory parade of Nazi and Soviet armies, Brest-Litovsk, Poland, September 22, 1939. Courtesy Pauli Kruhse (Finland)
While Chambers talked, Berle took notes. Under the heading “Underground Espionage Agent,” he listed several names, including “Alger Hiss,” with the notation, “Ass’t. to Sayre—CP—1937,” and “Member of the Underground Com.—Active.” In Berle's diary, the first entry after his meeting with Levine and Chambers reads:
Saturday night ... Isaac Don Levine ... brought a Mr. X around to my house ... Through a long evening, I slowly manipulated Mr. X to a point where he had told some of the ramifications hereabout; and it becomes necessary to take a few simple measures. I expect more of this kind of thing, later. A good deal of the Russian espionage was carried on by Jews; we know now that they are exchanging information with Berlin; and the Jewish units are furious to find out they are, in substance, working for the Gestapo...[182]

Before the month was out, the Nazi and Soviet armies staged a joint victory parade through the streets of occupied Brest-Litovsk, Poland.[183]

After Berle relayed Chambers' revelations to President Roosevelt, Levine asked Berle how FDR responded. In his 1973 memoir, Levine wrote, “To the best of my recollection, the President dismissed the matter rather brusquely with an expletive remark on this order: ‘Oh, forget it, Adolf.’”[184]

In 1940, after Levine informed Bullitt of what Chambers had told him about Hiss, Bullitt relayed to Hornbeck what Daladier had told him the year before. Bullitt advised Alice Roosevelt Longworth and de Toledano that he also took this information directly to FDR. Levine also told David Dubinsky, president of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union about Chambers' revelations. Dubinsky, wrote Levine, "took up the Chambers matter with the President at the first opportunity and was brushed off with an amiable slap on the back." Levine wrote that he also told fellow journalist Walter Winchell of "a ring of six Soviet agents operating within the State Department alone. In his broadcast of December 12, Winchell announced that he had carried my information to President Roosevelt. Still there was no action."[185] Winchell's posthumously published memoir confirms Levine's story.[186]

Diplomat Spruille Braden said he knew of three separate occasions when the question of Hiss was raised before Roosevelt, including, apparently, once by liberal columnist Dorothy Thompson: "Each time they were completely ignored."[187] Unfortunately, Roosevelt "merely 'scoffed at the charge,'" according to British historian and former diplomat David Stafford: "As a result, no counter-intelligence programme for identifying Communist agents in the federal government was put in place."

In consequence, Hiss would rise unimpeded through the ranks, in 1944 becoming deputy director of the State Department's Office of Special Political Affairs, a policy-making office for postwar planning and international organization.[188] In August, he would organize the Dumbarton Oaks Conference,[189] where he would serve as executive secretary, presiding over[190] the drafting of the proposed United Nations Charter.

Berle, in contrast, found his State Department career soon over. By 1948 he would be serving as chairman of New York's Liberal Party, working for the reelection of President Harry Truman. That year, the New York bureau of the Christian Science Monitor would send a teletype to the home office in Boston, relating a background interview with the party's publicity director, Arnold Beichman:

From a thoroughly reliable contact: According to this informant Berle has said privately that classified material which Hiss was handling was reaching the Russians. It was coded stuff. Berle took the handling out of Hiss' hands and the leaks stopped.[191]

But in the wake of Dumbarton Oaks, Berle had been ousted as Assistant Secretary of State in charge of security, defeated by the State Department's pro-Soviet faction, Hiss prominent among them. As Berle put it:

[I]n the fall of 1944 there was a difference of opinion in the State Department. I felt that the Russians were not going to be sympathetic and cooperative....[I]ntelligence reports which were in my charge indicated a very aggressive policy, not at all in line with the kind of cooperation everyone was hoping for. I was pressing for a pretty clean-cut showdown then when our position was strongest. The opposite group in the State Department was largely ... Mr. Acheson's group ... with Mr. Hiss as his principal assistant in the matter.... [A]t that time Mr. Hiss did take what we would call today the pro-Russian point of view....[192] I got trimmed in that fight, and, as a result, went to Brazil, and that ended my diplomatic career.[193]

House Committee on Un-American Activities

FBI chart illustrating the dissemination to the White House, State Department and Attorney General of dozens of secret memos and reports on Alger Hiss in 1942-47. Image source: J. Edgar Hoover Official & Confidential File #34, FOIA Reading Room, Federal Bureau of Investigation
By 1940 Hiss was among a handful of the Soviets' most important agents, who were run individually and not through spy networks, according to Oleg Gordievsky. Hiss' wartime controller, wrote Gordievsky, was Akhmerov, the leading NKVD illegal in the United States, who, in a lecture before a KGB audience, identified Hiss as a Soviet agent during World War II.[194]

In 1941, Hiss first came to the attention of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. HUAC had grown out of a 1934 resolution (calling for the formation of a special committee to probe into "un-American activities") introduced by Congressman Samuel Dickstein (D-N.Y.)—a Soviet agent code-named "Crook," who, under the pretext of investigating U.S. fascists,[195] was secretly paid by Moscow (during the Great Depression) more than $12,000[196] (equivalent to more than $180,000 today)[197] to persecute American businessmen, Soviet refugees and Trotskyites.[198] During the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, HUAC, now under Chairman Martin Dies (D-Tex.), included in its probes Communists as well.[199]

In the midst of the Pact, the Dies committee obtained the membership list of the Washington Committee for Democratic Action, which would be confirmed as a Communist front the following year by Roosevelt's Attorney General Francis Biddle.[200] Included on the roster was the name of Priscilla Hiss,[201] with the notation appended, "Husband with State Department."[202]

Federal Bureau of Investigation

As mandated by the Hatch Act, this HUAC finding triggered an FBI background investigation of Hiss, in the course of which one of Hiss' former colleagues at the AAA told investigators that Hiss and his circle were fellow travelers, if not Communists.[203] Hiss denied everything, although he said he thought his wife might have been a member of the League of Women Shoppers, a Popular Front group[204] identified by the committee in 1939 as a Communist front.[205] In 1942, the FBI sent a report of this investigation to the Secretary of State,[206] the first of what would become a veritable avalanche of FBI memos and reports on Hiss disseminated to the State Department, Attorney General and White House over the ensuing five years.[207]

After ex-Soviet agent[208] Ludwig Lore identified Chambers to the FBI as a former GRU man, the Bureau interviewed Chambers for the first time in 1942.[209] Chambers repeated his identification of Hiss, among others, as a Communist. In 1943, the FBI obtained the notes Berle had taken during his meeting four years earlier with Chambers and Levine.[210] That year, an encrypted cable (decrypted in the Venona project and released in 1995) from the controller of military intelligence for the NKVD (code-named "Moliere"),[211] who was under cover as Soviet Vice Consul in New York "Pavel B. Mikhailov,"[212] to NKVD chief of foreign intelligence Lt. Gen. Pavel Fitin (code-named "Viktor") in Moscow,[213] identifying the real names and code names of several agents in the U.S., said the GRU (code-named "Neighbors")[214] reported someone "from the State Department by the name of Hiss."

Lend-Lease

When the Nazi-Soviet alliance broke down, the FBI shifted from tracking Communists to focus resources on hunting for Nazi and fascist agents. In 1941, the U.S. expanded its Lend-Lease program to the UK to include to the Soviet Union. In 1943, Stalin reciprocated by officially dissolving the Comintern—although he secretly transferred its function of supervision of foreign Communist parties to the newly-created "International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union."[215]

World War II U.S. propaganda poster proclaims Soviet Army "fights for FREEDOM." Courtesy Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State
In March 1943, U.S. Army Air Corps Major George R. Jordan opened several black suitcases leaving the U.S. bound for the Soviet Union. He found "hundreds of maps, patent documents, blueprints of industrial plants, railroad tables, and top-secret U.S. government documents," including "five or six State Department folders, bound with stout rubber bands. Clipped to each was a tab." From one tab, said Jordan, he copied the legend: “From Hiss.” According to Jordan, "I had never heard of Alger Hiss, and made the entry because the folder bearing his name happened to be second in the pile. It contained hundreds of Photostats of what seemed to be military reports."[216]

Jordan’s unlikely story would be corroborated by ex-NKVD agent[217] Anna Louise Strong (code-named "Map"),[218] who boasted that—with the help of American millionaire[219] Louise Bransten, a secret member of the Communist Party[220] and Soviet agent[221] code-named Lyre[222] (and mistress[223] of NKVD San Francisco Station Chief Gregory Kheifitz), and other “friends of the American Russian Institute” (a Communist front)—she passed at least one shipment of material in black suitcases (sealed “under the supervision of the Russian consulate,” hence protected by diplomatic immunity from FBI searches) to Moscow via Lend-Lease from Gore Field, Montana[224]—the same base where Maj. Jordan was stationed as a Lend-Lease expediter.[225]

Jordan was U.S. liaison to the Soviet Purchasing Commission, an agency of the Soviet Union; his story would be further corroborated in April 1944, when Victor Kravchenko, economic attaché of that bureau, defected to the U.S. He described preparing a shipment of "black suitcases" carrying industrial espionage to the Soviet Union via Lend-Lease,[226] and released a statement warning:

I cannot keep silent any longer.... I can no longer support double-faced political maneuvers... toward collaboration with the United States and Britain while pursuing aims incompatible with such collaboration.

The Soviet Government has dissolved the Communist International but only in form.... The new democratic terminology is only a maneuver... to promote the inclusion of Communists, obedient to the Kremlin, in the future Governments... of Italy, Austria and other countries.[227]

Yalta

On New Year's Day, 1945, Secretary of State Edward R. Stettinius, Jr. told Harry Hopkins (whom Akhmerov called "the most important of all Soviet war-time agents in the United States," according to Gordievsky)[228] that he had a meeting scheduled for the next day with Roosevelt, to which he was to bring "people who would be involved in the forthcoming conferences" at Yalta, in Soviet Crimea. According to the Secretary, FDR "did not want to have anyone accompany him in an advisory capacity, but he felt Messrs. Bowman and Alger Hiss ought to go."[229] "Bowman" was Isaiah Bowman, the president of Johns Hopkins University who hired Owen Lattimore ("a conscious articulate instrument of the Soviet conspiracy" according to the Senate Judiciary Committee),[230] whose intimate friend and patron at the White House[231] was Soviet spy Lauchlin Currie.[232]

At Yalta, a visibly haggard Roosevelt flanked by Stettinius (left) and Hiss (right); Churchill (foreground right, three-quarters back view); Stalin in shadows (far left). Courtesy United Nations Department of Public Information
Hiss served as aide to Stettinius, who was considered in some quarters to be "not very bright," according to Ambassador Ellis Briggs.[233] State Department chief of security and consular affairs Samuel D. Boykin agreed that Stettinius "was not brilliant." But, he added, the Secretary had the ability to utilize "other people's brains". Among those whose brains Stettinius had the ability to use was his aide, the brilliant Alger Hiss. According to J. Anthony Panuch, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Administration, "Hiss exercises Svengali-like influence over the mental processes of Junior Stettinius."[234] Indeed, Stettinius gave Hiss control over FDR's access to information, directing that "all memoranda for the President on topics to be discussed at the Meeting of the Big Three should be in the hands of Mr. Alger Hiss not later than Monday, January 15."[235] With less than three months to live, Roosevelt suffered "occa­sional blackouts of memory, and loss of capacity for mental concen­tration." According to one source, "At Yalta [Roosevelt] could neither think consecutively nor express himself coherently."[236] The Soviets bugged the U.S. quarters, and listened avidly.

During pre-conference negotiations with British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, regarding the war with Japan, "Mr. Hiss brought up the question of China," according to Stettinius, "and stressed the importance which the United States attaches to U.S.-British-Soviet encouragement and support for an agreement between the Commintern [sic] and the Chinese Congress [sic]."[237] The British, due to their interests in Hong Kong and Singapore, had influence with the Kuomintang, but none with the Communists; the Soviets, who did have influence with the Communists, were not present (because they were not at war with Japan). The only effect Hiss had in bringing up the issue therefore was to co-opt the British to pressure the Chinese government into acquiescing to a Kremlin-backed power-sharing arrangement with the rebels, thus granting a measure of legitimacy to forces dedicated to its destruction—a policy that would prove catastrophic for the Chinese.[238]

This U.S. policy of support for the Communists in China was based on reports from sources such as State Department official John Stewart Service[239] (arrested in the Amerasia spy case after being caught on FBI surveillance passing confidential government documents to secret Communist[240] Philip Jaffe)[241] and his roommate[242] Solomon Adler—a Soviet agent (so identified by Whittaker Chambers, Elizabeth Bentley,[243] Soviet archives[244] and Venona) who, after the fall of China to the Communists, would defect to Beijing, where he would spend the next 20 years as a Communist Chinese espionage official.[245] These Service-Adler reports were flatly contradicted by first-hand observers.[246]

Ultimately, Roosevelt made a secret agreement with Stalin (Churchill was not informed), giving Moscow rights to the main Manchurian railroad and territory in northern China.[247] U.S. Ambassador to China Patrick J. Hurley resigned in protest, alleging the existence of a "Communist conspiracy within the [State] Department." Hiss would later deny under oath any role in China policy at Yalta, or in the subsequent State Department proclamation calling for "peace and unity with the Communists in China," saying "It was not in my area of activity at all." Hiss admitted that he "had been connected with far eastern affairs before," but protested that after "about February 1944, [a year before he "stressed the importance" of unity with the Communists] I was assigned to United Nations work and specialized entirely in that field thereafter."[248]

On February 4, 1945, Hiss accompanied FDR to his meeting with Winston Churchill and Stalin. According to Sudoplatov, "One of the officials [at Yalta] we had established confidential relations with was Alger Hiss," who was "highly sympathetic to the interests of the Soviet Union."[249] According to confidential GRU sources, during the conference, Hiss gave daily briefings to Stalin's military adviser, General Mikhail Abramovich Milshtein (deputy director of the GRU), revealing not only the American negotiating strategy but insights into the attitudes of the American negotiators.[250] Sudoplatov added:

In conversation, Hiss disclosed to Oumansky, and then Litvinov,[251] official U.S. attitudes and plans; he was also very close to our sources who were cooperating with Soviet intelligence and to our active intelligence operators in the United States. Within this framework of exchange of confidential information were references to Hiss as the source who told us the Americans were prepared to make a deal in Europe.[252]

When Roosevelt asked the Secretary of State "to get a lawyer to consult with him over the wording of the Polish boundary statement," wrote Stettinius, "I called Alger Hiss."[253] The U.S. ended up ceding eastern Poland to the Soviet Union,[254] essentially ratifying what Eden called the "Ribbentrop-Molotov" line, the deal Stalin had made with Hitler in the "secret protocols" of the Nazi-Soviet pact. It was agreed to keep these plans entirely secret. U.S. Ambassador to Poland Arthur Bliss Lane resigned in protest, writing, "As I glanced over the document, I could not believe my eyes: To me, almost every line spoke of a surrender to Stalin."[255]

File:Montana de cadaveres en un gulag sovietico.jpg
Mountain of corpses in a Soviet gulag. Image source: CubaCuentro.com
Another secret agreement[256] gave the Soviet Union three votes in the UN to one for the U.S. Later urging Roosevelt to tell the U.S. delegation to the UN founding conference "the whole truth" about this agreement (which he called "this X-matter"), Stettinius would advise FDR (who would be dead in less than a month) to have Hiss with him when he broke the news to the American delegates.[257] This agreement would not be disclosed until 1947.

Yet another "secret codicil," dated March 31, 1945, forced "repatriation" of some two million refugees (including 1.5 million POWs) for slave labor or death in the Gulag.[258] That agreement was kept secret from the American people for 50 years.

Asked if he had "drafted or participated in the drafting" of parts of the Yalta agreement, Hiss would testify, "I think it is accurate and not an immodest statement to say that I did to some extent, yes."[259]

'ALES'

The conference ended February 11; two months later, Roosevelt would be dead. Hiss went on to Moscow,[260] where he was honored by Foreign Minister V.M. Molotov and reportedly decorated with the Order of the Red Star.[261] In 2006, the official newspaper of the Russian Ministry of Defense, Krasnaya Zvezda (Red Star), confirmed that five members of a Soviet military intelligence apparatus in Washington (one of whom had been a GRU source in the 1930s, and had access to high-level intelligence about U.S. foreign policy) received Soviet decorations in February 1945. As Cambridge professor Christopher Andrew, the dean of British historians of Soviet espionage, concludes, Soviet "files show that after the Yalta conference Hiss was secretly awarded the order of the Red Star during a visit to Moscow."

On April 25, 1945, Pavel Fitin, head of NKVD foreign intelligence, reported to NKVD Chief Vsevolod Merkulov that Harold Glasser, a Soviet agent in the U.S. Treasury code-named "Ruble,"[262] learned of this award from his friend, "Ales," a GRU agent:

Vishinskii (2nd from left), Molotov (5th from left), Stettinius (7th from left), Alger Hiss (right), ca. January 1945. Image courtesy Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, National Archives and Records Administration
According to data from Vadim the group of agents of the "military" neighbors whose part Ruble was earlier, recently was decorated with orders of the USSR. Ruble learned about this fact from his friend Ales, who is the head of the mentioned group.[263]

This memo apparently refers to Venona decrypt 1822, dated March 30, 1945, in which "Vadim" (Anatoly Gorsky, chief of Soviet intelligence in the U.S.)[264] reports,[265] following up on a conversation with "Ales," that "Ales has been continuously working with the neighbors since 1935"; that for "a few years now he has been the director of a small group of probationers [agents][266] of the neighbors [GRU],[267] for the most part drawn from his relatives"; that they were "working on obtaining only military information," since Soviet military intelligence "allegedly are not very interested" in "materials about the Bank [United States Department of State]";[268] that recently, "Ales and his whole group were awarded Soviet medals"; and that after "the Yalta conference, back in Moscow, one very high-ranking Soviet worker allegedly had contact with Ales (Ales implied that it was Comrade Vyshinskii) and at the request of the military neighbors he conveyed to him their thanks, etc." Regarding "Ales," one FBI memo reports:

It would appear likely that this individual is Alger Hiss in view of the fact that he was in the State Department and the information from Chambers indicated that his wife, Priscilla, was active in Soviet espionage and he also had a brother, Donald, in the State Department. It also is to be noted that Hiss did attend the Yalta conference as a special adviser to President Roosevelt, and he would, of course, have conferred with high officials of other nations attending the conference.[269]

In its unanimous final report in 1997, the bipartisan Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy agreed regarding Ales, "This could only be Alger Hiss."[270] Analysts at the National Security Agency have also gone on record that Ales could only have been Alger Hiss. U.S. Air Force historian Eduard Mark calls the FBI and NSA's conclusions "eminently reasonable," agreeing that the evidence showed that "ALES was very probably Hiss."[271] John R. Schindler, professor of strategy at the Naval War College and himself a former NSA analyst, concurs, calling this identification "exceptionally solid" and the evidence "compelling." John Ehrman of the CIA's Directorate of Intelligence concludes, "it is clear that Hiss alone remains the best candidate to be ALES."

The name "Alger Hiss" in English, from Vassiliev's notes on Perlo's March 15, 1945 list to Moscow Center. Image courtesy Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
On March 15, Victor Perlo (code-named "Raid") gave Moscow (in English) a list of people not in his "Perlo group" whom he knew worked with Soviet intelligence. Included on that list was the name "Alger Hiss."[272] Five days later, State Department security officer Raymond Murphy interviewed Chambers. Murphy's notes record that Chambers reiterated his identification of Hiss as a member of the Communist Party underground apparatus, but added that he was also the leader of a cell and not merely a Communist but, said Chambers, an agent of influence who sought to shape U.S. policy "in keeping with the desires of the Communist Party," as well as an espionage agent who "disclosed much confidential matter."

On March 24, FBI agent E.A. Tamm, assistant to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, alerted Robert Lynch, Special Assistant to the Secretary of State, to Chambers' allegations that Hiss had been a member of the underground organization of the Communist Party, and to Hiss' links to Nathan Witt and Lee Pressman. After interviewing Hiss the next day,[273] FBI official D.M. Ladd furnished Frederick B. Lyon, Chief of the State Department Division of Foreign Activity Correlation, a summary memorandum outlining this information.[274] On March 26, State Department security officer Robert Bannerman sent Donald Russell, Assistant Secretary of State for Administration, a comprehensive secret report on Chambers' allegations regarding Hiss, recommending "that immediate action be taken to terminate Mr. Hiss's services with the Department."[275]

United Nations

Secretary General Alger Hiss presides over the UN Charter Conference, 1945. At his right, Molotov
Even as the Soviets were decorating "Ales", Hiss was promoted to become Director of the State Department Office of Special Political Affairs. Shortly thereafter, he was named Secretary-General[276] of the upcoming United Nations Charter Conference in San Francisco. "As Secretary-General, managing the agenda," reported Time, Hiss "will have a lot to say behind the scenes about who gets the breaks.

On March 19, "Wild Bill" Donovan, director of the Office of Strategic Services (precursor of the CIA), offered Stettinius the services of OSS foreign experts to prepare research studies "on all personnel concerned" in the conference. Hiss "strongly opposed" this proposal, and "vigorously endorsed" the view that OSS "doing espionage work" at the conference would "seriously embarrass us." As a result, "American intelligence work at the conference was sharply limited."[277]

Meanwhile, "Vadim" (Anatoly Gorsky,[278] then chief of Soviet intelligence in the U.S.) wanted to meet with "Ales" at the conference, according to a cable Vassiliev discovered in the Soviet archives. His notes indicate that "Ales" had worked with "Ruble" (Harold Glasser) as a member of a group run by "Karl" (Whittaker Chambers). The cable adds that "'Ruble' gives 'Ales' an exceptionally good political reference as a member of the Comparty.... completely aware that he is Communist in an illegal position, with all the ensuing consequences," and recommends (according to the notes) that he be approached at the UN conference by "Sergei" (NKVD agent Vladimir Pravdin,[279] then under cover as New York bureau chief of the Soviet news agency TASS)[280] or Gorsky, "alluding either to the password, or to 'Ruble', or simply to 'Ales's' progressive attitudes."

In April 1945, at the UN conference, Glasser slipped a warning to Anatoly Gorsky, chief of Soviet intelligence in the U.S., that the FBI had notified Stettinius that Bureau surveillance had followed a bundle of State Department documents from Washington to New York, where they were photographed, then returned within 24 hours to Washington. Only three people had access to these documents, one of whom was "Ales." Stettinius told "Ales": "I hope it is not you."[281]

Hiss arrives in Washington from San Francisco with UN Charter in fireproof safe with parachute. Image courtesy United States Air Force
After the conference, Stettinius resigned to become the first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations. His successor as Secretary of State, James F. Byrnes, was immediately "faced with the problem of what he would do with Alger," who was already under FBI suspicion. Byrnes had been "pushed out" of planning the UN conference, according to Stettinius, after FDR had signaled "that Alger Hiss and I should handle this entirely ourselves."[282]

Byrnes said that despite his categorical instructions not to recommend any U.S. citizen for posts in the UN Secretariat, "Hiss forwarded to the UN the resumes of nearly 500 people, many of them his confreres at State, as prospective global staffers."[283] Many were members of Communist cells in the government, whose jobs were at risk under a tightened security program. The Communist Dalton Trumbo, a thoroughgoing Stalinist, boasted that he had been Stettinius' ghost-writer at the conference.[284] Press accounts attributed the hiring of Trumbo (who would become infamous in 1947 as one of the "Hollywood Ten") to Hiss.[285]

According to a State Department internal security probe of Hiss ordered by Byrnes (and made public in 1993),[286] in February 1945, Hiss requested top-secret files from the OSS on British, Soviet, French and Chinese internal security policies, as well as Far East policy.[287] FBI surveillance at this time found that Hiss also developed "a keen interest in atomic energy," and other matters relating to military intelligence,[288]—all of which was well outside the purview of his office.[289] Loy Henderson, director of the State Department Office of Near East Affairs (NEA), quietly ordered members of NEA to keep confidential materials and information from Hiss.[290]

Several months before the war would end on August 14, Brigadier General Carter Clarke of Army G-2 (Intelligence) would notify the Signals Intelligence Service (SIS) that he had received instructions from the White House to "cease any effort against the Soviet problem."[291] On June 4, 1945, six weeks after becoming President, Harry Truman was briefed about Venona, according to former National Security Agency (NSA) officer Oliver Kirby, deputy director of the Russian code-breaking project.[292] Based on notes Kirby made at the time, Jerrold Schecter, former National Security Council spokesman for the Carter administration, reported that Clarke, chief of the then-new Army Security Agency (precursor of the NSA), advised President Truman that the code-breakers were decrypting messages that revealed massive Soviet intelligence operations in the United States, though it was too early to identify operatives or operations.[293] According to Kirby, Clarke described this meeting as "NDG" (no damn good), the president telling the general that his account of code-breaking sounded "like a fairy story."

On June 26, The UN Charter was signed in San Francisco. Two days later, State Department liaison Lt. Andrew Roth of the Office of Naval Intelligence was arrested in the Amerasia spy case. Communist Party General Secretary Eugene Dennis told CPUSA National Committee member Jack Stachel[294] that Roth suggested that Alger Hiss might be used to quash the case, according to former CPUSA Politburo member Louis Budenz.[295]

Defections and Investigations

Igor Gouzenko

Stettinius (foreground left) with Alger Hiss (center), ca. January 1945. Courtesy Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, National Archives and Records Administration
On September 5, GRU code clerk Igor Gouzenko defected from the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa, telling the Royal Canadian Mounted Police that one Lt. Kulakov in the office of the Soviet military attaché told him that he had learned in Moscow prior to his departure in May 1945 that an assistant to then U.S. Secretary of State Stettinius was a Soviet spy.[296] Stettinius' aide at the time was Alger Hiss.[297]

Two days later, Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King wrote that acting under-secretary of state for external affairs Norman Robertson told him that Gouzenko’s documents disclosed that “everything was much worse than we would have believed…. Stettinius [had] been surrounded by spies, etc., and the Russian Government [had] been kept informed of all that was being done from that source...”[298]

That same day, Soviet UN Ambassador Andrei Gromyko, in London, told Stettinius, now the new U.S. Ambassador to the UN, that he "would be very happy to see Alger Hiss appointed temporary secretary general"—and thus a candidate for the first permanent Secretary General—of the United Nations.[299] Gromyko was reiterating a suggestion he had made at the San Francisco conference the previous April.[300]

Also that day, Hiss made an extraordinary proposal that the State Department create a new post, that of "special assistant for military affairs," linked to his Office of Special Political Affairs,[301] thus giving Hiss access to information regarding atomic energy, arms procurement and military intelligence.[302] Hiss also proposed a State Department reorganization scheme, under which, wrote Panuch, Hiss would acquire "working control" over the flow of papers within the department. "If this ambitious project should be approved," warned Panuch, "the Hiss group will have achieved infiltration in, or control of" what he identified as "critically strategic points" within State.[303]

Following up on Gouzenko's revelations, Raymond Murphy of the State Department again interviewed Chambers, who repeated that Hiss' assignment was "to mess up policy."[304] On September 25, Walter Winchell again broached the subject on his broadcast, reporting, "It can be categorically stated that the question of the loyalty and integrity of one high American official has been called to the attention of the President."[305]

Elizabeth Bentley

On November 27, the FBI disseminated a secret report to the State Department, the Attorney General, and the Truman White House, reporting Chambers' identification of Hiss as a secret member of the Communist underground apparatus in contact with the Ware group.[306] Three days later, defecting Soviet courier Elizabeth Bentley advised FBI investigators that Victor Perlo told her that Harold Glasser had been taken away from the “Perlo group” and turned over to a Russian “by some American in some governmental agency in Washington.”

Alger Hiss and Harold Glasser were awarded the Order of the Red Star for their loyalty to the Soviet Union.

Bentley's unlikely account was corroborated by the previously-cited April 25, 1945 memo from Pavel Fitin, head of NKVD foreign intelligence, to NKVD Chief Vsevolod Merkulov, noting that Glasser had worked for both the NKVD and GRU:

Our agent RUBLE, drawn to work for the Soviet Union in May 1937, passed initially through the military "neighbors" and then through our station (NKVD) valuable information on political and economic issues.[307]

Bentley said that Charles Kramer (who would be identified by both Lee Pressman and Nathaniel Weyl as a member of the Ware group) told her that the person who had done this “was named Hiss and that he was in the U.S. State Department.” She said after "Jack" (Soviet agent Joseph Katz)[308] asked her who Hiss was, she clipped an article in which Hiss was mentioned from the New York daily PM, whose Washington correspondent, I.F. Stone, was (according to Oleg Kalugin, former head of KGB operations in the United States) a fellow traveler[309] who cooperated with Soviet intelligence as an "agent of influence."[310] Bentley said “It is my present recollection that this newspaper article stated Hiss’ full name was Eugene [sic] Hiss and that he was an adviser to Dean Acheson in the State Department.”[311] FBI investigation quickly closed in on Alger Hiss.[312] This was consistent with the above-cited March 5, 1945 cable,[313] in which Gorsky reports: "‘Ales’ and ‘Ruble’ [Harold Glasser][314] used to work in ‘Karl’s’ (Whittaker Chambers)[315] informational group, which was affiliated with the neighbors [GRU]."[316] Before the end of 1945, a State Department Security memorandum summarized:

Bentley advised that members of this group had told her that Hiss of the State Department had taken Harold Glasser of the Treasury Department, and 2 or 3 others, and had turned them over to direct control by the Soviet representatives in this country. In this regard, attention is directed to Whittaker Chambers' statement regarding Alger Hiss and to the statement by Gouzenko, regarding an assistant to the Secretary of State who was a Soviet agent.[317]

Investigations

On February 9, 1946, Stalin declared that war was inevitable as long as capitalism existed, in a speech regarded by some as the open declaration of Cold War.[318] Two days later, ex-Communist Benjamin Mandel, former manager of the Daily Worker,[319] identified Alger Hiss to the FBI as "a Communist Party member," and one of a "high level group of government employees who would not be found openly connected with the Party or with any Front organizations and who were specifically instructed not to display such connections."[320] The Bureau again interviewed Hiss, who denied ever being a Communist, and denied knowledge of any of his friends being Communists. He did, however, add that he had heard it said that Lee Pressman was either a Party member or followed the Party line.[321]

Secretary of State Byrnes took seriously warnings from State Department security and the FBI that evidence existed suggesting that Hiss might be a security risk.[322] By that spring, Byrnes was persuaded that Hiss was working for the Communist Party. An FBI memo of March 14 relates a report that Byrnes "stated that Hiss is to be given no further consideration for promotion or assignment to responsible duties in the Department," and that he wanted to know whether Hiss could be "dismissed summarily," adding, "Secretary BYRNES is of the definite opinion that ALGER HISS should be disposed of..."[323]

On May 15, the department prepared a Top Secret chart identifying 124 loyalty or security cases on the department payroll, broken down into categories: 77 "suspects," another 13 "Communists," an additional 14 "sympathizers," and, most ominously, a further 20 State Department personnel identified as "agents"—one of whom was Alger Hiss. On July 26, Secretary of State Byrnes wrote to Congressman Adolph J. Sabath (D-Ill.) that security screeners had identified 284 State Department employees as unfit for permanent employent; he added that 79 of these had since left the department[324]—leaving 205 still on the payroll. On August 3, State Department official Samuel Klaus prepared a 106-page confidential memo summarizing security data on each of the cases listed on the May 15 chart.[325]

That year, British intelligence supplied its order of battle against Soviet-led guerrillas in Greece to the Pentagon. Shortly thereafter, this top-secret information appeared in the column of Drew Pearson[326] (whose reporter, David Karr, was a "competent KGB source"),[327] forcing the British army to withdraw, a move that would have delivered Greece to the Kremlin had not the U.S. intervened. According to de Toledano, “Deputy Assistant Secretary of State J. Anthony Panuch, in charge of security, tracked down the source of the leak. He discovered that Hiss had asked the Pentagon for this information, though it had nothing to do with his work as director of the Office of Special Political Affairs.”

State Department security officers discovered that Hiss' desk calendar for September 14, 1946, recorded a meeting Hiss did not schedule through the department (and for which he made no official record) with "McLean [sic], British Emb."[328] Donald Maclean[329] was a diplomat at the British Embassy in Washington who was also a Soviet agent[330] and member of the Cambridge spy ring. He would defect in 1951 to the Soviet Union,[331] where he would be rewarded with the rank of Colonel in the KGB.[332] Another member of that ring, Kim Philby, would likewise defect to Moscow, later writing in his memoir, "it was also the era of Hiss, Coplon,[333] Fuchs,[334] Gold,[335] Greenglass,[336] and the brave Rosenbergs[337]—not to mention others who are still nameless."[338]

That year, over strenuous objections on national-security grounds from the State Department's Office of American Republics Affairs (and the government of Panama), the U.S. government reported to the United Nations on the Panama Canal Zone as "occupied territory," a propaganda coup for the Soviets. According to Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American Affairs Spruille Braden:

We then tried to run it down, and we found that this report had been submitted and the employment of the words "occupied territory" by the Office of Special Political Affairs, that is to say, Mr. Alger Hiss.[339]

Secretary of State James Byrnes told the FBI he would have fired Hiss, but for the mandatory Civil Service Commission hearing, which would have revealed confidential sources on the case.[340]

In November 1946, the Bureau disseminated to the State Department, Attorney General and Truman White House yet another secret report, this time reporting Bentley's allegations regarding "Eugene Hiss," suggesting that this might actually be a reference to Alger Hiss.[341] FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover asked President Harry S. Truman for permission to take action against Hiss, but Truman (according to a former chief of CIA Soviet bloc counterintelligence)[342] remained "stubbornly antagonistic" to the allegations.[343]

That month, in a campaign charging the Democrats with being "soft on Communism," the Republicans had won control of both houses of Congress for the first time since the elections of 1928. With a grand jury looking into Soviet espionage, Congress took an interest in Hiss, finally forcing the State Department to remove him from access to secrets.[344]

In January, 1947, Byrnes quietly eased Hiss out of the State Department. Byrnes would later refuse to testify as a character witness on behalf of Hiss.[345]

Hiss became president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, serving also as a trustee of the closely-related[346] Institute of Pacific Relations,[347] which would later be identified by the Senate Judiciary Committee as "a vehicle used by the Communists to orientate American far eastern policies toward Communist objectives."[348]

House Committee on Un-American Activities (Redux)

In early 1947, the FBI learned that the Truman administration was trying to use the grand jury to cover up the Soviet penetration problem.[349] That March, in a bid to steal the GOP's thunder,[350] Truman enacted a "loyalty program"—despite which, according to State Department security files, there were still 108 cases there the following autumn. The following year, the Republican 80th Congress began hearings on these and other suspects, including Lauchlin Currie, Harry Dexter White and Hiss. The Democrat Truman stonewalled, issuing a Presidential Directive that cut Congress off from all access to FBI and other information on loyalty or security cases:

"Any subpena or demand or request for information, reports, or files of the nature described, received from sources other than those persons in the executive branch of the Government... shall be respectfully declined..."[351]

Cut off from investigative data, Congress interviewed witnesses itself. Following up on testimony given by Bentley, on August 3, 1948, the House Committee on Un-American Activities called Whittaker Chambers. He repeated under oath what he had been telling State Department security officials and the FBI about the Ware group for a decade:

I was a member of the Communist Party and a paid functionary of the party.... the apparatus to which I was attached…. was an underground organization of the United States Communist Party developed, to the best of my knowledge, by Harold Ware…. The head of the underground group at the time I knew it was Nathan Witt…. Later, John Abt became the leader. Lee Pressman was also a member of this group, as was Alger Hiss….The purpose of this group at that time was not primarily espionage. Its original purpose was the Communist infiltration of the American Government. But espionage was certainly one of its eventual objectives.[352]
The name “Alger Hiss” in Cyrillic (Элджер Хисс) from Vassiliev's notes on the “Gorsky memo.” Source: Cold War International History Project, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
When Chambers testified against Hiss, wrote Sudoplatov, "we considered this to be a setback for GRU intelligence activities in the United States."[353] Four months later, Anatoly Gorsky, chief of Soviet intelligence in the U.S. during World War II, would author an internal Soviet secret police memorandum, entitled "Failures in the USA (1938-48)," listing 43 Soviet sources and intelligence officers likely to have been identified to U.S. authorities. Included on the list, under the heading, "'Karl’s' group," was "Alger Hiss, former employee of the State Dept."[354] That same month, Piotr Fedotov and Konstantin Kukin, two other senior Soviet intelligence officials, reported to the chairman of Soviet intelligence about “our former agents who were betrayed by Chambers (A. Hiss, D. Hiss, Wadleigh, Pigman, Reno).”

Two days after Chambers, Hiss testified, denying that he ever even knew Chambers, in a statement Secretary of State Dean Acheson helped write.[355] Hiss "asked the committee to disregard the evidence and follow its emotions":

it is inconceivable that there could have been on my part, during fifteen years or more in public office… any departure from the highest rectitude without its becoming known. It is inconceivable that the men with whom I was intimately associated during those fifteen years should not know my true character better than this accuser. It is inconceivable that… [etc.][356] (emphases in original)

That day, President Truman finally reviewed Hiss’ FBI file. Pronouncing Hiss “guilty as hell,” Truman told White House Special Counsel Samuel Rosenman, “We shouldn't just indict this son of a bitch. We should hang him.” Five minutes later, Truman blustered to a press conference that the Hiss case was just an election-year “red herring,”[357] a characterization he would repeat as late as 1956. When Rosenman later asked why he had lied, Truman explained, “You don't understand. The Republicans aren't after Alger Hiss. They're after me. I had to take the political view.” (That year, Truman told Secretary of Defense James Forrestal there were "too many unknowns" in the partially decoded Venona messages,[358] saying, "Even if part of this is true, it would open up the whole red panic again.")[359]

In her newspaper column, Eleanor Roosevelt set the tone of respectable opinion, writing, "Smearing good people like Lauchlin Currie, Alger Hiss and others is, I think, unforgivable .... Anyone knowing Mr. Currie or Mr. Hiss, who are the two people whom I happen to know fairly well, would not need any denial on their part to know they are not Communists. Their records prove it."[360] (Currie was the NKVD agent[361] in the White House[362] who tipped the Kremlin off in 1944 that the U.S. was on the verge of breaking the Soviet code.)[363]

When Hiss testified, most of those watching, including members of the press, appeared to be on Hiss' side, even giving him a round of applause when he finished. So strong was Hiss' denial that the committee wanted to drop the investigation.[364] But one member, freshman Congressman Richard M. Nixon (R-Calif.) insisted that either Chambers or Hiss was lying about whether they had known one another; he asked the committee to appoint him to head a subcommittee to find out which one.[365]

Many editorialists and columnists violently attacked Chambers and defended Hiss.[366] "Hiss stoutly continued to deny the charge," reported Time, but "it was clear to everyone" that he and Chambers "had known each other quite well in the mid-'30s." The magazine added that Hiss' "favorite phrase, as he fenced tediously with the committee, was: 'To the best of my recollection.' He used it and similar phrases 198 times." Chambers offered to take a lie-detector test; Hiss refused—a refusal he kept up for the rest of his life.

In his first statement, Hiss had suggested that Chambers was crazy, asking, "is he a man of consistent reliability, truthfulness and honor?... Indeed is he a man of sanity?" Now, Hiss demanded that the committee ask Chambers if he had ever been treated for a mental illness. The committee obliged, and Chambers answered: "I have not, period." Truman aide George Elsie wrote to White House Counsel Clark Clifford, "Justice should make every effort to ascertain if Whittaker Chambers is guilty of perjury." No suggestion was made that Justice make any effort at all to ascertain if Hiss might be guilty of perjury, but a handwritten insertion advised "Investigation of Chambers' confinement in a mental institution."[367] (Again, no suggestion was made that Hiss' mental health history might be subject to investigation.) In falling for the fiction that Chambers had been committed to an insane asylum, the Truman administration was "taken in by disinformation being spread by the American Communist party and Alger Hiss's partisans."[368]

Hiss also dared Chambers to repeat his charges outside of the immunity afforded in congressional hearings, so Hiss could sue him, adding, "and I hope you will do it damned quickly." Within ten days,[369] on NBC's Meet the Press, Chambers called Hiss' bluff, saying, "Alger Hiss was a Communist and may be now."

Embarrassment mounted among Hiss' supporters as weeks dragged by and still no suit was filed.[370] Even the Washington Post began to have doubts,[371] writing:

As yet, no formal action to initiate a suit for slander has publicly been taken by Mr. Hiss ... Mr. Hiss himself has created a situation in which he is obliged to put up or shut up ... Mr. Hiss has left himself no alternative. And each day of delay in making it known that he will avail himself of the opportunity Mr. Chambers has accorded him does incalculable damage to his reputation.

Finally, after a month, Hiss filed his long-threatened slander suit against Chambers.

Hiss' suit against Chambers

The Baltimore Documents

In a pre-trial "discovery" deposition for the suit, Hiss's attorney William L. Marbury told Chambers to produce "any correspondence, either typewritten or in handwriting" from Hiss—"one of the most disastrous questions ever asked at a deposition." Marbury "never expected (nor would he have asked for, had he known) the response that he received." Chambers retrieved the packet he had given his wife's nephew in 1938, which had been hidden in a dumbwaiter shaft. Three days later, Chambers turned over to Hiss' attorneys 65 pages of typewritten documents and handwritten memoranda, some so sensitive that for security reasons they could not safely be made public, though already a decade old.

Hiss conceded that the typed pages appeared to be copies of authentic State Department documents, and admitted that all but one of the handwritten memos appeared to be in his handwriting.[372] Among the documents confirmed by Hiss' own documents experts to be in his handwriting (contradicting his denial) was a summary of a telegram[373] that Chambers had quoted almost verbatim in an article he gave Herbert Solow in 1938.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Thomas J. Donegan told the FBI that Assistant Attorney General Alexander M. Campbell, head of the Criminal Division at Truman Justice, “now wants to institute perjury charges against Chambers” for not revealing the documents before this. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's handwritten addendum comments, “I wonder why they don't move against Hiss also.”[374] The Truman administration's determination to indict Chambers rather than Hiss was unusual, as two leading scholars of the case note:

Usually … when a witness gives false testimony and then later comes forward and provides a truthful account, no perjury charge is brought. To charge perjury … in such a case would be a disincentive for a witness to provide a subsequent truthful account…. [A] perjury count is rarely brought if a witness corrects false testimony in a timely fashion…. Chambers corrected his false sworn testimony within two months of his grand jury testimony ... and his false testimony had not produced any miscarriage of justice.[375]

The Pumpkin Papers

One of the 'pumpkin papers,' marked 'STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL FOR THE SECRETARY.' Bullitt relates to Hull report of Litvinov's private comments on Soviet intentions regarding war with Japan, 1938. Image courtesy National Archives and Records Administration

On December 2, in response to a subpoena, Chambers led HUAC investigators on his Maryland farm to a pumpkin he had hollowed out the night before and in which he had secreted five rolls (two developed strips and three undeveloped rolls, one of which later proved to have been light struck) of 35 millimeter film. The film included fifty-eight frames, mostly photos of State and Navy Department documents, dated January 5 through April 1, 1938 (the so-called "Pumpkin Papers").[376] The State Department documents dealt with a wide variety of subjects, including U.S. intentions with respect to the Soviet Union, the Spanish Civil War, and Germany's takeover of Austria. Some of the documents on the film were initialed by Hiss and came from his office. Some were of a highly sensitive, classified nature. Some State Department cables bearing Hiss' handwritten initials had direct bearing on matters of major Soviet interest, including Chinese Communist strategy during the war with Japan and Chinese-Soviet relations.[377]

According to Chambers, some of the microfilm was made by a contact he knew only as "Felix," who would photograph documents with a Leica purchased by the Communist underground. For such work, said Chambers, Felix had been trained in Moscow, where he traveled on a forged U.S. passport. In 1949 Chambers would lead FBI investigators to the Baltimore block on which he thought Felix had lived in the 1930s. The Bureau discovered that a Felix Inslerman had lived on the block, later moving to Schenectady, N.Y., where he worked on a secret guided-missile project, in 1946 becoming one of the few civilians to attend the atomic tests at Bikini.

Both before the grand jury and in the second Hiss trial, Inslerman would refuse to answer questions on grounds of potential self-incrimination. But in Inslerman's Schenectady home, the FBI found a Leica whose imperfections matched the scratch marks on Chambers' famed pumpkin film. In 1954, Inslerman would corroborate Chambers' story under oath. Recently released files reveal that ex-GRU agent[378] William Edward Crane also admitted to the FBI that he photographed documents from the Treasury and State Department for Chambers in Baltimore. (The third photographer identified by Chambers, "David Carpenter," would turn up on the "Gorsky memo.")[379]

The day Chambers revealed the "pumpkin papers," on an FBI memorandum detailing the perjury investigation of Chambers ordered by Truman Justice, Hoover penned, "I can't understand why such effort is being made to indict Chambers to the exclusion of Hiss."[380] As late as December 6, Truman Justice was still contemplating "bringing an indictment against Chambers for perjury."[381]

On that day, Hiss's attorney Edward McLean gave the defense's documents examiner, J. Howard Haring, a batch of old Hiss family letters that Hiss had given him the previous September, two months before Chambers produced the documents. Immediately identifying the typeface as that of a Woodstock typewriter, Haring reported that one of Mrs. Hiss's 1933 letters "was typed on the same machine as the Chambers documents." McLean informed the Hisses of this finding the same day. The next day, according to another of Hiss' lawyers, John F. Davis: "Alger ... asked [me to] check on an old machine which he remembers he gave to Pat, the son of Claudia Catlett...." Yet Hiss continued to swear under oath that he remembered neither the make nor disposition of the typewriter.

Hiss would later change his story, testifying that he gave the typewriter to the Catletts in 1937, before the date of the documents produced by Chambers. Pat Catlett, however, would tell defense lawyers that Hiss gave the Catletts the typewriter in the spring of 1938, just after the dates of the documents.

On December 13, the FBI independently located specimens of Priscilla Hiss's typing from the 1930s. The FBI laboratory concluded, like Haring, that all the papers in question had been typed on the same typewriter, a Woodstock.

Another defense expert, Harry E. Cassidy, concluded that Priscilla Hiss not only typed the Chambers documents, but wrote all the handwritten corrections on the typed documents. Asked by Hiss's attorneys whether it was more likely that Hiss or Chambers had written these corrections, Haring responded: "I am inclined to the opinion that the AH [Alger Hiss] corrections more closely resemble the QUESTIONED writing, than do the writings of WC [Whittaker Chambers]." A third defense expert, Edwin Fearon, agreed, reporting to the Hiss lawyers: "The corrections appearing in Exhibits 5-47 inclusive (exception—Exhibit 10) bear a closer resemblence [sic] to the handwritten corrections made by AH than to those made by WC." Fearon added that all but one of the documents were "typed on Woodstock typewriter no.N230099"—the Hiss' machine.

On December 15, Alger Hiss proposed to the grand jury a theory that someone (perhaps Chambers)[382] had sneaked into the State Department and stolen the documents from his desk[383] then, having somehow obtained access to Hiss' typewriter,[384] typed some of the documents on it[385] and microfilmed others, and then sneaked back into the State Department and replaced the originals,[386] all in an elaborate plot to frame Hiss[387] a decade later.[388] Even Hiss admitted that his theory was "fantastic,"[389] stating, "Until the day I die, I shall wonder how Whittaker Chambers got into my house to use my typewriter," a statement provoking outright laughter among jurors.[390]

That day, Hiss testified that he never gave any documents to Whittaker Chambers, and that he had no contact with Chambers after January 1, 1937. The same day, the grand jury indicted Hiss on two counts of perjury, charging that he lied under oath in both these statements. Because the five-year statute of limitations had expired, the grand jury could not consider espionage charges.

Just as Chambers had gained the upper hand by voluntarily waiving immunity from slander, ex-Socialist[391] and Soviet intelligence source[392] Walter Lippman (whose secretary, Mary Price, was a Soviet agent)[393] suggested that Hiss turn the tables by waiving the statute of limitations on espionage. Hiss never took him up on that suggestion.[394]

The Trials

On May 31, 1949, Alger Hiss went on trial for perjury in New York City. At trial, Hiss provided an all-star cast of character witnesses, including such notables as Adlai Stevenson, Justice Felix Frankfurter, and former Democratic presidential candidate John W. Davis. However, both Under Secretary Welles and Sayre testified that delivering the classified documents to a foreign power would enable them to break America's most secret codes.[395]

At Hiss’ first perjury trial, Hornbeck testified that an unnamed friend had warned him that Hiss was a Communist fellow-traveler, but he disregarded the warning.[396] At the second trial, Hornbeck testified that on at least two occasions he was warned that Hiss was a Communist, and named Bullitt as his source.[397] John Foster Dulles, who had recommended Hiss for the Carnegie Endowment, likewise testified at that trial that various people had warned him that Hiss was a Communist.

The prosecution called Hede Massing, but at the first trial Judge Samuel H. Kaufman ruled that her testimony was irrelevant. At the second trial, Judge Henry W. Goddard allowed her to testify about Hiss' 1935 attempt to get Noel Field to transfer from her OGPU group to Hiss' GRU group. To avoid testifying, Field fled to the East bloc.

Hiss’ attorney conceded that the stolen documents had been copied on Hiss's Woodstock, telling the jury the question was not “what typewriter was used, but who the typist was.”[398]

The defense called a psychiatrist, Dr. Carl Binger, who attempted to psychoanalyze Chambers without interviewing him, testifying that “Mr. Chambers is suffering from a condition known as a psychopathic personality.”[399] So thoroughly did his testimony collapse under scrutiny that the prosecutor’s cross examination of Binger has been used as a model to teach generations of law students.[400]

Among the symptoms of psychopathic personality, Binger mentioned “abnormal sexuality.” An important part of the Hiss defense strategy was to exploit Chambers’s sexual preference in order to portray him as mentally ill and therefore not a credible witness: Hiss himself dictated for the record a rumor that Chambers had been treated in 1938 “for gonorrhea, frigidity, shock, and persecution complex.” Writing in Oxford University's Oxonian Review, professed "liberal" Daniel Hemel sums up:

[W]hat is striking about the Hiss trial is not that the prosecution engaged in shameless red-baiting (it did not), but that Hiss’s defense team engaged in shameless gay-baiting. Unable to discredit Chambers based on the facts of the case, Hiss’s lawyers (with the defendant’s encouragement) sought to smear Chambers based on the fact that he was bisexual. Fortunately, the jurors in the Hiss case were not as horrifyingly homophobic as Hiss and his attorneys. In retrospect, if either side of the trial engaged in egregious behaviour, it was the defense—not the prosecution.

Hiss' friend and former colleague, Charles Wyzanski, Senior District Judge of the U.S. District Court in Boston, testified in both trials in defense of Hiss. Wyzanski, who "initially had supposed [Hiss] innocent," later concluded that "Hiss was guilty," as did Hiss' own attorney, William L. Marbury.

Conviction

The first trial ended June 8, 1949 in a hung jury, with eight for conviction and four against. The second trial began on November 17, 1949. On January 21, 1950, the jury returned a unanimous verdict: Guilty on both counts.[401] In his pre-sentencing statement, Hiss said, "I am confident that in the future the full facts showing how Whittaker Chambers was able to carry out forgery by typewriter will be developed." (Concerning the four handwritten documents Hiss had admitted were in his own handwriting, he was silent.) A 1950 KGB memo notes that GRU agent “Leonard”, identified as a senior State Department official, had just been convicted. The only senior American diplomat convicted of an espionage-related crime in 1950 was Alger Hiss.

Hiss was sentenced to two concurrent five-year terms in federal prison. Secretary of State Dean Acheson provoked outrage by commenting, "Whatever the outcome of any appeal which Mr. Hiss or his lawyer may take, I do not intend to turn my back on Alger Hiss." Eleanor Roosevelt added to the furor with her comment, "It seems rather horrible to condemn someone on the word of someone else who admits to guilt." Time magazine commented that she "obviously had not been paying much attention," being "unaware of, or determined to ignore, the corroborating evidence introduced by the Government."

By that June, the U.S. Army was persuaded that Ales was Hiss. General of the Army Omar Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, informed President Truman that Venona had "positively identified" Hiss and Harry Dexter White as Soviet agents.[402] According to Bradley, Truman said, "That G—D— stuff. Every time it bumps into us it gets bigger and bigger. It's likely to take us down."

Hiss appealed, but in December 1950 his conviction was affirmed by the U.S. Court of Appeals. The Supreme Court twice denied him certiorari,[403] and later denied his petition for a writ of error coram nobis,[404] orchestrated by long-time Communist Party member[405] Victor Rabinowitz. Hiss served 44 months of his five-year sentence in Lewisburg Federal Prison.

Prison

In prison, Hiss' best friends were the gangsters, whom he later compared to prisoners of war in terms of solidarity, hierarchy and discipline.[406] Hiss even provided legal advice to his fellow inmate, the notorious Mafia boss Frank Costello.[407] Hiss called the gangsters “the most stable group in any prison” and “the healthiest inmates of the prison” because they “had absolutely no sense of guilt.”[408] Hiss admitted that he, too, never felt guilt about anything he had ever done—as one Hiss biographer comments, “an incredible statement from anyone.”

Later Life

Hiss was released in 1954. Disbarred, he became a salesman. Five years later, Alger and Priscilla Hiss separated.[409] In the late '60s, Hiss met Mrs. Isabel Dowden Johnson, a former editor at The New York Times and ex-wife of the Communist[410] screen writer Lester Cole, a member of the "Hollywood Ten." Priscilla reportedly had a breakdown, in which she said she was “tired of all the lies and cover-ups,” and complained that "Alger was willing to sacrifice us all on the altar of his vindication."[411] Following Priscilla's death in 1984, Alger and Isabel married.

As a result of his role in the Hiss case, Nixon had been elected to the Senate in 1950; two years later GOP Presidential Candidate Dwight Eisenhower made him his running mate. Unable to forgive Nixon for his part in nailing Hiss,[412] the establishment launched an unprecedented liberal media attack against him. That year, Chambers wrote to Nixon:

[The] Attack on you shows how deeply the enemy fears you as he always fears and seeks to destroy a combination of honesty and fighting courage. Be proud to be attacked for the attackers are the enemies of all of us. To few recent public figures does this nation owe so much as to you. God help us if we ever forget it.

Nixon was elected President in 1968, and re-elected in a landslide[413] in 1972. But the left "loathed Nixon for his role in the Hiss case" (and in Vietnam).[414] By 1974, the Watergate scandal[415] forced President Nixon to resign,[416] giving "some credence to a wide spectrum of conspiracy theories[417] involving fake typewriters, phony microfilm, and various collusions among the FBI, Nixon, HUAC, the CIA, the radical right, and the KGB." In 1975, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court granted Hiss' petition for readmittance to the State Bar of Massachusetts, although the court's ruling stated "nothing we have said here should be construed as detracting one iota from the fact that in considering Hiss's petition we consider him to be guilty as charged."

In 1981, Bard College established an Alger Hiss Distinguished Professorship in Social Studies, formerly held by socialist[418] Joel Kovel, who declared that America's obsession with anti-Communism during the Cold War led the U.S. to become “the enemy of humanity.” By the time Nixon died in 1994, Foreign Policy magazine could assign the task of reviewing his posthumous book, Beyond Peace, to his embittered foe, George McGovern, who took the opportunity to avenge his humiliating 49-state landslide defeat by Nixon, writing (without explanation), "The evidence that Hiss was a security risk to the United States simply is not convincing," labeling Hiss' conviction "dubious," and suggesting that Nixon's "prosecution of Alger Hiss probably belongs on the same level" as "political demagoguery of the worst sort—unscrupulous attacks on the patriotism of deeply devoted public servants of the first rank."[419]

Death

Despite mountains of evidence against him that only increased as incriminatory Soviet bloc documents came to light following the collapse of Communism, according to professor emeritus John V. Fleming of Princeton, "Hiss continued to lie until his dying day" in 1996. Library of Congress Cold War historian John Earl Haynes and Emory University professor Harvey Klehr note, "Given the fervour exhibited by his loyalists, it is unlikely that anything will convince the remaining diehards": as ex-Communist Sidney Hook reported, when asked what evidence he would accept of Hiss' guilt, one of his neighbors, a professor at Columbia University, admitted, "Even if Hiss himself were to confess his guilt, I wouldn't believe it."[420]

See Related Article: Alger Hiss and the Volkogonov Affair

See Related Article: Legacy of Alger Hiss

Notes

  1. "...Alger Hiss, a former high-ranking State Department official..."
  2. "The Secretary-General of the Conference was Alger Hiss... Secretary-General: Alger Hiss" UN 1946-47: 14, 48 (PDF 15, 49)
  3. “Moynihan asked that Deutch discuss with the NSA what the status of Venona was and whether its secrecy might no longer be necessary… [O]n July 11, 1995… the heads of the CIA, FBI, and NSA, along with Senator Moynihan, jointly announced that Venona was being opened…” Haynes, Klehr 1999: 5-6
  4. "...Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a liberal Democrat..."
  5. Moynihan 1998: 146
  6. "Mr. Hiss. I was born in Baltimore. Md., on November 11, 1904." HUAC 1948: 642 (PDF 152)
  7. "Alger Hiss was born... in an upper-middle-class... family... The Hiss family was financially comfortable..." The Hisses were "prominent, respected people. They kept their own horse and carriage, and on occasion [Alger's father] would hire a private railroad car for a family outing.... they knew everyone they wanted to know in Baltimore, they belonged to the best clubs, and they were recognized wherever they went." (Smith 1976: 34) Contrary to ex-Communist (White 2004: 3) Murray Kempton's oft-repeated claim that Hiss was a "child of shabby gentility," (Kempton 2004: 17), Hiss protested that the economic circumstances of his childhood were "not particularly shabby." (White 2004: 4) Young Alger went to camp (HUAC 1948: 643 [PDF 153]) in Maine; he later participated "in the usual round of activities enjoyed by affluent college students of his time" (White 2004: 9); among his hobbies were tennis and horseback riding. (Morrow 2005: 248)
  8. "Hiss was... not only a goy but a WASP!" (Jacoby 2009: 20). Hiss testified: "I have been an Episcopalian all my life" (HUAC 1948: 649 [PDF 159]); "Alger's mother claimed descent from the Earl of Leicester and, on her mother's side, a leading Baltimore family, the Grundys." (Morrow 2005: 248) Cf. Aaron Beim and Gary Alan Fine, "The Cultural Frameworks of Prejudice: Reputational Images and the Postwar Disjuncture of Jews and Communism," The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 48, Issue 3 (Summer 2007): 373-397.
  9. Scott 1996. This contradicts the claim of Murray Kempton that Hiss' father was "a wholesale grocer." (Kempton 2004: 17)
  10. Scott 1996. According to the personal Web site of Hiss' son, Alger's father died on April 7, 1907—this in contrast to Kempton's claim that Hiss' father "committed suicide when Alger was nine." (Kempton 2004: 17) As G. Edward White puts it (somewhat charitably), Kempton's version of events is "not quite accurate." (White 2004: 4) Susan Jacoby also gets this wrong, writing of "the suicide of his father (when Alger was only five)" (Jacoby 2009: 62), an error she repeated on CSPAN.
  11. "....Mary Ann... had swallowed a bottle of Lysol, killing herself." White 2004: 5
  12. "Bos.... contracted Bright's disease, an alcohol-induced kidney ailment...." (T. Hiss 1977: 11); "Hiss's older brother Bosley, died when he was in his early twenties of Bright's disease, a kidney disorder aggravated by Bosley's overindulgence in alcohol."
  13. "Bos.... drank a lot." (T. Hiss 1977: 11); "He was undisciplined in habits of...drink." Zeligs 1967: 167
  14. "...provided a $10,000 bequest to each of the Hiss children..." White 2004: 9
  15. BLS
  16. In the 1920s, Powder Point School for Boys merged with Tabor Academy
  17. Porter Sargent, A Handbook of American Private Schools (Boston, Mass.: P. Sargent, 1920), p. 594
  18. T. Hiss 1977: 32
  19. "1921-1922: Attended Powder Point Academy, Duxbury, Mass., and Maryland Institute of Art." (Zeligs papers) A visiting artist at the Maryland Institute of Art was John Sloan, former editor (Loughery, 1997: 177) of the Communist (Dilling 1977: 190) magazine The Masses, who would appear in 1930 as a signatory on a New York Times advertisement of the John Reed Club. (Dilling 1977: 180) In 1959, this institution would be renamed Maryland Institute, College of Art.
  20. "Johns Hopkins was an elite university, both socially and academically." White 2004: 9
  21. HUAC 1948: 644 (PDF 154). Hiss would not be the university's last link with covert pro-Communist activities. In 1939-53, Owen Lattimore—who, according to the Senate Judiciary Committee, was "from some time beginning in the 1930's, a conscious articulate instrument of the Soviet conspiracy" (S. Rpt. 2050: 214-218 [PDF 222-226])—would be director of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations at Hopkins; in 2009, Walter Kendall Myers, a retired State Department official who for 20 years had been a faculty member at JHU's Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, would be charged with espionage on behalf of Cuba.
  22. Rovere 1996: 156; The New Yorker, May 13, 1950; Evan Thomas, "An American Melodrama," Newsweek, November 25, 1996
  23. Archibald Henderson, George Bernard Shaw: His Life and Works (Cincinnati: Stewart & Kidd, 1911) ISBN 1417961775, p. 102. Shaw became a loyal apologist for Stalinism, penning a 1933 Letter to the Editor of the Manchester Guardian, denouncing Malcolm Muggeridge's reporting on Stalin's Terror Famine as a "lie" and a "slander"; the following year he published a 16,000-word apologia for Stalin's mass murders. In 1949, he even wrote a defense of Stalin's pseudo-scientific Lysenkoism.
  24. "To John M. Gillette," September 15, 1912, in Maxwell Anderson (Laurence G. Avery, Ed.), Dramatist in America: Letters of Maxwell Anderson, 1912-1958 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001) ISBN 0807849405, p. 3
  25. Theodore Dreiser, "Request to Become a Communist," The Daily Worker, July 30, 1945, reprinted in Albert Fried, Communism in America: A History in Documents (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997) ISBN 0231102356, pp. 348-350
  26. Smith 1976: 51-52
  27. "My gifted economics teacher, Broadus Mitchell, a Socialist.... his mildly Socialistic opinions ... made no impression on us." Alger Hiss, Draft of a Chapter Written By Alger Hiss on the Foundations For His Liberalism (Alger Hiss papers, Small Manuscript Collection, Special Collections, Harvard Law School Library)
  28. After Hiss' son, a visiting scholar at New York University, originally set up the site on an NYU server, the university requested that he move it elsewhere "to designate it more clearly as a personal site rather than an academic one." The Web site is run out of the home of "Web master" Jeff Kisseloff, archivist of The Nation magazine, and is funded by The Nation Institute, which is in turn funded by billionaire Obama-booster George Soros. Although the site is blazoned "Search for the Truth," buried within is the admission that its real purpose is to present only "the case for the defense," not both sides. University of Missouri-Kansas City law professor Douglas Linder warns that "the site maintains a decidedly sympathetic view of Hiss." Cornell Law Library agrees, "The site has a noticeable editorial bias in favor of Hiss." New York Times Book Review editor Sam Tanenhaus concurs, "It's a blatantly pro-Hiss operation whose agenda is to advocate his innocence." Then-Columbia University historian David Greenberg (now at Rutgers) concluded, "I don't think anyone is going to treat this site as the repository of truth, except for those who have already made up their minds that Hiss was innocent." Under the snarky headline “FLAT EARTH WATCH,” Atlantic blogger Andrew Sullivan says the site is dedicated to “the greatest fantasy on the web”—“the proposition that Alger Hiss was innocent.”
  29. "The Socialist Party of the United States, therefore, declares itself in support of the Third (Moscow) International..." Document No. 7: "Minority Report Adopted by Overwhelming Party Vote on Referendum on Submission to the Emergency National Convention Held at Chicago, September, 1919," reprinted in Joint Legislative Committee of the State of New York Investigating Seditious Activities, Revolutionary Radicalism: Its History, Purpose and Tactics, Part I, Vol. I (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1920), p. 626
  30. "[T]he difference between socialism and communism.... is not one of object, but of means of attainment of the object; it has to do with strategy and procedure, and not with essential theory." Broadus Mitchell, A Preface to Economics (Henry Holt & Co., 1932-34), p. 557. After Sidney Offit wrote an editorial in the Johns Hopkins campus newspaper defending Hiss and Owen Lattimore, castigating students who merely "applauded daintily" for the latter, rather than taking to the streets, Mitchell, wrote Offit, "adopted me as his radical protégé-in-waiting." Later serving as a Reserve Officer in Army Intelligence at a time when Communist couriers were infiltrating the US Merchant Marines, Offit wrote, "it was my job to interview prospective crewmen for merchant marine ships to be sure no advocates of Karl Marx were allowed aboard. Somehow or other I always found a reason to pass on these workingmen regardless of their flirtations with the 'forceful overthrow of the United States government.'" Sidney Offit, Friends, Writers, and Other Countrymen: A Memoir (Macmillan, 2008) ISBN 0312375220, pp. 13-14, 72
  31. Richer 2004: 310 (PDF 4)
  32. Jeffrey Meyers, Hemingway: A Biography (Da Capo Press, 1999), ISBN 0306808900, p. 307; John P. Diggins, Up from Communism (Columbia University Press, 1994) ISBN 0231084889, p. 90
  33. Paul Johnson, Intellectuals (HarperCollins, 1990) ISBN 0060916575, p. 156; James R. Mellow, Hemingway: A Life Without Consequences (Da Capo Press, 1993) ISBN 020162620, p. 506; cf. Victor Alba and Stephen Schwartz, Spanish Marxism Versus Soviet Communism: A History of the P.O.U.M. in the Spanish Civil War (Transaction Publishers, 2008) ISBN 1412807336, p. 233
  34. Ronald Radosh, Mary R. Habeck, and Grigoriĭ Nikolaevich Sevostianov, Spain Betrayed: the Soviet Union in the Spanish Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001) ISBN 0300089813, p. 319
  35. Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994) ISBN 0671758764, p. 380; Burnett Bolloten, The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1991) ISBN 0807819069, pp. 307-308, 310, 312, 838 n. 11. Robles was never seen again (Soledad Fox, Constancia de la Mora in War and Exile: International Voice for the Spanish Republic [Sussex Academic Press, 2007] ISBN 1845191668, pp. 68-73) after Bērziņš was recalled to Moscow (Roy Aleksandrovich Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism [tr. George Shriver] [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989] ISBN 0231063504, p. 428) and shot in Stalin's Great Terror in 1938. (David J. Nordlander, "Origins of a Gulag Capital: Magadan and Stalinist Control in the Early 1930s," Slavic Review, Vol. 57, No. 4 [Winter, 1998], pp. 791-812) Robles had apparently been abducted and murdered by a Communist "special section," according to former fellow traveller John Dos Passos, because he "knew too much about the relations between the Spanish war ministry and the Kremlin." Stephen Koch, The Breaking Point: Hemingway, Dos Passos, and the Murder of Jose Robles (Madrid: Ediciones Palabra, 2006) ISBN 1582432813, p. 272; cf. Josephine Herbst, The Starched Blue Sky of Spain: and Other Memoirs (HarperCollins, 1991) ISBN 006016512X, pp. 150-167
  36. T. Hiss 1977: 37-38
  37. Smith 1976: 104
  38. Herbert Romerstein, Heroic Victims: Stalin's Foreign Legion in the Spanish Civil War (Washington: Council for the Defense of Freedom, 1994) ISBN 9994812505. Using Moscow's Comintern archives, Romerstein, chief of the U.S. Information Agency's Office to Counter Soviet Disinformation and Active Measures in the Reagan administration, documents how American volunteers (mostly Communists) were promised they were signing up for only a seven-month hitch, only to be told later they were in for the duration; those who complained were imprisoned or shot (and listed as casualties). Supposedly formed to fight fascism, in the wake of the Nazi-Soviet Pact they largely opposed Allied efforts to resist the Nazis.
  39. HUAC 1948: 643 (PDF 153)
  40. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 39; Trans. 77; cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005
  41. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 202, 244. Henry Wallace once said that if he became President, he would make Duggan Secretary of State; if FDR had died in 1944, rather than 1945, Wallace would indeed have become President. It was apparently to protect Duggan's identity that Ignace Poretsky (alias Ignace Reiss) was murdered: A Moscow Center report of Poretsky's "liquidation" notes, "For now the danger of 19 [Duggan] (Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 105) being exposed through Raymond's [Poretsky's] (Haynes 2008: 129) line is significantly diminished." (Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 232) Poretsky was killed by OGPU agent Roland Abbiat (Krivitsky 1939: 261-263 [PDF 285-287]; Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 47, 78-79), who would later go under cover as Vladimir Pravdin, New York bureau chief of the Soviet government news agency TASS, in which capacity he would become a contact of Walter Lippmann and I.F. Stone, and be suggested as the contact for GRU agent "Ales" at the founding conference of the UN. Five days after Duggan implicated Collins (and Frederick Vanderbilt Field) to the FBI, Hiss would be indicted by a grand jury and the NKVD would again approach Duggan; five days after that, Duggan would jump or be thrown from his New York office window to his death, leading his friend (and father's protégé), Edward R. Murrow, to broadcast a scathing denunciation of Red-hunters in the U.S. government for hounding an allegedly innocent man to his grave.
  42. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 227-228; Haynes, Klehr 2006: 110
  43. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 202-203
  44. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 40; Trans. 78 (cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005); Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 109; Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 220-245
  45. (HUAC 1948: 643 [PDF 153])
  46. HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2850 (PDF 16); cf. S. Rpt. 2050, Appendix: 5503 (Exhibit No. 1402). Pressman would also corroborate Chambers' identification of Witt, John Abt and Charles Kramer as members of this Communist cell (Chambers 1952: 612), and admit under oath that he recognized Chambers. (Gall 1999: 553)
  47. Felix Frankfurter, The Case of Sacco and Vanzetti: A Critical Analysis for Lawyers and Laymen (Buffalo: Wm. S. Hein & Co., 2003) ISBN 157588805X
  48. Stephen Koch, Double Lives: Stalin, Willi Munzenberg and the Seduction of the Intellectuals (New York: Enigma Books, rev. ed. 2004) ISBN 1929631200, pp. 31-37
  49. John F. Neville, Twentieth-Century Cause Celebre: Sacco, Vanzetti, and the Press, 1920-1927 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004) ISBN 0275977838 p. 101. Hiss' Harvard classmate, fellow State Department official and Soviet intelligence source Noel Field would later write, "The shock of the Sacco-Vanzetti executions drove me leftward." (Weinstein 1978: 199)
  50. New evidence suggests that Sacco and Vanzetti were guilty; cf. Avrich 2005: 133
  51. According to Charles Poggi, Frank Maffi said the 1920 Wall Street bombing that killed more than 30 people was the work of his uncle, a Galleanist named Mario Buda. (Avrich 2005: 133)
  52. Avrich 1996: 59-60
  53. Avrich 1996: 146
  54. Avrich 1996: 143
  55. Smith 1976: 58. It has been suggested that Hiss himself was an atheist.
  56. White 2004: 24
  57. Weinstein 1978: 457
  58. White 2004: 11
  59. Meyer Zeligs Papers (October 13, 1963), Harvard Law School Library Special Collections, cited in Ivan Chen, Alger Hiss, 1926-1929, p. 31
  60. White 2004: 158-159
  61. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 97. Hiss joined Choate, Hall & Stewart in Boston; after two years he moved to Cotton & Franklin in New York.
  62. White 2004: 27
  63. White 2004: 208
  64. White 2004: 27
  65. "Report on the National Lawyers Guild, legal bulwark of the Communist Party," Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, United States Congress (1950), p. 12
  66. Moments after the sentencing of 95 Wobbies (including Haywood) at the Chicago Federal Building in 1918, a bomb ripped through the building, killing four. Charles Howard McCormick, Hopeless Cases: The Hunt for the Red Scare Terrorist Bombers [Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 2005] ISBN 0761831320, pp. 31-31
  67. In 1921, after the Bolsheviks brutally crushed a wave of strikes, Haywood betrayed the workers, saying, "every genuine labor union in the United States ought to affiliate with the International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions with its central bureau at Moscow." The ICTIU was the phony "union" created and controlled by the Kremlin to suppress workers' rights in the Soviet Union. (Israel Getzler, Kronstadt 1917-1921: The Fate of a Soviet Democracy (Cambridge University Press, 2002) ISBN 0521894425, p. 233)
  68. Archibald MacLeish, “To the Young Men of Wall Street,” Saturday Review, January 16, 1932
  69. MacLeish was a noted fellow traveller. (David Caute, The Fellow-Travellers: Intellectual Friends of Communism [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988] ISBN 0300041950, p. 185) The OSS recorder assigned to document the the drafting of the UN Charter (over which Hiss presided), would later say MacLeish "kicked me out" of the session. Following the death of Laurence Duggan—ten days after Duggan implicated Collins and Frederick Vanderbilt Field, and five days after Hiss' indictment by a grand jury—MacLeish, a former Librarian of Congress, would dedicate a poem (Archibald MacLeish, "The Black Day" ["to the memory of Laurence Duggan"], Collected Poems, 1917-1982 [Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1985] ISBN 0395395690, p. 403) to the late Soviet agent, denouncing "informers" (apparently Hede Massing and Whittaker Chambers, each of whom had identified Duggan) as liars.
  70. Tony Hiss, The View From Alger's Window (New York: Vintage Books, 2000) ISBN 0375701281, pp. 140-141. The reference is to Edmund Wilson, then an editor at The New Republic who embraced Marxism and welcomed the stock market crash of 1929 as a portent of the death of capitalism. In 1932 he voted for Communist Party presidential candidate William Z. Foster and signed a manifesto calling for "a temporary dictatorship of the class-conscious workers."
  71. Hiss 1989: 52
  72. HUAC 1948: 644 (PDF 154)
  73. Roosevelt and his supporters saw the New Deal in revolutionary and dictatorial terms: First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt “lamented that the nation lacked a benevolent dictator to force through reforms." Soviet intelligence source Walter Lippmann told Roosevelt, "The situation is critical, Franklin. You may have no alternative but to assume dictatorial powers"; in his influential column, Lippmann added that the use of "'dictatorial powers,' if that is the name for it—is essential.'" The New York Herald Tribune approved the Inauguration with the headline "FOR DICTATORSHIP IF NECESSARY." In response to a hit Hollywood movie featuring as hero a President who “dissolves Congress, creates an army of the unemployed, and lines up his enemies before a firing squad,” FDR wrote that he thought the film “would help the country.”
  74. Conquest 1991: 306
  75. “During the Great Depression of the 1930s, agricultural price support programs led to vast amounts of food being deliberately destroyed at a time when malnutrition was a serious problem in the United States.... For example, the federal government bought 6 million hogs in 1933 alone and destroyed them. Huge amounts of farm produce were plowed under, in order to keep it off the market and maintain prices at the officially fixed level, and vast amounts of milk were poured down the sewers for the same reason. Meanwhile, many American children were suffering from diseases caused by malnutrition.” (Thomas Sowell, Basic Economics [New York: Basic Books, 2007] 3rd Ed., ISBN 0465002609, p. 56) As Gene Smiley, emeritus professor of economics at Marquette University, writes in The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics: "Reduced production, of course, is what happens in depressions, and it never made sense to try to get the country out of depression by reducing production further. In its zeal, the administration apparently did not consider the elementary impossibility of raising all real wage rates and all real prices." One study found that such New Deal policies prolonged the Great Depression by about seven years.
  76. The Progressive Party was in fact a creation of the Communist Party, growing out of CPUSA General Secretary Eugene Dennis' February 12, 1946 order "to establish in time for the 1948 elections a national third party." Arthur Schlesinger, A Life in the Twentieth Century: Innocent Beginnings, 1917-1950 (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2000) ISBN 0618219250, pp. 455-456. In 1955, the Jenner subcommittee cited the Progressive Party on its list of subversive organizations, identified as a Communist front.
  77. Had FDR died a few months earlier, Wallace would have become President; Wallace once said if he were to become President, he would appoint Soviet agent Laurence Duggan as Secretary of State
  78. Henry Agard Wallace, “Where I Was Wrong.” This Week, September 2, 1952
  79. Weinstein 1978: 133
  80. HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2850 (PDF 16)
  81. Chambers 1952: 612
  82. HUAC 1948: 643 (PDF 153)
  83. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 94
  84. HUAC 1948: 652 (PDF 162)
  85. Ware, the son of American Communist Party founder "Mother" Bloor, reportedly "tricked" Soviet peasants into collective farms. (Deborah Kay Fitzgerald, Every Farm a Factory: The Industrial Ideal in American Agriculture [New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003] ISBN 0300088132, p. 161). "As the Soviet archives reveal, the experiment was a dystopian nightmare. Ware and Smith lured a group of unenthusiastic peasants into their grasp and proceeded to abuse them in a brutal fashion." Nevertheless, for this work Ware was praised by Lenin, that praise repeated by Stalin (J.V. Stalin, Works, Vol. 11: 1928-March 1929 [Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954], pp. 195-196.)
  86. Tanenhaus 1997: 92-93
  87. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949, p. 2 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44)
  88. "....Jerome Frank, the leading liberal judge on the court; Jerome Frank, the intellectual leader of the New Deal and architect of its most progressive legislation; Jerome Frank, the idol of young progressive law students and leader of the liberals when he taught law at Yale, who had led the fight against the conservatism of the old-guard faculty...." Arthur Kinoy, Rights on Trial: The Odyssey of a People's Lawyer (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983) ISBN 0674770137, p. 97
  89. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 60
  90. Weinstein 1978: 43
  91. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 60
  92. Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Communist Party? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds that my answer might tend to incriminate me. ... Mr. Stripling. Do you know an individual known to you as Carl in 1935? Mr. Collins. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds of possible self-incrimination. ... Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet John Abt at this apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of possible self-incrimination. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet Alger Hiss at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question for the same reason. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet Lee Pressman at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question for the same reason. ... Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet an individual known to you only as Carl at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds that it might tend to incriminate me. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet an individual by the name of Donald Hiss at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds that it might incriminate me. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet an individual known to you as J. Peters or Alexander Stevens or Isidore Boorstein at that apartment ? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the ground that it might incriminate me. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet an individual by the name of Victor Perlo at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds that it might incriminate me. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet an individual by the name of Charles Kramer at that apartment? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question for the same reason. Mr. Stripling. You refuse to state whether or not you ever have been a member of the Communist Party? Mr. Collins. I do. Mr. Hebert. On what ground? Mr. Collins. On the ground of possible self-incrimination. Mr. Stripling. Did you ever meet in the apartment of Alger Hiss on P Street in Georgetown in 1935? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the grounds of possible self-incrimination. ... Mr. Stripling. ...Mr. Collins, I ask you, did you ever know an individual known to you as Carl in 1935 or 1936? Mr. Collins. I decline to answer that question on the ground of possible self-incrimination. ... The Chairman. What organizations have you belonged to over this period of time? Mr. Collins. On the advice of counsel, sir, I decline to answer that on the grounds that any answers that I give might tend to incriminate me. The Chairman. Well, do you belong—let me ask you the names of some of the organizations. Do you belong to the American Legion? Mr. Collins. On the advice of counsel I refuse to answer that question. [Laughter.] ... Mr. Hebert. ...Now, why do you refuse to say whether you know Alger Hiss or not? He has made no accusations against you. Mr. Collins. I refuse to answer that question, sir, on the grounds that my answer might tend to incriminate me. HUAC 1948: 802-810 (PDF 312-320)
  93. Mr. COHN. Did you know Alger Hiss to be a member of the Communist party? Mr. WEYL. Yes, I did. Mr. COHN. Were you in the same Communist cell with Alger Hiss at one time? Mr. WEYL. That is correct. … Mr. WEYL. ...Hiss and I were among the eight or nine people who met with the first meeting of that organization, I presume. So I was in this Communist cell with him for a period of approximately nine months. Testimony of Nathaniel Weyl before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate, February 23, 1953, pp. 619-620 (PDF pp. 658-659)
  94. Nathaniel Weyl, “I Was in a Communist Unit with Hiss,” U.S. News and World Report, January 9, 1953
  95. Nathaniel Weyl, Encounters With Communism (Philadelphia: Xlibris, 2004), cited in Haynes 2007
  96. Weinstein 1978: 360
  97. John J. Abt with Michael Myerson, Advocate and Activist: Memoirs of an American Communist Lawyer (University of Illinois Press, 1993) ISBN 0252020308, pp. 40-41. Arrested for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963, the communist Lee Harvey Oswald would request Abt as his attorney. Pamela J. Ray with James E. Files,Interview with History: The JFK Assassination (AuthorHouse, 2007) ISBN 142595992X, p. 64
  98. Gall 1999: 41. According to Davis, the Ware group “was used, to my knowledge, for stealing documents from government agencies.” Her husband, she said, regularly supplied “a party contact confidential information from his job.” Davis added, “Everyone in Hal Ware's group had accepted the directive to get whatever we could for the party to use in any way it saw fit.”
  99. Sudoplatov 1995: 227-228. Two others also alleged to be in contact with the Ware group (George Silverman and Harry Dexter White) would likewise be identified as sources of the Silvermaster group.
  100. Weinstein 1978: 143
  101. Peter Viereck, Unadjusted Man in the Age of Overadjustment: Where History and Literature Intersect (Edison, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2004) ISBN 0765808064, pp. 156-157
  102. James Grant, Bernard M. Baruch: The Adventures of a Wall Street Legend (John Wiley and Sons, 1997) ISBN 0471170755, p. 261
  103. Herman 1999: 220
  104. Hiss reciprocated, calling Baruch "a vain and overrated Polonius."
  105. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 115-116
  106. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 40
  107. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 28-29
  108. He was the son of Walter Rauschenbusch, founder of the "Social Gospel" movement, who investigated Fabian socialism in England "under the tutelage of Beatrice and Sidney Webb," (Donovan Ebersole Smucker, The Origins of Walter Rauschenbusch's Social Ethics [McGill-Queen's University Press, 1994] ISBN 0773511636, p. 18), for whom "communism became... a substitute for religion." Richard Ingrams, Muggeridge: The Biography (HarperCollins, 1995) ISBN 0002556103, p. 76
  109. White 2004: 68
  110. Weinstein 1978: 43-44
  111. John E. Wiltz, In Search of Peace: The Senate Munitions Inquiry, 1934-1936 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1963) ISBN B000GX1RX0, p. 53
  112. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 40
  113. Haynes, Klehr 2003: 143-146
  114. Chambers 1952: 339
  115. Philip A. Greasley, Dictionary of Midwestern Literature: The Authors, (Indiana University Press, 2001) ISBN 0253336090, p. 264
  116. Herman 1999: 85
  117. Elinor Langer, "The Secret Drawer," The Nation, May 30, 1994, p. 756. Herbst would be the first journalist to learn that Hiss' friend and teacher, José Robles, had been secretly executed by the Communists.
  118. David D. Anderson, "John Herrmann, Midwestern Modern, Part II: The Alger Hiss Case and the Midwestern Literary Connection," Midwestern Miscellany XIX (East Lansing, MI: The Midwestern Press, 1991), p. 46
  119. HUAC 1948: 645 (PDF 155)
  120. Chambers 1952: 378
  121. HUAC 1948: 957 (PDF 467)
  122. HUAC 1948: 958-959 (PDF 468-469)
  123. Hiss: "my letting Crosley use the Ford... it is even possible that he returned it to me after using it... Whether I gave him the car outright, whether the car came back, I don't know."HUAC 1948: 1093, 1095, 1104 (PDF 603, 605, 614)
  124. HUAC 1948: 957 (PDF 467)
  125. White 2004: 60
  126. HUAC 1948: 1056, 566; Weinstein 1978: 47
  127. U.S. v Hiss
  128. Weinstein 1978: 53
  129. Mr. STRIPLING. I show you a photostatic copy of an assignment of title which was... subpenaed from the files, of the Vehicles and Traffic Division of the District of Columbia... It states in part... "Assignment of title. For value received the undersigned hereby sells, assigns, or transfer unto (name of purchaser)"; then, written in is "Cherner Motor Company; address, 1781 Florida Avenue, Northwest"... It says, "Signature of Assignor, Alger Hiss."
    Then it says, "On the 23d day of July 1936, before me, the subscriber, a notary public of the District of Columbia, personally appeared Alger Hiss, who made oath in due form of law that the above statements are true. Witness my hand and notarial seal, W. Marvin Smith, Notary Public."
    Is that your signature, Mr. Smith?
    Mr. SMITH. It sure does look like it.
    Mr. STRIPLING. You say it does?
    Mr. SMITH. Yes; I have no doubt it is. HUAC 1948: 1072 (PDF 582)
  130. "U.S. Lawyer Who Figured In Hiss Case Killed in Fall," The Washington Post, October 21, 1948, p. 1
  131. Hede Massing, This Deception (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1951), p. 335. Massing's account is corroborated by Czech archives. Central Intelligence Agency memorandum for Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation: Revelations of Karel Kaplan, June 29, 1977, p. 5 (CIA Freedom of Information Act Electronic Reading Room)
  132. Karel Kaplan, Report on the Murder of the General Secretary (London: I.B. Taurus & Co. Ltd., 1990), ISBN 1-85043-211-2, pp. 19-25
  133. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 133
  134. Transcripts: September 23, 1954; September 29, 1954. Noel Field file, Archives, Czechoslovak Ministry of the Interior, quoted in Mária Schmidt, Behind the Scenes of the Showtrials of Central-Eastern Europe, Budapest 1993 (uncorrected manuscript), cited in Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 135; Mária Schmidt, “Noel Field—The American Communist at the Center of Stalin’s East European Purge: From the Hungarian Archives,” American Communist History 3, no. 2 (December 2004); Mária Schmidt, "The Hiss Dossier: A Historian's Report," The New Republic, November 8, 1993, pp. 17-20
  135. Ethan Klingsberg, "Case Closed on Alger Hiss?" The Nation, November 8, 1993
  136. Sam Tanenhaus, “Hiss: Guilty as Charged,” Commentary, April 1993; Sam Tanenhaus, "New Reasons to Doubt Hiss," Wall Street Journal, November 18, 1993
  137. R.C.S. Trahair, Encyclopedia of Cold War Espionage, Spies, and Secret Operations (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004) ISBN 0313319553, p. 76
  138. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 6-7; Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 6; Cf. Vassiliev Yellow Notebook #2: Orig. 3; Trans. 4
  139. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 7; Thomas Powers, Intelligence Wars: American Secret History from Hitler to Al-Qaeda (New York: New York Review of Books, 2004) ISBN 1590170989, p. 89; White 2004: 228
  140. Haynes, Klehr 2003: 150; White 2004: 228
  141. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 5
  142. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 12
  143. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 39; Trans. 77 (cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005); Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 163; Bird, Chervonnaya 2007
  144. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 5
  145. Benson/NSA: 29 (PDF 31)
  146. Haynes, Klehr 2003: 150; White 2004: 230
  147. See, for example: Michael Pearson, The Sealed Train: Lenin's Eight Month Journey from Exile to Power (New York: Putnam, 1975) ISBN 0399112626, particularly the German documents in the Afterward; Nekrich 1997: eg., 2, 69. N.B. the coming to power of the Nazis did nothing to interrupt this liaison: "The documents of the German Foreign Ministry, captured by the Allies at the end of World War II and published in London during the 1950's, show that secret negotiations between Stalin's agents and the Hitler Government began as early as 1933." Aleksandr Nekrich and Mikhail Heller, Utopia in Power: The History of the Soviet Union from 1917 to the Present (Summit Books, 1986) ISBN 0671462423, p. 310. The Soviets were still negotiating with the Nazis as late as the Teheran conference in December 1943. Robert C. Grogin, Natural Enemies: the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War, 1917-1991 (Lexington Books, 2001) ISBN 0739101609, p. 38
  148. Alan Wallach, "Marxist Art Historian: Meyer Schapiro, 1904-1996," Against the Current 62 (May-June 1996), p. 52
  149. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 117-118
  150. Conquest 1991
  151. Peter B. Niblo, Influence: The Soviet Task Leading to Pearl Harbor, the Iron Curtain, and the Cold War (Oakland, Ore.: Elderberry Press, 2002) ISBN 1930859147, p. 65. In 2008, Gordievsky would become partially paralyzed, as a result, he told Scotland Yard, of what he suspected was an assassination attempt.
  152. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 153
  153. Weinstein 1978: 183-184
  154. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 155-156
  155. Chambers 1952: 39
  156. White 2004: 73
  157. Weinstein 1978: 198-202
  158. White 2004: 73
  159. Whittaker Chambers, Witness (Regnery, 1952), p. 25
  160. Poretsky (alias Ignace Reiss) was murdered, apparently to protect the identity of Hiss' Harvard friend and State Department colleague, Soviet agent Laurence Duggan: A Moscow Center report of Poretsky's "liquidation" notes, "For now the danger of 19 [Duggan] (Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 105) being exposed through Raymond's [Poretsky's] (Haynes 2008: 129) line is significantly diminished." (Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 232) He was killed by OGPU agent Roland Abbiat (Krivitsky 1939: 261-263 [PDF 285-287]; Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 47, 78-79), who would later go under cover as Vladimir Pravdin, New York bureau chief of the Soviet government news agency TASS.
  161. Tanenhaus 1997: 131-133
  162. Weinstein 1978: 319
  163. Whittaker Chambers, Witness (Regnery, 1952), p. 40-41
  164. Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), ISBN 0-822-30975-0, p. 775
  165. Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia (Edison, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2003), ISBN 0765805316, p. 357
  166. Kobyakov 2004
  167. Weinstein 1978: 318
  168. Weinstein 1978: 349-350
  169. FBI Report: Whittaker Chambers, Internal Security—C, September 5, 1948 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 1)
  170. White 2004: 68
  171. Ethan Klingsberg, "Case Closed on Alger Hiss?" The Nation, November 8, 1993
  172. Klehr, Haynes, Anderson 1998: 45
  173. Scotland Yard (London) Secret Special Report, No. 4, "The Case of Philip Price and Robert Minor," U.S. State Department Decimal File, 316-23-1184 9, Washington, D.C.
  174. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44), p. 30.
  175. Testimony of Ambassador William Bullitt, April 8, 1952, “Communist influence on U.S. policies in the Far East,” Hearings Before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-Second Congress, Second Session. Hearings: March 13, 1951 to June 20, 1952; Report: July 2, 1952
  176. Roman Brackman, The Secret File of Joseph Stalin: A Hidden Life (Florence, Ky: Routledge, 2001) ISBN 0714650501, p. 299
  177. FBI Report: Alger Hiss, February 4, 1949
  178. Julien Steinberg, ed., Verdict of Three Decades: From the Literature of Individual Revolt Against Soviet Communism, 1917-1950 (Manchester, NH: Ayer Publishing, 1971) ISBN 0836920775, p. 358; David C. Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors: Intrigue, Deception and the Secrets That Destroyed Two of the Cold War's Most Important Agents (Globe Pequot, 2003) ISBN 1585748242, p. 5
  179. Levine 1973: 191. Loy Henderson, then charge d'affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, would later confirm that at that time "in the [State] Department were a number of persons who did not hesitate to give [Litvinov] copies of my secret memoranda relating to United States-Soviet relations." Krivitsky would be found shot dead in his Washington hotel room in 1941. (Roland Perry, Last of the Cold War Spies: The Life of Michael Straight—The Only American in Britain's Cambridge Spy Ring [Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo Press, 2006] ISBN 030681482X, p. 131) Although he had warned his friends that if he were to be found dead, then he had been murdered, his death was ruled a suicide. Krivitsky had been liquidated by one of the NKVD's Mobile Groups for Special Tasks, according to former Soviet espionage official Alexander Orlov. (Alexander Orlov, The Secret History of Stalin’s Crimes [Norwich, Norfolk: Jarrold's, 1954], pp. 232-233; cf. Flora Lewis, "Who Killed Krivitsky?" The Washington Post, February 13, 1966, p. E1) Orlov's account is corroborated by the Nicolaevsky and Honeyman collections in the archives of the Hoover Institution. "Although the death was ruled a suicide, most people think that Stalin had his revenge." Daniel K. Blewett, "Review: Death in Washington: Walter G. Krivitsky and the Stalin Terror by Gary Kern," Library Journal, Vol. 128 (R.R. Bowker Co., 2001), p. 102
  180. William Fortescue, The Third Republic in France, 1870-1940: Conflicts and Continuities (Oxford: Routledge, 2000) ISBN 0415169445, p. 231; William L. Shirer: The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (Simon and Schuster, 1990) ISBN 0671728687, pp. 626-632
  181. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 105
  182. Levine 1973: 55-58)
  183. Olaf Groehler, Selbstmorderische Allianz: Deutsch-russische Militarbeziehungen, 1920-1941 (Berlin: Vision Verlag 1993), pp. 21-22, 123-124; Nekrich 1997: 131
  184. Levine 1973: 197-198
  185. Levine 1973: 197-199
  186. Weinstein 1978: 331
  187. Spruille Braden, Oral Interview, Oral History Research Office, Nicholas Murray Butler Library, Columbia University, quoted in Peter Grose, Operation Rollback: America's Secret War Behind the Iron Curtain (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2001) ISBN 0618154582, p. 65
  188. Dallas 1945: 412
  189. Hiss even suggested the location from which the conference derives its name. (Robert C. Hilderbrand, Dumbarton Oaks: The Origins of the United Nations and the Search for Postwar Security [Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2001] ISBN 0807849502, p. 67)
  190. YUN Hiss: 8 (PDF 9)
  191. Ralph de Toledano, "Foreward," in William F. Buckley, Jr., ed., Odyssey of a Friend: Whittaker Chambers' Letters to William F. Buckley, Jr., 1954-1961 (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969) ISBN 0895265672, pp. 38-39 (PDF pp. 42-43)
  192. SISS 1953: 28 (PDF p. 34). J. Anthony Panuch concurred: “Mr. Acheson and Mr. Hiss at the time I was in the department were sympathetic to the Soviet policy.” (Chesly Manly, "Acheson's Apologia," Modern Age, Spring 1970, pp. 203-204 [PDF pp. 1-2])
  193. M. Stanton Evans, "McCarthyism: Waging the Cold War in America," Human Events, May 30, 1997
  194. Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky, KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: Harpercollins, 1990) ISBN 0060166053, p. 287
  195. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 78; Trans. 155
  196. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 140-150
  197. BLS
  198. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 475-476
  199. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 78; Trans. 155
  200. Evans07: 55 (n. 6), 610
  201. Weinstein 1978: 329; White 2004: 48
  202. NKVD: 109 (PDF 120), FBI Silvermaster file
  203. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949, p. 2 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44)
  204. Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (New York: Verso, 1998) ISBN 1859841708, p. 410
  205. Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-century America (Princeton University Press, 2005) ISBN 0691086648, p. 171
  206. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949, p. 2 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44)
  207. As the Jenner subcommittee would conclude in 1953: "There is ample evidence that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and other agencies learned the underlying fact of the Communist conspiracy, and time and again performed their duty and notified the proper administrative agencies of this information." (SISS 1953: 1110 [PDF 50])
  208. Kobyakov 2004
  209. Weinstein 1978: 340
  210. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 92
  211. Benson/NSA: 43 (PDF 45)
  212. White 2004: 224
  213. Rafalko, Vol. 2, Ch. 4: 221 (PDF 6)
  214. Benson/NSA: 29 (PDF p. 31)
  215. Klehr, Haynes, Anderson 1998: 12
  216. George Racey Jordan with Richard L. Stokes, From Major Jordan's Diaries (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1952), p. 42
  217. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 191
  218. Haynes 2008: 21
  219. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 232
  220. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 88
  221. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 263
  222. Gregg Herken, Brotherhood of the Bomb (Macmillan, 2002) ISBN 0805065881, p. 129 (cf. 132 KGB San Francisco to Moscow, 18 March 1944; 257 KGB San Francisco to Moscow, 7 June 1944; 270 KGB San Francisco to Moscow, 22 June 1944
  223. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 257
  224. Tracy Strong and Helene Keyssar, Right in Her Soul: The Life of Anna Louise Strong (Random House, 1983), ISBN 0394516494, pp. 206-208
  225. Katherine A. S. Sibley, Red Spies in America (Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 2007) ISBN 0700615555, p. 94
  226. Richard Rhodes, Dark Sun: The Making of the Hydrogen Bomb (Simon and Schuster, 1996) ISBN 0684824140, p. 101
  227. In 1966, Kravchenko would be found shot to death in his Manhattan apartment. Although his death would be ruled a suicide, his son Andrew maintains that he was executed by a SMERSH assassination squad.
  228. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 212-215; cf. Thomas Fleming, The New Dealers' War: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the War Within World War II (Basic Books, 2001) ISBN 0465024645, pp. 320-321; Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 111. Upon being “purged” from AAA, Communist (HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2850 [PDF 16]) lawyer Lee Pressman was immediately hired back into the government by Hopkins (HUAC 1950, pt. 2: 2849 [PDF 15]), who apparently had little regard for the law: According to Pressman, Hopkins told him, “The first time you tell me I can’t do what I want to do, you’re fired. I’m going to decide what I think has to be done and it’s up to you to see to it that it’s legal.” (Gall 1999: 32) After carefully examining Venona, the late U.S. Air Force historian Eduard Mark identified Hopkins as Soviet agent “19.” Edward Mark, "Venona's Source 19 and the ‘Trident’ Conference of May 1943: Diplomacy or Espionage?" Intelligence and National Security, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Summer 1998), pp.1-31
  229. FRUS 1945: 439
  230. S. Rept. 2050: 214-218 (PDF 222-226)
  231. Lattimore wrote that when in Washington, he used Currie’s office (“I am in Washington about 4 days a week, and when there can always be reached at Lauchlin Currie's office, room 228, State Department Building; telephone National 1414, extension 90”), and that when Currie was out, Lattimore handled his mail: “Currie asked me to take care of his correspondence while he is away.” (IPR pt. 9: 3199-3200 [PDF 311-312]) While serving as FDR’s personal advisor to Chiang Kai-shek, Lattimore was sending coded messages to the Communists, according to Chinese military intelligence. (Evans07: 395) According to Stanley Hornbeck, Currie admitted responsibility for Lattimore’s appointment: “I asked who had suggested to President Roosevelt the nomination of Mr. Lattimore. Mr. Currie replied that he, Currie, had.” (IPR pt. 9: 3209-3210 [PDF 321-322])
  232. Currie was identified by Chambers and independently by Bentley, as well as Soviet archives; Gorsky identified Currie as the Soviet agent code-named "PAZh/Page" (Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 40; Trans. 78; cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005), who is recorded in Venona giving information to Akhmerov and "handing over documents" to Silvermaster. Currie later admitted having tipped off the Soviets about U.S. efforts to break the Soviet code. Olmstead 2002: 49
  233. Ellis Briggs, Proud Public Servant: The Memoirs of a Career Ambassador (Kent State University Press, 1998) ISBN 0873385888, p. 197
  234. Panuch to Russell, March 7, 1946 (SISS pt. 13: 853). Cf. Louis Francis Budenz, The Techniques of Communism (New York: Ayer Publishing, 1977) ISBN 0405099428, p. 287. Dean Acheson subsequently forced Panuch, not Hiss, out of the State Department. (SISS 1953: 9-10)
  235. Rothwell to Rockefeller, January 10, 1945, FRUS 1945: 42, cf. p. 441
  236. William Henry Chamberlin, America's Second Crusade (Regnery, 1950) ASIN 0865977070, p. 206. At Teheran, Roosevelt actually chose to stay in the Soviet embassy, because it had larger quarters.
  237. Stettinius 1975: 229. The official State Department record uses the passive voice to expunge Hiss' role in this maneuver: "The desirability of unity being achieved between the Kuomintang and the Communists was raised, and reference was made to the President having some doubts as to whether the British desired this unity." Meeting of the Foreign Ministers, February 1, 1945, 10:30 A.M., on Board H. M. S. "Sirius" in Grand Harbor. FRUS 1945: 502 Press accounts relying on this bowdlerized official account thus reported, e.g.: "Alger Hiss, whose role at the Yalta conference long has been a subject for hostile speculation, spent his time there exclusively on planning for the United Nations."
  238. After the fall of the Nationalist Chinese government, Communist Chinese dictator Mao Zedong "was responsible for well over 70 million deaths in peacetime, more than any other 20th-century leader," according to Jung Chang, a former member of Mao's Red Guards. Chang 2005: 3
  239. Edward M. Collins, Myth, Manifesto, Meltdown: Communist Strategy, 1848-1991 (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger/Greenwood, 1998) ISBN 0275959384, p. 93
  240. Philip Jaffe, The Amerasia Case from 1945 to the Present (New York: Philip J. Jaffe, 1979), p. 1
  241. "Service, according to the microphone surveillance, apparently gave Jaffe a document which dealt with matters the Chinese had furnished to the United States government in confidence." Report of the Subcommittee on the Investigation of Loyalty of State Department Employees, Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1950), appendix, p. 2051
  242. "A highly confidential source has advised that Sol Adler was the roommate in Chungking, China, of John Stewart Service." (FBI COMRAP Summary, p. 20 [PDF p. 24]) "During 1944, Service was sharing a house in Chungking with Solomon Adler." Harvey Klehr and Ronald Radosh, The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthyism (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1996) ISBN 978-0807822456, p. 21. Cf. Service's testimony before the State Department Loyalty-Security Board ("I moved into an apartment in the city [Chungking] with Solomon Adler") reprinted in the appendix to the Tyding committee report (p. 1969) and in the Senate Internal Security subcommittee report, The Amerasia Papers: A Clue to the Catastrophe of China (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1970), p. 592.
  243. Statement of Elizabeth Terrill Bentley, November 30, 1945 (FBI file: Silvermaster, Volume 6), p. 26 (PDF p. 27)
  244. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 40; Trans. 78; cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005
  245. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 144
  246. For example, Adler reported (attributing information to Service): "The Communists have successfully resisted the Japanese for seven years... with no active support from Chungking." (Evans07: 99-106). Compare: "No Communist Chinese forces fought in any major battles of the Sino-Japanese war," reported General Albert Wedemeyer, commander of American forces in China. "Chinese Communist leaders were not interested in fighting the Japanese," he wrote; "their main interest was to occupy the territory which the Nationalist forces evacuated in their retreat." (Albert C. Wedemeyer, Wedemeyer Reports [Holt, 1958], p. 285) "[T]he war was to [Mao] an opportunity to have Chiang destroyed by the Japanese.... He ordered Red commanders to wait for Japanese troops to defeat the Nationalists, and then, to seize territories below the Japanese line." (Chang 2005: 211) Indeed, in May 1945, an OSS team code-named "Spaniel" that parachuted into China to link up with Communist forces was instead taken prisoner by the Communists, whom they found coexisting with Japanese troops. The Americans were held incommunicado until October, some two months after the end of the war. When finally freed, they reported, "The amount of actual fighting being carried on by the 8th R.A. [the “Eighth Route Army,” i.e., Communist Chinese rebels] has been grossly exaggerated. It was their policy to undertake no serious campaign against the Japanese..." (Maochun Yu, OSS in China [Yale University Press, 1997] ISBN 0300066988, pp. 220-223) Even so ardent a pro-Communist as Theodore White—to whom Edward Carter confided (in the midst of the Nazi-Soviet pact): "A trusted member of the IPR staff is about to take a journey on my behalf to certain countries that are not too popular at the moment in Wall Street or in Jewish circles" (Edward C. Carter to Theodore H. White, January 8, 1940 [FBI file: Institute of Pacific Relations, Vol. 54, Sec. 11, PDF p. 120])—would have to admit, "The Communists...claimed that they held down most of the Japanese troops in China and that they bore the main weight of resistance; this was untrue." In fact, wrote White, "it was the weary soldiers of the Central Government who bore the shock, gnawed at the enemy, and died." (Theodore Harold White, Thunder out of China [Da Capo Press, 1980] ISBN 0306801280, p. 210)
  247. Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, The End of the Pacific War: Reappraisals (Stanford University Press, 2007) ISBN 0804754276, p. 156
  248. HUAC 1948: 657 (PDF 167)
  249. Sudoplatov 1995: 227
  250. Schecter 2002: 130
  251. Hugh D. Phillips, Between the Revolution and the West: A Political Biography of Maxim M. Litvinov (New York: Westview Press, 1992) ISBN 0813310385
  252. Sudoplatov 1995: 227
  253. Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Roosevelt and the Russians (Whitefish, Mont.: Kettinger Publishing, 2005) ISBN 1419103105, p. 270
  254. Dallas 1945: 557
  255. Arthur Bliss Lane, I Saw Poland Betrayed: An American Ambassador Reports to the American People (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1948) ASIN B000NWTIF8, p. 56. When Truman became President and saw the secret codicils, he was "amazed the Polish agreement 'wasn't more clear cut'." Wilson D. Miscamble, From Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2007) ISBN 0521862442, p. 112
  256. According to Hiss, the agreement to give the Soviets three votes in the UN to one for the U.S. “was not put in the communiqué" containing the public Yalta agreement. It was, he said, an "oral agreement ... that the Russians would bring their two delegations [sic—actually three delegations—the Soviet Union, Ukraine, and Byelorussia] to [the UN Charter Conference in] San Francisco, propose them for admission [to the United Nations], and we [the United States] would agree. But it would not be announced in advance.” YUN 1990: 18 (PDF 19)
  257. Stettinius 1975: 305-306
  258. "V. REPARATION: The following protocol has been approved: Protocol: On the Talks Between the Heads of Three Governments at the Crimean Conference on the Question of the German Reparations in Kind... 2. Reparation in kind is to be exacted from Germany in... (c) Use of German labor." "Stalin then brought up the question of reparations in kind and in manpower.... The latter, of course, referred to forced labor.... [T]he Russians were using many thousands of prisoners in what was reported to be virtual slave camps...." William D. Leahy, I Was There: The Personal Story of the Chief of Staff to Presidents Roosevelt and Truman, Based on His Notes and Diaries Made at the Time (Whittlesey House, 1950), p. 302. Cf. Nikolai Tolstoy, The Secret Betrayal (New York: Scribner, 1978) ISBN 0684156350; Julius Epstein, Operation Keelhaul: The Story of Forced Repatriation from 1944 to the Present (Old Greenwich, Conn.: Devin-Adair Co., 1973) ISBN 978-0815964070. Stettinius apparently paid little attention to the issue, evidently leaving the details up to Hiss: When historian Walter Johnson asked him about the Yalta agreement on slave labor, Stettinius referred him to Hiss. (ERS and WJ, November 13, 1948, Edward R. Stettinius Jr. Papers, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia)
  259. HUAC 1948: 656 (PDF 166)
  260. Mark 2003: 54-55, 57-88, 62, 64
  261. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 278; Robert L. Beisner, Dean Acheson: A Life in the Cold War' (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) ISBN 0195045785, p. 282; White 2004: 226; Schecter 2002: 131
  262. Vassiliev White Notebook #3: Orig. 23; Trans. 44
  263. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 226
  264. Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 90
  265. The translation used here is that of John R. Schindler. Cf. Eric Breindel, "Goodies from the Venona files: Hiss’ Guilt," The New Republic, April 15, 1996, reprinted in The Congressional Record Vol. 142, No. 50 (Thursday, April 18, 1996), pp. H03644-H03645
  266. Benson/NSA: 17, 29 (PDF 19, 31)
  267. John Earl Haynes, KGB sources and the Hiss/'Ales' dispute, H-Diplo Discussion Logs, Humanities and Social Sciences Net Online (Michigan State University), January 5, 2005
  268. Benson 1995
  269. FBI memo: Belmont to Ladd, May 15, 1950 (FBI file: Venona), p. 8 (PDF p. 11); Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 137
  270. Moynihan Commission Appendix A: A-34 (PDF 36)
  271. Mark 2003: 54–55, 57–88, 62, 64 (italics in original).
  272. Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 14. Cf. Vassiliev White Notebook #3: Orig. 40; Trans. 78
  273. Weinstein 1978: 359
  274. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949 (FBI file: Hiss Chambers, Vol. 44)
  275. Weinstein 1978: 364
  276. UN 1946-47: 14, 48 (PDF 15, 49)
  277. Stettinius 1975: 303
  278. Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 90
  279. Benson/NSA: 31 (PDF 34)
  280. Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 124; "Pravdin" was actually Rolland Abbiat, murderer of Ignace Reiss.
  281. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 267-268. The Communist Party's ardor for the UN was evident that month, when the Party's general secretary wrote in an official organ of the CPUSA: "Great popular support and enthusiasm for the United Nations policies should be built up, well organized and fully articulate. But it is necessary to do more than that. The opposition must be rendered so impotent that it will be unable to gather any significant support in the Senate against the United Nations Charter and the treaties which will follow." Eugene Dennis, "Yalta and America's National Unity," Political Affairs, Vol. 24 (April 1945), p. 300
  282. Stettinius 1975: 249
  283. "About 50 of these later showed up on the permanent UN payroll, while more than 200 others got part-time assignments." Evans07: 159. Cf. SISS Part 16: 1072 (PDF 12)
  284. "To Elsie McKeough," Helen Manfull, Ed., Additional Dialogue: Letters of Dalton Trumbo, 1942-1962 (New York: M. Evans and Company, 1970), p. 37
  285. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 110
  286. Sam Tanenhaus, "New Reasons to Doubt Hiss," Wall Street Journal, November 18, 1993
  287. Weinstein 1978: 361-362
  288. Tanenhaus 1997: 519; Haynes, Klehr 1999: 172; Weinstein 1978: 321-322.
  289. Weinstein 1978: 363
  290. H. W. Brands, Inside the Cold War: Loy Henderson and the Rise of the American Empire, 1918-1961 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) ISBN 0-19-506707-X, pp. 297-298
  291. NSA 1995: 159 (PDF 172) This report goes on to say that it was later discovered that the White House staff had been infiltrated by a Communist or "fellow traveler."
  292. Schecter 2002: 147
  293. Schecter 2002: 110. Truman's appointment calendar confirms the meeting with Clarke.
  294. Klehr, Haynes, Anderson 1998: 45
  295. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, January 28, 1949 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 44), p. 30. See also FBI Report: (REDACTED), Security Matter—C, June 8, 1950, p. 9 (FBI file: Institute of Pacific Relations, Vol 29, PDF p. 16)
  296. Amy W. Knight, How the Cold War Began: The Igor Gouzenko Affair and the Hunt for Soviet Spies (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2006) ISBN 0786718161, p. 33; FBI letter: Hoover to Lyon, September 24, 1945 (CIA file: Igor Guozenko), reproduced (as Document 14) at NSA/CIA 1996: 67
  297. White 2004: 49
  298. John Whitney Pickersgill and Donald F. Forster, The Mackenzie King Record‎ (University of Toronto Press, 1970) ISBN 0802016553, p. 11
  299. Stettinius 1975: 416. As Weinstein notes, "The endorsement of a leading American official by the Russians remains practically unique in the annals of Soviet-American diplomacy at this time." Weinstein 1978: 361
  300. Rafalko Vol. 2, Ch. 1: 110 (PDF 111). As one scholar notes, "It was astonishing for a Soviet diplomat to propose an American for what was then the UN's highest and most sensitive diplomatic post." Stephen J. Whitfield, The Culture of the Cold War (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996) ISBN 0801851955, p. 28
  301. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 172; Tanenhaus 1997: 519; Weinstein 1978: 321-322.
  302. Herman 1999: 86 (fn)
  303. SISS 1953: 9-10 (PDF 15-16). De Toledano observes that this plan would have given Hiss "virtual control of the State Department," which would thus, note two commentators, "have taken a long step forward in the direction of becoming an adjunct to the Soviet Foreign Office." (William F. Buckley Jr. and L. Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its Meaning [Washington: Regnery, 1954] ISBN 0895264722, p. 10)
  304. Weinstein 1978: 366
  305. Weinstein 1978: 366. Weinstein calls this "a clear reference to Hiss," adding that Winchell was FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's "most intimate journalistic confidante."
  306. FBI Report: Soviet Espionage Activities in the United States Between World War I and World War II, November 27, 1945, p. 13
  307. Weinstein, Vassiliev 1999: 268-269; White 2004: 226
  308. Robert J. Lamphere and Tom Shachtman, The FBI-KGB War: A Special Agent's Story (Atlanta: Mercer University Press, 1995) ISBN 0865544778, p. 296
  309. Oleg Kalugin and Fen Montaigne, The First Directorate: My 32 Years in Intelligence & Espionage Against the West (Darby, Penn.: Diane Publishing Company, 1994), ISBN 0788151118, p. 74. According to Stone hagiographer D.D. Guttenplan, Stone admitted as much himself. As Stone put it in 1989, "In a way, I was half a Jeffersonian and half a Marxist. I never saw a contradiction between the two, and I still don't."
  310. Myra MacPherson, 'All Governments Lie!': The Life and Times of Rebel Journalist I. F. Stone (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006) ISBN 0684807130, p. 327. MacPherson goes on to quote Kalugin explaining that such agents "could shape public opinion, manipulate public opinion," and that Stone "was willing to perform tasks." Stone was identified in the Venona project with the code name "Blin" (Pancake) (Index of Cover Names, New York-Moscow Communications, p. 10), an identification confirmed by a 13 April 1936 KGB New York station report. The following month, the station reported that relations with "Pancake" had entered "the channel of normal operational work," meaning that Stone had become a "fully active agent." (Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 150) Stone also met with "Sergei," (NKVD agent Vladimir Pravdin, (Benson/NSA: 31 [PDF 34]), who, under cover as New York bureau chief of the Soviet government news agency TASS (Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 124), was actually Roland Abbiat, murderer of Ignace Reiss. Krivitsky 1939: 261-263 (PDF 285-287)
  311. Silvermaster file, Vol. 6, p. 105 (PDF p. 106)
  312. NKVD: 108 (PDF 119)
  313. Alexander Vassiliev’s notes on a cipher telegram from Vadim [Anatoly Gorsky], 5 March 1945, cited in Haynes 2007"
  314. Index of KGB Covernames: Washington-Moscow Communications, p. 3 (National Security Agency)
  315. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 39; Trans. 77; cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005
  316. Benson/NSA: 29 (PDF 31)
  317. SISS Part 16: 1072 (PDF 12)
  318. Walter LaFeber, America, Russia, and the Cold War: 1945-1984 (New York: Knopf, 1985) ISBN 0394343913, p. 38
  319. Conrad Black, Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full (Jackson, Tenn.: PublicAffairs, 2008), ISBN 1586486748, p. 93
  320. FBI memo: Hottel to Hoover, February 11, 1946, pp. 2-3 (FBI file: Silvermaster, Vol. 42, pp. 55-56)
  321. NKVD: 110 (PDF 121)
  322. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 98-99
  323. FBI memo: Roach to Ladd, RE: Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, et al., March 14, 1946. Summary of File References to Alger Hiss, November 8, 1949, p. 20 (FBI file: Silvermaster, Vol. 149, p. 40)
  324. Herman 1999: 94
  325. Evans07: 152-154
  326. Jim Heintze, Biography of Drew Pearson, February 9, 2006 (Drew Pearson Papers, American University Library Collections)
  327. Yevgenia Albats, The State Within a State: The KGB And Its Hold on Russia Past, Present and Future (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1994), pp. 250-251; Yevgenia Albats, "Senator Edward Kennedy Requested KGB Assistance With a Profitable Contract for his Businessman-Friend," Izvestia, June 24, 1992, p. 5. Albats adds that Karr "submitted information to the KGB on the technical capabilities of the United States and other capitalist countries." Cf. Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 139; Haynes, Klehr 1999: 247. See also Venona decrypt 998 KGB New York to Moscow 15 July 1944. Another Pearson legman, Andrew Older, was identified under oath by FBI undercover operative Mary Markward as a secret member of the Communist Party in Washington, DC. (Security Hearings Pursuant to S. Res. 40, Part 1, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate, 83rd Cong., 1st Sess., August 17-18, 1953 [Washington: Government Printing Office, 1953], p. 16 [PDF p. 20]; cf. Westbrook Pegler, "Close Scansion of Record Discovers Curious Matter," King Features Syndicate and The Deseret News, July 21, 1951, p. 2B)
  328. Weinstein 1978: 363-364
  329. Donald Maclean, The Spy Museum
  330. Statement of Vladimir Petrov (defected from Soviet Embassy, Canberra, 1954), Scope of Soviet Activity in the United States," Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, June 6, 1956, p. 1521 (PDF p. 79)
  331. "Donald Maclean," The Encyclopedia Britannica, 2008
  332. "Agent: Maclean, D.," The Spy Museum
  333. Hayden B. Peake, "The Judith Coplon Story," Studies in Intelligence, vol. 47, no. 2, 2003; 27 New York to Moscow 8 January 1945
  334. Fuchs' confession, "Race for the Bomb" The American Experience (PBS); 850 New York to Moscow, 15 June 1944;
  335. Greg Barker, Director, "The Red Files: Secrets of the Russian Archives Revealed," PBS, 1999 ISBN 0-7806-2796-2; 1606(a) New York to Moscow 16 November 1944
  336. Rebecca Leung, "The Traitor: David Greenglass Testified Against His Own Sister," CBS News, July 16, 2003
  337. Ronald Radosh and Joyce Milton, The Rosenberg File (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997) ISBN 0300072058, pp. 53-58; 1340 New York to Moscow 21 September 1944
  338. Kim Philby, My Silent War (New York: Random House, Inc., 2002) ISBN 0375759832, p. 150. If Hiss was not a Soviet agent, he was the only one on this list who was not. For Philby to grant him primacy on such a roll of honor (or rogue's gallery) is "suggestive," writes Weinstein, that this master spy "evidently either knew or believed" that Hiss was a fellow agent. Weinstein 1978: 360, footnote
  339. Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, Interlocking subversion in Government Departments (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1953), Part 19-20, 1365 (PDF p. 25)
  340. Weinstein 1978: 43
  341. NKVD: 109 (PDF 120)
  342. Spy Wars: Moles, Mysteries, and Deadly Games, Yale University Press
  343. Bagley 2007: 273
  344. Bagley 2007: 273
  345. White 2004: 68
  346. Carroll Quigley, The Anglo-American Establishment (G.S.G. & Associates, Incorporated, 1981) ISBN 0945001010, p. 160. Quigley was reportedly an important influence on President Bill Clinton. Scott McLemee, "The Quigley Cult," George Magazine Vol. 1, No. 10 (December 1996)
  347. SISS 1953: 8-10.
  348. S. Rept. 2050: 225 (PDF 233)
  349. One FBI memo would report that Truman Justice wanted the FBI to interview the Bentley suspects, with an eye to “presenting the evidence to a grand jury with the idea of letting them no bill the case. Further that in the event Congressman Thomas of the Un-American Committee should ever raise a question, it would be possible to answer by saying that the grand jury had considered the evidence and it had not deemed it sufficient to justify criminal action.” (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 96)
  350. Olmstead 2002: 114
  351. Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, United States Congress, Annual Report for the Year 1953 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1954), pp. 186-187 (PDF pp. 194-195) Following Hiss' HUAC testimony on August 5, Truman would read to the press a statement amplifying this order:
    "No information of any sort relating to the employee's loyalty, and no investigative data of any type, whether relating to loyalty or other aspects of the individual's record, shall be included in the material submitted to a congressional committee."
  352. HUAC 1948: 564 (PDF 74)
  353. Sudoplatov 1995: 228
  354. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig. 39; Trans. 77; cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005
  355. Weinstein 1978: 17
  356. Bagley 2007: 274
  357. Alonzo L. Hamby, Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Truman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) ISBN 0195124979, p. 453; See also (Harry S. Truman) to the Attorney General, 16 December 1948, Harry S. Truman Library, Tom Clark Papers, "Attorney General—White House/President, 1948," box 83, reproduced (as Document 22) at NSA/CIA 1996: 119
  358. Schecter 2002: 148
  359. The next year, Forrestal would be found dead from a fall from the tower of Bethesda Naval Hospital. Admiral M.D. Willcutts, Report on the Death of James V. Forrestal (Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library, Princeton University), PDF p. 22
  360. Eleanor Roosevelt, Washington Daily News, August 16th, 1948
  361. NSA 2005: 118-119 (PDF 123-124), n. 185; Haynes, Klehr 1999: 146
  362. Rafalko Vol 3, Ch. 1: 30-31 (PDF 29-30); Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 167
  363. Andrew, Mitrokin 2000: 130; NSA/CIA 1996: xiv, xxiv; FBI memo: Belmont to Boardman, February 1, 1956, p. 9 (FBI file: Venona, p. 71) Currie admitted to the FBI that he knew Hiss. (FBI report: Institute of Pacific Relations, April 7, 1950. FBI file: Institute of Pacific Relations, Section 6, p. 36 [PDF p. 31])
  364. American Values through Film (English Language Office, Public Affairs section, U.S. Embassy, Moscow), p. 81 (PDF p. 82)
  365. "Weinstein 1978: 15-16
  366. This Is Nixon (New York: GP Putnam's Sons, 1956) ASIN B000MXH0XA, p. 40
  367. NSA/CIA 1996: 117
  368. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 15
  369. White 2004: 61
  370. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 103
  371. Weinstein 1978: 162
  372. FBI "By Special Messenger": SAC, Washington Field to Hoover, December 1, 1948 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 1) The FBI laboratory determined that the remaining handwritten memorandum supplied by Chambers was in the handwriting of Harry Dexter White, just as Chambers testified.
  373. This image is hosted on DocumentsTalk.com, a Web site "underwritten, perhaps entirely, by THE NATION INSTITUTE," which is in turn funded by George Soros.
  374. FBI memorandum: Ladd to Hoover, November 23, 1948 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 1)
  375. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 108
  376. National Archives and Records Administration, General Records of the Department of Justice (Record Group 60) 1790-1989, 1991: 60.3.5 Miscellaneous records: Microfilm copy of evidence ("Pumpkin Papers") used in U.S. v. Alger Hiss, 1948-51 (5 rolls). Microfilm Publications: M1491. Photographs (263 images: Documents reproduced from the "Pumpkin Papers," and used in U.S. v. Alger Hiss, 1948-51.
  377. Haynes, Klehr 2006: 116
  378. Haynes, Klehr 1999: 166
  379. Vassiliev Black Notebook: Orig, 39; Trans. 77 (cf. Bachman, Leich, Haynes 2005; Lowenthal, Chervonnaya 2005); Haynes, Klehr, Vassiliev 2009: 30
  380. FBI memorandum: Fletcher to Ladd, December 2, 1948 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 2)
  381. FBI memorandum: Fletcher to Ladd, December 6, 1948 (FBI file: Hiss-Chambers, Vol. 2)
  382. Weinstein 1978: 270
  383. Weinstein 1978: 178, 253, 257, 299, 397
  384. Weinstein 1978: 298, 300
  385. Weinstein 1978: 281, 298
  386. Weinstein 1978: 254
  387. Weinstein 1978: 299
  388. Weinstein 1978: p. 281
  389. Weinstein 1978: 299
  390. Weinstein 1978: 300
  391. "Joined the Harvard Socialist Club and later became president... Elected to Executive Committee, Intercollegiate Socialist Society... Joined the Socialist Party, New York County, and the Socialist Press Club of New York City." Even after ending his formal membership, Lippmann remained a loyal fellow traveler: In the midst of the Nazi-Soviet Pact, "WJL" (Walter J. Lippmann) wrote to "ECC" (Edward C. Carter, head of the Communist-front "American Russian Institute" and Institute of Pacific Relations—"a vehicle used by the Communists to orientate American far eastern policies toward Communist objectives," (S. Rept. 2050: 225 [PDF 233]), according to the Senate Judiciary Committee), urging "cooperation with the European revolutionaries and the Soviet Union in their attempt to build a socialist Europe as a nucleus for a world socialist order, with the obvious corollary of the establishment of socialism in this country." Walter Lippmann to Edward C. Carter, June 10, 1940, p. 5 (PDF p. 100), FBI file: Institute of Pacific Relations, Section 54, Part 11, pp. 96-101.
  392. According to Eric Alterman, a columnist and blogger for The Nation, Lippmann "offered much more useful information to the Soviets than Stone ever did."
  393. 588 New York to Moscow, 29 April 1944; cf. Institute of Pacific Relations Hearings, Part 2, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, 82nd Cong., 1st Sess., August 9, 14, 16, 20, 22, and 23, 1951 (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1951), p. 406; Romerstein, Breindel 2001: 439 and Haynes, Klehr 1999: 99
  394. Weinstein 1978: 384
  395. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 221-223.
  396. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 235
  397. de Toledano, Lasky 1950: 258-259
  398. Steven M. Chermak, Crimes and Trials of the Century: From the Black Sox Scandal to the Attica Prison Riots (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2007) ISBN 0313341109, p. 184
  399. Ironically, the standard work on psychopathic personality, 1941’s landmark The Mask of Sanity: An Attempt to Clarify Some Issues About the So-Called Psychopathic Personality by Hervey Cleckley (coauthor of The Three Faces of Eve) identifies the psychopathic personality as possessing superficial charm and good intelligence, absence of delusions and other signs of irrational thinking, absence of nervousness or psychoneurotic manifestations, lack of remorse and shame, etc.—characteristics far more descriptive of Hiss than Chambers.
  400. Gilbert Geis and Leigh B. Bienen, Crimes of the Century (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998) ISBN 1555533604, p. 151
  401. U.S. v Hiss
  402. Schecter 2002: 149
  403. Asked if they had “one shred” of evidence to back their thesis in seeking a new trial, the Hiss lawyers answered, “No, your Honor.” Ralph de Toledano, "Towards a Higher Imperative," Modern Age, Fall 1978, p. 412 (PDF p. 1)
  404. The Supreme Court rejected Hiss' appeal three times, the last time in 1983.
  405. Rabinowitz claimed to have joined the Party in 1942, adding "There was no formal act marking the end of the relationship.... though I continued to meet with party members to discuss both political and legal matters for many years thereafter." (Victor Rabinowitz, Unrepentant Leftist: A Lawyer's Memoir [Champaign, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1996] ISBN 025202253X, pp. 73, 87). Rabinowitz' law partner (representing Cuba's Communist Castro regime) was Leonard Boudin, father of convicted Weather Underground terrorist Kathy Boudin, whose son was adopted and raised by the communist (Ron Chepesiuk, Sixties Radicals, Then and Now: Candid Conversations with Those Who Shaped the Era [McFarland, 1995] ISBN 0899507786, p. 102) William Ayers, political booster of Barack Obama.
  406. Hiss 1989: 168
  407. White 2004: 90
  408. Hiss to C. Vann Woodward, May 2, 1959, quoted in Weinstein 1978: 581; White 2004: 87-88
  409. Richer 2004: 309 (PDF 3)
  410. Cole, who titled his 1981 memoir Hollywood Red, "remained a hardcore Communist" until his death in 1985. Ronald Radosh and Allis Radosh, Red Star Over Hollywood (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2005) ISBN 1893554961, p. 29; Cf. Kenneth Lloyd Billingsley, Hollywood Party: How Communism Seduced the American Film Industry in the 1930s and 1940s (Rocklin, Calif: Prima Publishing, 1998) ISBN 0761513760, pp. 266-267
  411. Ron Capshaw, "Portrait of an American Traitor," FrontPageMagazine.com, September 24, 2007
  412. Klaus P. Fischer, America in White, Black, and Gray: The Stormy 1960s (Continuum International Publishing Group, 2006) ISBN 0826418163, p. 240
  413. New York Times film critic Pauline Kael reportedly said, "How can that be? No one I know voted for Nixon." This quote has become an embarrassment to liberals, who try to deny she said it, but even the New York Times admits Kael told the Modern Language Association, "I only know one person who voted for Nixon" while, according to Bloomberg News critic Craig Seligman, "Kael told me... she didn't even know anyone who had voted for Nixon."
  414. George McKenna, The Puritan Origins of American Patriotism (Yale University Press, 2007) ISBN 030010099X, p. 310
  415. Victor Lasky, It Didn't Start with Watergate (Dell Pub. Co., 1978) ISBN 0440144000
  416. Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President (St. Martin's Paperbacks, 1992) ISBN 0312927630
  417. Weinstein 1978: 575
  418. Kovel advocates what he calls "ecosocialism," which he defines as Marxian communism—the "realization" of what he calls "'first-epoch' socialism" (that is, "neither more nor less than the original announcement of the Communist Manifesto")—not in pursuit of "unfettered productivity' à la Marx, but to further fetter productivity in the interest of environmentalism.
  419. Former Kennedy administration official Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. would use remarkably similar words the following year to defend Soviet agent Laurence Duggan as "an able public servant."
  420. Sidney Hook, "The Strange Case of Whittaker Chambers," Encounter, January 1976, p. 78. Likewise, when the FBI was looking for old Hiss family letters to compare with the Baltimore documents and pumpkin papers, the headmistress of Washington’s elite Potomac School—who, "dressed in an upper class fashion and with mannerisms to match, seethed with venom” as she “refused to give any letters”—“said that if Alger Hiss told her himself that he was a Soviet spy she wouldn't believe it." (Schecter 2002: 170) A professional Hiss partisan made a remarkably similar confession. White 2004: 208


Further reading

External links

  • National Security Agency/Central Intelligence Agency/Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive
  • Central Security Service, Venona
  • Center for Cryptologic History, Fort George G. Meade, Md.
  • Yearbook of the United Nations 1947-48 (United Nations, Department of Public Information, 1948)
  • Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, United States Congress (Washington: United States Government Printing Office)
  • National Archives and Records Administration
  • United States v Alger Hiss, 185 F. 2d 822 (Second Circuit Court of Appeals, December 7, 1950)
  • Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate
  • Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments (Washington: United States Government Printing Office)
  • Institute of Pacific Relations (Washington: United States Government Printing Office)
  • Douglas Linder (2003), Famous Trials (University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law)
  • Denise Noe, "The Alger Hiss Case," TruTV Crime Library (Turner Broadcasting System, Inc./Time Warner)
  • "About This Site" (States that this "Web site has been created with grants from... the Nation Institute," which "is closely linked to" The Nation, "a magazine that identified itself as solidly pro-Hiss in the 1950s" (White 2005: 133), and is now "pretty much the last general-interest magazine in America that remains committed to the idea of Hiss' innocence" (aka "America's leading forum for Alger Hiss apologia)—the Nation "embraced a prejudiced view of the Hiss-Chambers affair in 1948 and has been unable to wriggle free even yet." It "receives funding from... the Open Society Institute," which is "the most prominent of the numerous foundations belonging to the international billionaire financier George Soros." Also states "this Web site will post a... a comprehensive look at the case for the defense."
  • The Timeline, "The Alger Hiss Story"