Difference between revisions of "Joseph McCarthy"

|party=[[Democrat]] (until 1944)<br>[[Republican]] (1944–1957)

|preceded=Robert M. La Follette, Jr.

|branch=[[United States Marine Corps]]

|serviceyears=1942–1945

|battles=[[World War II]]

|awards=[[Distinguished Flying Cross]]

'''Joseph Raymond “Joe” McCarthy''' (November 14, 1908 – May 2, 1957) was a two-term [[Republican]] [[United States Senator]] from [[Wisconsin]].  He dominated the anti-[[communist]] movement in the United States (1950–54) until his career receded after censure by the Senate. '''"McCarthyism"''' refers to the aggressive exposure of Communist influences in America and the people who protect them.

 

Beginning in 1950, McCarthy became the most visible public figure to object to [[Communist]] infiltration of the [[United States]] government. A 1954 Gallup poll found that Joe McCarthy was the fourth on its list of most admired men.<ref>http://www.knology.net/~bilrum/mccarth5.htm</ref>  He is now considered an American hero by many, though liberals still seek to tarnish his name.<ref>Byas, Steve (May 18, 2017). [https://www.thefreelibrary.com/%22McCarthyism%22--a+term+that+libels+a+dead+patriot-a0495830115 “McCarthyism” — A Term That Libels a Dead Patriot]. ''The New American''. Retrieved May 16, 2018.</ref><ref>Byas, Steve (March 7, 2017). [https://www.thenewamerican.com/usnews/item/25532-use-of-term-mccarthyism-is-unfair-to-joe-mccarthy Use of Term “McCarthyism” Is Unfair — to Joe McCarthy]. ''The New American''. Retrieved May 16, 2018.</ref>

 

He was noted for claiming that there were large numbers of [[Communist Party|Communists]] and [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] spies and sympathizers, engaged in a conspiracy to undermine the United States, inside the federal government. He was proven correct by government documents and inquiry, including decrypted [[Venona]] files.  

McCarthy lost support in 1953 when he started attacking the U.S. Army and suggesting that Republican President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] was protecting subversives.  Eisenhower signaled Republicans to stop his attacks on the Army.  Although McCarthy had strong support among Catholics, such as [[Joe Kennedy]], the Senate in 1954 censured him on charges of attacking fellow Senators; this caused his influence to collapse abruptly.

 

The term "[[McCarthyism]]" was coined in 1950 in reference to McCarthy's aggressive attempts to ferret out suspects in a political context.

Although defeated in his 1936 race for district attorney, McCarthy displayed remarkable campaign abilities and an astonishing memory for faces.  He had the energy and determination to meet every voter in person, exuding charm and a concern for the voter as an individual.  The same tactics paid off in 1939, when he was successful in a nonpartisan contest for a regional judgeship. 

 

The youngest judge in state history, he worked long hours to clear up a large backlog. He administered justice promptly and with a combination of legal knowledge and good sense. He was still a Democrat, but that party was very weak statewide at the time.

 

McCarthy was trained by the Jesuit Order.<ref>Gonzales, Manuel G.; Delgado, Richard (2006). [https://www.google.com/books/edition/Politics_of_Fear/YRceCwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=joseph+mccarthy+%22jesuit+trained%22&pg=PP97&printsec=frontcover Politics of Fear: How Republicans Use Money, Race and the Media to Win]. ''Google Books''. Retrieved July 25, 2024.</ref>

 

 

{{Cquote|For meritorious and efficient performance of duty as an observer and rear gunner of a dive bomber attached to a Marine scout bombing squadron operating in the [[Solomon Islands]] area from September 1 to December 31, 1943. He participated in a large number of combat missions, and in addition to his regular duties, acted as aerial photographer. He obtained excellent photographs of enemy gun positions, despite intense anti-aircraft fire, thereby gaining valuable information which contributed materially to the success of subsequent strikes in the area. Although suffering from a severe leg injury, he refused to be hospitalized and continued to carry out his duties as Intelligence Officer in a highly efficient manner. His courageous devotion to duty was in keeping with the highest traditions of the naval service.<ref>Cohn, Roy (1968). ''McCarthy''. The New American Library, Inc., pgs. 273-274. ASIN B000KIR8FC</ref>}}

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rausch (2000) argues McCarthy's campaign {{cquote|had a lasting impact on the conduct of U.S. foreign relations, particularly among professional diplomatic institutions like the State Department and its [[United States Foreign Service|Foreign Service]] personnel, and McCarthyism did not disappear with the senator's censure in 1954. The 'ism' in a broad sense was a set of ideas not only about internal subversion but also about the outside world, including a simplistic, isolationist anti-communism and a deep suspicion about social reform movements abroad. It stood in open opposition to a more complex, even accommodating, view of communism.  Instead of ending the hunt for subversives begun under Truman, Eisenhower made the search systematic, universal, and more broadly defined. McCarthyist Scott McLeod took over security and personnel functions of the State Department and became one of the most famous and despised men in the executive branch. McLeod brought McCarthyist methods and assumptions to bear in ridding the department of what he defined as security risks. Oral history sources provide key evidence for the destructive atmosphere within the department in these years, and they shed valuable light on McLeod's impact on the foreign affairs bureaucracy.  In the short term, the Foreign Service declined in morale, prestige, and influence. By 1954, professionally trained diplomacy, with nuanced, internationalist views lost ground to more simplistic, strictly anticommunist views. During Eisenhower's second term, the Foreign Service and the more moderate approach experienced a resurgence but still faced opposition from hard-liners who survived the McCarthy years.  The Latin American branch of the department embodied the changes in professional diplomacy towards one region of the world. Within the division were the institutionalized tensions of the Eisenhower administration, between career diplomats and political appointees, conservative and moderate anti-communists, and trained diplomats and other specialists. The U.S. embassy in Cuba showed this internal conflict in a microcosm, as the administration's response to Latin American revolution evolved after 1954. McCarthyism accompanied Eisenhower into office, and its effects continued into his last foreign policy crisis and beyond."<ref>Rausch, Scott Alan (2000).  [http://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/handle/1773/10401 Abstract of ''McCarthyism and Eisenhower's State Department, 1953-1961''].  Thesis (Ph. D.)  (Seattle, WA: University of Washington).  Abstract retrieved from University of Washington's ResearchWorks archive on April 2, 2015.</ref>}}

In [[California]] McCarthyism began before the Senator was famous. In 1946 in the [[Los Angeles]] schools two teachers from Canoga Park High School were called before the Tenney Senate Investigating Committee on charges of communistic teaching. The two teachers were exonerated of all charges, but a campaign to rid the LA district of dissident teachers was effectively launched. The target of the campaign was a group of teachers who belonged to the Los Angeles Federation of Teachers (LAFT), formerly known as Union Local 430 and chartered under the American Federation of Teachers, until 1948, when the AFT revoked the charter. By 1954, Los Angeles teachers were required to take five loyalty oaths, although not one teacher was ever charged with or convicted of subversion. In 1953, the Los Angeles City School Board announced that 304 teachers were to be investigated because of alleged Communist affiliations. The Dilworth Oath, made law in 1953, required teachers to answer questions posed to them by the Investigating Committees. Teachers who refused to answer the Committee questions by claiming their [[Fifth Amendment]] rights could then be fired by the Board for insubordination.<ref>Ellen Chase Verdries, "Teaching with the Enemy: An Archival and Narrative Analysis of McCarthyism in the Public Schools."  PhD dissertation Claremont Grad. School 1996. 286 pp. DAI 1997 57(9): 3853-A. DA9703815</ref>

Historians have debated the degree to which McCarthyism permeated the American mood and popular culture. Anti-Communist liberals at the time said it played to isolationism (especially strong in McCarthy's Wisconsin) by diverting attention away from the real threat, Stalin's Soviet Union as an external power.  The Left said that they had a First Amendment right to their beliefs and that McCarthyism had a chilling effect.  Dussere (2003) shows that comic strip artist Walt Kelly in "Pogo" parodied McCarthyism and promoted leftist politics as old-fashioned American common sense, representing a time when concerns about art and politics with respect to popular culture were in the forefront.

Hoover's FBI targeted retired film comedian [[Charlie Chaplin]] because of his status as a cultural icon and as part of its broader investigation of Hollywood. Some of Chaplin's films were considered "Communist propaganda," but because Chaplin was a British citizen and was not a member of the Communist Party, he was not among those investigated by the [[House Un-American Activities Committee]] in 1947. Nevertheless, he was vulnerable to protests by the American Legion and other patriotic groups because of both his sexual and political unorthodoxy. Although countersubversives succeeded in driving Chaplin out of the U.S., they failed to build a consensus that Chaplin was a threat to the nation. Chaplin's story testifies to both the power of the countersubversive campaign at mid-century and to some of its limitations.<ref>Sbardellati and Shaw (2003)</ref>

Strout (1999) looks at [[Christian Science Monitor|''The Christian Science Monitor'']] during the McCarthy era (1950–1954); it was a highly influential newspaper at home and abroad. Strout asks: (1) Was the ''Monitor'' a consistent critic of McCarthy? (2) How did the coverage compare to other elite and popular press newspapers? (3) How did the pressures associated with McCarthyism effect individuals at the ''Monitor'' and its news product? An extensive review of editorials and news articles suggests that it was thorough and fair in reporting, yet outspoken and responsible in editorial criticism. [[Mary Baker Eddy]]'s original 1907 statement that, "The purpose of the ''Monitor'' is to injure no man, but to bless all mankind," was referred to repeatedly in interoffice correspondence during the McCarthy era. The ''Monitor'' did not attack McCarthy personally as other papers did; rather, its criticism centered on the actions of the senator and the negative effects they were having at home and abroad. The ''Monitor'' served as a voice of moderation, yet at the same time, remained a persistent critic of McCarthy's tactics.  Individuals were affected by the pressures of McCarthyism. For instance, veteran Washington correspondent Richard L. Strout was suspended from covering McCarthy for eight to 12 months after being mentioned in McCarthy's book, ''McCarthyism: The Fight for America.''

==''I have in my hand...''==

It was McCarthy's charges of Communist, security, and loyalty risk infiltration of the State Department that shot him into prominence in 1950. At a Lincoln Day speech, on February 9, 1950, before the Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, [[West Virginia]], at the Colonnade Room of Wheeling's McClure Hotel, he stated:  

McCarthy compiled a list of 57 security risks and publicly named [[John S. Service]], [[Gustavo Duran]], [[Mary Jane Keeney]], Harlow Shapley, and [[H. Julian Wadleigh]]<ref>[[Alexander Vassiliev]], Notes on A. Gorsky’s Report to Savchenko S.R., 23 December 1949.</ref> as being on the list.<ref>Reeves, Thomas C. (1997). ''The life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography''. Madison Books. pgs. 222-238. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.</ref> These names came from the "Lee List" of unresolved State Department security cases compiled by the earlier investigators for the House Appropriation Committee in 1947. Robert E. Lee was the committee's lead investigator and supervised preparation of the list.<ref>U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, State Department Employee Loyalty Investigations (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off., 1950).</ref>

In a six-hour speech on the Senate floor on February 20, 1950, in which McCarthy was constantly interrupted by hostile Democrat senators; four of whom — Scott Lucas (61 times), Brien McMahon (27 times), Garrett Withers (22 times), and Herbert Lehman (13 times) — interrupted him a total of 123 times, McCarthy raised the issue of some eighty individuals who had worked in the [[State Department]], or wartime agencies such as the [[Office of War Information]] (OWI) and the [[Board of Economic Warfare]] (BEW).

McCarthy sought to avoid naming names publicly when possible, using numbered cases instead of names in public session.  He preferred to name his suspects only in executive session, in order to protect those who might have been erroneously identified by the FBI, State Department Security, Army counterintelligence, etc.  "[I]t would be improper to make the names public until the appropriate Senate committee can meet in executive session and get them," explained McCarthy.  "If we should label one man a Communist when he is not a Communist I think it would be too bad."

But when McCarthy began reading his numbered cases to the Senate, the Democrat Majority Leader, [[Illinois]] Senator Scott Lucas, interrupted, "I want him to name those Communists."  In response to McCarthy's desire not to name names publicly in order to protect the innocent, Lucas bizarrely referred to the fact that statements in Congress are privileged against defamation suits, saying, "if those people are not Communists the senator will be protected."<ref>M. Stanton Evans, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=xCaDcYsr0sgC Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies]'' (Crown Forum 2007) ISBN 1400081068, p. 202.</ref>  (This was hardly germane: McCarthy's expressed concern was not about protecting ''himself'', but protecting ''suspects who might be innocent''.) McCarthy responded:

{{Cquote|The Senator from Illinois demanded, loudly, that I furnish all the names. I told him at that time that so far as I was concerned, I thought that would be improper; that I did not have all the information about these individuals ... I have enough to convince me that either they are members of the Communist Party or they have given great aid to the Communists: I may be wrong. That is why I said that unless the Senate demanded that I do so, I would not submit this publicly, but I would submit it to any committee — and would let the committee go over these in executive session. It is possible that some of these persons will get a clean bill of health...}}

Democrat Senator William Benton of [[Connecticut]] introduced a bill to eject McCarthy from the Senate.  His first charge was that at Wheeling, McCarthy had said that he had a list of 205 names, rather than 57 names.  The Senate (then under Democrat control) sent staff investigators to Wheeling to try to substantiate Benton's charges.  The investigation found no evidence to support Benton's charge.  According to one investigator:

{{cquote|The newly unearthed evidence demolished Senator Benton’s charges in all their material respects and thoroughly proved Senator McCarthy’s account of the facts to be truthful.<ref>Statement by Daniel Buckley, December 13, 1951, McCarthy papers, cited in M. Stanton Evans, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=xCaDcYsr0sgC Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies]'' (Crown Forum 2007) ISBN 1400081068, pp. 438-439.</ref>}}

Senate Democrats quietly buried the 44-page staff memo summarizing these findings, but the charge that McCarthy had said “205” was likewise dropped. Thus the ''Congressional Record'' to this day records that McCarthy said "57," not "205."  Nevertheless, many on the left continue to promote Benton's discredited claim as gospel.<ref>Washington Post (February 12, 1950).''Washington Post, February 12, 1950; McCarthy's speech in Wheeling & letter to President Truman are cited in the article titled "Security Risks" to the lower left of the photo''. Washington Post [http://www.conservapedia.com/images/thumb/4/49/Washpost1950.jpg/250px-Washpost1950.jpg]</ref>  

Benton made this allegation only about McCarthy's speech in Wheeling, West Virginia and not in the other cities where he made the speech.  The 205 number actually came in another part of his speech; on February 20, 1950, in a speech made on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy officially clarified the issue:

{{Cquote|I have before me a letter which was reproduced in the ''Congressional Record'' on August 1, 1946, at page A4892. It is a letter from James F. Byrnes, former Secretary of State. It deals with the screening of the first group, of about 3,000. There were a great number of subsequent screenings. This was the beginning.

The letter deals with the first group of 3,000 which was screened. The President—and I think wisely so—set up a board to screen the employees who were coming to the State Department from the various war agencies of the War Department. There were thousands of unusual characters in some of those war agencies. Former Secretary Byrnes in his letter, which is reproduced in the ''Congressional Record'', says this:  

''Pursuant to Executive order, approximately 4,000 employees have been transferred to the Department of State from various war agencies such as the [[Office of Strategic Services|OSS [Office of Strategic Services]]], [[Foreign Economic Administration|FEA [Foreign Economic Administration]]], [[Office of War Information|OWI [Office of War Information]]], OIAA [Office of Inter-American Affairs], and so forth. Of these 4,000 employees, the case histories of approximately 3,000 have been subjected to a preliminary examination, as a result of which a recommendation against permanent employment has been made in 285 cases by the screening committee to which you refer in your letter.''

  | isbn = 0-87968-308-2}}</ref>}}

McCarthy was able to characterize President Truman and the Democrat Party as soft on or even in league with the Communists. McCarthy's allegations were rejected by Truman who was unaware of [[Venona project]] decrypts which corroborated [[Elizabeth Bentley]]'s debriefing after her defection from the Communists.

According to Gallup, McCarthy's popularity crested in January 1954, when he was endorsed by all voters 50-29 (with 21 having no opinion).  His core support came from Republicans and Catholics who had not attended college.<ref>50 percent of the respondents had a generally "favorable opinion" of him.

  | isbn = 0-801-48558-4}}</ref>

On March 9, 1954, [[CBS]] broadcasted [[Edward R. Murrow]]'s ''See It Now'' TV documentary attacking McCarthy.

===Venona files===

On February 7, 1950, three days before McCarthy's acclaimed Wheeling, West Virginia speech, Hoover testified before House Appropriations Committee that [[Glossary of espionage terms#Counterintelligence|counterespionage]] requires "an objective different from the handling of criminal cases. It is more important to ascertain his contacts, his objectives, his sources of information and his methods of communication" as "arrest and public disclosure are steps to be taken only as a matter of last resort."  He concluded that "we can be secure only when we have a full knowledge of the operations of an espionage network, because then we are in a position to render their efforts ineffective."<ref>[http://www.fbi.gov/libref/historic/history/foxpaper.htm In the Enemy’s House: Venona and the Maturation of American Counterintelligence], John F. Fox, Jr., FBI Historian, Presented at the 2005 Symposium on Cryptologic History, 10/27/2005.</ref>

McCarthy is said to have made the claim, "I have here in my hand a list of 205—a list of names that were made known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party." The famous "List", as it has come to be known, has always engendered much controversy.  The figure of 205 appears to have come from an oral briefing McCarthy had with Hoover regarding espionage suspects the FBI was then investigating.  The FBI had discovered on its own five Soviet agents operating in the United States during World War II; defector Elizabeth Bentley further added another 81 known identities of espionage agents; Venona materials had provided the balance, and by the time a full accounting of true name identities was compiled in an FBI memo in 1957, one more subject had been added to the number, now totaling 206.<ref>[http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/FBI_Synopsis_on_%22Operations_of_the_MGB_Residency_at_New_York,_1944-45%22 FBI Memo Referencing 206 Communists in Government]</ref>

Much confusion has always surrounded the subject.  While the closely guarded FBI/Venona information of identified espionage agents uses the number of 206, McCarthy in his Wheeling speech only referred to Communist Party membership and other security risks, and not espionage activity.  Being a security risk as a [[Communist Party of the United States of America]] (CPUSA) member does not necessarily entail or imply that a person was or is actively involved in espionage activity.  Venona materials indicated a very large number of espionage agents remained unidentified by the FBI. When McCarthy was questioned on the number, he referred to the Lee List of security risks, by which it appears Hoover was attempting to match unidentified code names to known security risks. Hoover kept the identities of persons known to be involved in espionage activity from Venona evidence secret.  Hoover in the very early days of the FBI's joint investigation with the [[Army Signals Intelligence Service]] in May 1946 did precisely the same deception with a confidant of [[President Truman]] using Venona decryptions.  Hoover reported that a reliable source revealed “an enormous Soviet espionage ring in Washington.”  Of some fourteen names, [[KGB|Soviet agents]] [[Alger Hiss]] and [[Nathan Gregory Silvermaster]] were listed well down the list.  The name at the top was “Undersecretary of State [[Dean Acheson]]” and included others beyond reproach, thus discrediting the Hiss and Silvermaster accusations, which actually were on target.  Hence the Truman White House always suspected Hoover and the FBI of playing partisan political games with accusations of various administration members’ complicity in Soviet espionage.<ref>Multiple references:

*FBI Silvermaster file, [http://education-research.org/PDFs/Silvermaster050.pdf Vol. 50, pgs. 13-16] pdf, May 29, 1946.

*[http://www.fas.org/sgp/library/moynihan/foreword.html Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy, Chairmans Forward], 1997.</ref>

The Venona project specifically references at least 349 pseudonyms in the United States&mdash;including citizens, immigrants, and permanent residents&mdash;who cooperated in various ways with Soviet intelligence agencies, however not all were ever identified.  In public hearings before the [[Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations]] (PSI) conducted by McCarthy, 83 persons pled the Fifth Amendment right against self incrimination. An additional nine persons refused to testify on constitutional grounds in private hearings, and their names were not made public.<ref>Drummey, James J. (May 11, 1987). [http://www.jbs.org/node/632 ''The Real McCarthy Record'']. The New American, Section III. Committee Chairman (1953-54).</ref> Of the 83 persons pleading the Fifth Amendment, several have been identified by [[NSA]] and [[FBI]] as agents of the Soviet Union in the [[Venona project]] involved in espionage. Several prominent examples are:

Senator McCarthy stated, "Then there was a Mrs. Mary Jane Keeney from the Board of Economic Warfare in the State Department, who was named in a F.B.I. report and a House Committee report as a courier for the Communist Party while working for the Government. And where do you think Mrs. Keeney is — she is now an editor in the U.N. Documents Bureau."

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}

  | date = February 20, 1950

On September 9, 1950, at the Columbia County Republican Club in Portage, Wisconsin, Senator McCarthy stated, "Just turn back a page of history to 1945. This  Lauchlin Currie was administrative assistant to the President. This is the same Lauchlin Currie who has been named under oath by [[Elizabeth Bentley]] as the man who tipped off her Russian espionage agents that we were about to break the Japanese code...This is the same Lauchlin Currie whose picture I hold in my hand, with a picture of [[Harry Dexter White]], John Abt, and Alger Hiss — all named under oath repeatedly as Communists...At that time Lauchlin Currie was Administrative Assistant to the President. The Joint Chiefs of Staff approved sending vast amounts of German captured arms to those fighting Communism in China. After the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Eisenhower had approved the shipment — after vast quantities had left German ports destined for our allies in China — Lauchlin Currie, Truman's Administrative Assistant, the man named by Bentley and Chambers, signed an order on White House stationery ordering that all this military equipment be destroyed."

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}})<br>

On June 14, 1951, Senator McCarthy gave the Senate information about Currie and his connection to the other individuals involved in supporting the Chinese Communists. He stated, "The Stilwell-Davies group took over in China in 1942. Soon thereafter, Lauchlin, at the White House, and [[John Carter Vincent]], and subsequently [[Alger Hiss]] at the State Department were exercising their influence at the Washington end of the transmission belt conveying poisonous misinformation from ChungKing. The full outlines of Currie's betrayal have yet to be traced....In this connection it should be recalled that Currie issued an order on White House stationery depriving the Republic of China of 20,000 German rifles."

  | date = June 14, 1951

* [[Virginius Frank Coe]],<ref>McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of V. Frank Coe, Executive Session, [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvol1.pdf Vol. 1]: 147-50, [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvo43.pdf Vol. 4]: 3403, 3413, 3417-18, 3421, 3428-29

</ref> Director of Division of Monetary Research, U.S. Treasury;  Technical Secretary at the Bretton Woods Conference; International Monetary Fund;

* [[William Ludwig Ullman]],<ref>McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of William Ludwig Ullman, Executive Session, [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvol3.pdf Vol. 3]: 2146, 2147, 2152, [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvol4.pdf Vol. 4]: 3403, 3411-14, 3418, 3421, 3426-29, testimony of, Vol. 3: 2345-49.</ref> delegate to the [[United Nations Charter]] Conference and [[Bretton Woods Conference]];

* [[Nathan Gregory Silvermaster]],<ref>McCarthy Hearings, Testimony of Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, Executive Session, [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvol2.pdf Vol. 2]: 1349, 1361, 1362,  [http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/mccarthy/hearingsvol4.pdf Vol. 4]: 3403, 3412-14, 3425-29.</ref> Chief Planning Technician, Procurement Division, United States Department of the Treasury and head of the Silvermaster network of spies;

* [[Allan Rosenberg]], Chief of the Economic Institution Staff, [[Foreign Economic Administration]]; Counsel to the [[National Labor Relations Board]];

*[[Laurence Duggan]], head of United States Department of State Division of American Republics;<ref>Joseph R. McCarthy Papers, Series 14, Senate Subject Files, Marquettte University Library Special Collections.</ref>

* [[Leonard Mins]],<ref>[https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/Volume3.pdf Army Signal Corps—Subversion and Espionage, October 22] (PDF). Executive Sessions Of The Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations Of The Committee On Government Operations; Vol. 3. pgs. 2717-2726, U.S. Government Printing Office (1953).</ref> Russian Section of the Research and Analysis Division of the [[Office of Strategic Services]];

* [[Cedric Belfrage]],<ref>[http://a257.g.akamaitech.net/7/257/2422/06amay20030700/www.gpo.gov/congress/senate/mccarthy/83870.html Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations], Vol. 2, Eighty-third Congress, 14 May 1953, pgs. 1135-1164.</ref> [[British Security Coordination]]; founder the ''[[National Guardian]]''.  

* [[Sergey Nikolaevich Kurnakov]], ''[[Daily Worker]]'';<ref>Joseph R. McCarthy Papers, Series 14, Senate Subject Files, Marquettte University Library Special Collections.</ref>

Venona transcripts confirm the Senate Civil Liberties Subcommittee, chaired by former Senator Robert LaFollette, Jr., whom McCarthy defeated for election in 1946, had at least four staff members working on behalf of the [[KGB]].  Chief Counsel of the Committee [[John Abt]]; [[Charles Kramer]], who served on three other Congressional Committees; Allen Rosenberg, who also served on the [[National Labor Relations Board]], [[Board of Economic Warfare]] (BEW), the [[Foreign Economic Administration]] (FEA) and later argued cases before the United States Supreme Court; and [[Charles Flato]], who served on the BEW and FEA, all were [[CPUSA]] members and associated with the [[Comintern]].

While the underlying premise of Communists in the government was true, many of McCarthy's targets were not complicit in espionage.  Recent scholarship has established of 159 persons investigated between 1950 and 1952, there is substantial evidence nine had assisted Soviet espionage using evidence from Venona or other sources.  Of the remainder, while not being directly complicit in espionage, many were considered security risks.<ref>[http://www.johnearlhaynes.org/page62.html  Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Lists and Venona], by John Earl Haynes, April 2007.</ref>

[[File:Tydings and McCarthy.jpg|thumb|right|300px|[[Millard E. Tydings]] (left) and McCarthy (right).]]

Robert E. Lee was the committee's lead investigator and supervised preparation of the list. The Lee list, also using numbers rather than names, was published in the proceeding of the subcommittee.<ref>U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, State Department Employee Loyalty Investigations (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off., 1950).</ref>

The memorandum listed the names of nine State Department officials and said that they were "only a few of the hundreds now employed in varying capacities who are protected and allowed to remain despite the fact that their presence is an obvious hazard to national security."  Ten persons were removed from the list by June 24. But from 1947 until McCarthy's Wheeling speech in February 1950, the State Department did not fire one person as a loyalty or security risk.<ref>[http://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/jepeurifoy.htm John Emil Peurifoy, Foreign Service Office & United States Ambassador],  Arlington National Cemetery Website, retrieved 21 March 2007.</ref>  In other branches of the government, however, more than 300 persons were discharged for loyalty reasons alone during the period from 1947 to 1951.  

Most but not all of Senator McCarthy's numbered cases were drawn from the “Lee List” or “108 list” of unresolved Department of State security cases compiled by Lee for the House Appropriations Committee in 1947.<ref>[http://www.johnearlhaynes.org/page62.html  Senator Joseph McCarthy’s Lists and Venona], by John Earl Haynes, April 2007.</ref> The Tydings subcommittee also obtained this list.  In addition to some of the person involved in espionage identified in the [[Venona project]] listed above, there are other security and loyalty risks identified correctly by Senator McCarthy included in the following list:

Presented by McCarthy as Case Numbers 48 and 49 respectively and both are Number 59 on the Lee list. McCarthy stated, "The letters of charges against the Barnetts—both Robert Warren Barnett and his wife, Mrs. Robert Warren Barnett—charge them with close association and constant contact with known Soviet espionage activity." See also FBI Silvermaster file, Vol. 116, Robert Barnett contacts with [[Donald Wheeler]] formerly of [[OSS]]; Robert Barnett also served in OSS.

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}

  | date = August 9, 1951

  | date = May 12, 1947

Robert Barnett contacts with [[Donald Wheeler]] formerly of [[OSS]]; Robert Barnett also served in OSS.</ref>  

Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 47 and Number 55 on the Lee list. She belonged to a number of [[Communist front]] organizations, including chairman of a meeting of the American Friends of the Soviet Union where the main speaker was a well known Communist and writer for the ''Daily Worker''. "Brunauer was a signer of a call to the annual meeting of the [[American Youth Congress]] which was publicly known to be completely dominated by the Communist Party. She admitted that her husband had Communist connections and had been a member of the [[Young Communist League]]." Brunauer was suspended by the State Department in 1951 pending adjudication of security proceedings against her. On June 16, 1952, she was discharged by the State Department as a security risk. See ''McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning'' for greater detail on this case.

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}})</ref>

McCarthy stated, "Brunauer, an admitted former member of the Young Communist League, was suspended from his job as head of the Navy's high explosives section where he was engaged in top secret work. He resigned before the Navy's Loyalty Board could complete questioning him and dispose of his case." Brunauer also had a reputation for associating with know Communists. McCarthy stated, "For example, his very good friend, [[Noel Field]], a known Communist and espionage agent, spent night after night with Stephen Brunauer, who had access to all the top secrets in the explosive section of our Navy. Field then left the country, and has since disappeared behind the iron curtain, taking with him all the information which his friend Brunauer had given him ... What forced the Navy to take action was that it appeared during the atom-spy investigations that Stephen Brunauer was involved."

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}

  | isbn = 0-87968-308-2}}

  | date = May 8, 1951

  | publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}}</ref>

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}

  | isbn = 0-87968-308-2}}

  | date = August 9, 1951

  | publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}})</ref><ref>

| publisher = Federal Bureau of Investigation}})</ref>

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}

  | isbn = 0-87968-308-2}}

  | date = August 9, 1951

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}})</ref>

McCarthy stated that, "Both [John Stewart] Service and Davies spent considerable time in China as State Department officials. In their recommendations to Washington both followed the Communist Party line. For example, on November 7, 1944, Davies submitted a memorandum to the State Department outing that the Communist Party in China was 'a modern dynamic popular government.' At the same time he referred to the anti-Communists as 'feudal.' 'The Communists are in China to stay. And China's destiny is not Chiang's but theirs,' said Davies. On December 12, 1944 he urged that we supply the Chinese Communists with arms — a proposal which Dean Acheson two years later requested Congress to approve." In 1944, Ambassador to China, [[Patrick J. Hurley]], accused Davies of working behind his back to support the Communists. According to Hurley, "Davies had one day flown off to Yenan to tell [[Mao Zedong|Mao TseTung]], the Communist leader, that Hurley, our Ambassador (an anti-Communist), did not represent the American viewpoint." According to ''The China Story'' by [[Freda Utley]], Davies was a great fan of Communist operative [[Agnes Smedley]] who operated in China. Utley states, "Davies was also a great admirer of [[Agnes Smedley]], whom he called one of 'the pure in heart.' He used to invite us all to excellent dinners at the American consulate, at which he expressed both his admiration and affection for Agnes. Together with [[Edgar Snow]] and other journalists I knew in Hankow, he [Davies] became one of the most potent influences in the Department [of State] furthering the cause of the Chinese Communists." The [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] had found that Davies had "testified falsely before the subcommittee in denying that he recommended the Central Intelligence Agency employ, utilize and rely upon certain individuals having Communist associations and connections. This matter was...substantial in import." Despite the enormous evidence of Davies' support of the Communists, the State Department cleared him of being a security/loyalty risk. Eventually, in 1954, under political pressure from McCarthy and Senator [[Patrick McCarran]], Secretary of State [[John Foster Dulles]] asked Davies to resign. When he refused, on 5 November 1954, Dulles terminated his employment, stating that Davies had "demonstrated a lack of judgment, discretion and reliability."

  | title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And Its Meaning

  | isbn = 0-89526-472-2}}