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[[Image:Liberty-1793.jpg|thumb|300px|Image of Liberty holding [[Phrygian Cap]] as a symbol of liberty in one hand and new laws in the other]]

[[Image:Liberty-1793.jpg|thumb|300px|Image of Liberty holding [[Phrygian Cap]] as a symbol of liberty in one hand and new laws in the other]]

'''The French Revolution''' was a 1789 revolution which began the modern era.  In a sequence of upheavals, it saw the downfall of King [[Louis XVI]], rise of [[Robespierre]] and the [[Reign of Terror]], a chaos wherein thousands were [[guillotine|guillotined]] for political differences.  

'''The French Revolution''' was a 1789 revolution which began the modern era.  In a sequence of upheavals, it saw the downfall of King [[Louis XVI]], rise of [[Robespierre]] and the [[Reign of Terror]], a chaos wherein thousands were [[guillotine]]d for political differences.  

Radicals saw the Catholic Church as the enemy and promoted in its place a [[Cult of Reason]].  The Revolution emerged in part from the [[rationalism]] of the [[Enlightenment]] which distrusted all established institutions.  It inspired fear into European monarchs and aristocrats as well as conservative intellectuals like [[Edmund Burke]] in Britain, who mobilized to fight the Revolution, and finally succeeded in 1815.  

Radicals saw the Catholic Church as the enemy and promoted in its place a [[Cult of Reason]].  The Revolution emerged in part from the [[rationalism]] of the [[Enlightenment]] which distrusted all established institutions.  It inspired fear into European monarchs and aristocrats as well as conservative intellectuals like [[Edmund Burke]] in Britain, who mobilized to fight the Revolution, and finally succeeded in 1815.  

[[Image:Paris1789.jpg|thumb|425px]]  

[[Image:Paris1789.jpg|thumb|425px]]  

Several costly wars, the [[War of Austrian Succession]] (1740-8), the [[Seven Years War]] (1756-63) and the American Revolution (1778-83), had reduced the government to the verge of bankruptcy. The deficit for 1786 would be 112 million ''livres'', nearly a quarter of total income. Due to the poorly organised taxation system it was impossible for the King and his finance minister to make up the deficit without serious reforms. In 1787 he called a meeting of 144 leading nobles, the Assembly of Notables, to attempt to persuade them to pay tax in return for increased powers. The nobles refused his requests and were supported by the local assembly; the Parlement de Paris.  

Several costly wars, the [[War of Austrian Succession]] (1740-8), the [[Seven Years War]] (1756-63) and the American Revolution (1778–83), had reduced the government to the verge of bankruptcy. The deficit for 1786 would be 112 million ''livres'', nearly a quarter of total income. Due to the poorly organised taxation system it was impossible for the King and his finance minister to make up the deficit without serious reforms. In 1787 he called a meeting of 144 leading nobles, the Assembly of Notables, to attempt to persuade them to pay tax in return for increased powers. The nobles refused his requests and were supported by the local assembly; the Parlement de Paris.  

Outraged at this perceived slight to his authority, King Louis exiled the Parlement to Troyes on 15 August 1788. The result was an aristocratic revolt, supported by members of the clergy around the country. Although fragmented and disorganised, the revolts continued until the King withdrew his demands at this challenge to his authority, which was greeted by thousands taking to the street to celebrate. When troops were ordered to "Get some lead into the bastards' backsides", they fired into the air instead. In [[hindsight]] this can be seen as the start of dissent. It is notable that the initiators of this unrest were the upper classes, who had little reason to think there was any thirst for revolution. In April 1787, [[Calonne]] resigned in disgrace and the middle classes, strengthened by the protests, began to demand the Estates-Generale, a Parliament in which they would be represented.

Outraged at this perceived slight to his authority, King Louis exiled the Parlement to Troyes on 15 August 1788. The result was an aristocratic revolt, supported by members of the clergy around the country. Although fragmented and disorganised, the revolts continued until the King withdrew his demands at this challenge to his authority, which was greeted by thousands taking to the street to celebrate. When troops were ordered to "Get some lead into the bastards' backsides", they fired into the air instead. In [[hindsight]] this can be seen as the start of dissent. It is notable that the initiators of this unrest were the upper classes, who had little reason to think there was any thirst for revolution. In April 1787, [[Calonne]] resigned in disgrace and the middle classes, strengthened by the protests, began to demand the Estates-Generale, a Parliament in which they would be represented.

During the week following the storming of the Bastille, news of events spread to the rest of France. This led to a panic as to what the response of the nobility would be to the events, The [[Great Fear]] or panic resulted. Many villages defended themselves against imaginary threats by forming peasant militias; riots occurred and peasants proceeded to burn wealthy homes.

During the week following the storming of the Bastille, news of events spread to the rest of France. This led to a panic as to what the response of the nobility would be to the events, The [[Great Fear]] or panic resulted. Many villages defended themselves against imaginary threats by forming peasant militias; riots occurred and peasants proceeded to burn wealthy homes.

The rural uprising prompted the National Assembly to pass a motion to 'destroy the [[feudal]] regime entirely', on August 4th. However, in order to release himself a peasant would have to pay twenty times his annual rent to the landlord, making the measure ineffectual.

The rural uprising prompted the National Assembly to pass a motion to 'destroy the [[feudal]] regime entirely', on August 4. However, in order to release himself a peasant would have to pay twenty times his annual rent to the landlord, making the measure ineffectual.

===Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen===

===Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen===

===Royal Faux Pas===

===Royal Faux Pas===

On 1st October, 1789, a party was thrown at the [[Palace of Versailles]]. Louis XVI took the cap he had been presented with following the storming of the Bastille and trampled it underfoot; news of the incident spread to Paris. A crowd marched on the palace; one shouted, "We are going to cut off her head, tear out her heart, fry her liver and that will not be the end of it". The Queen was unsympathetically the peasants who wanted bread; the story spread that she responded. "Let them eat cake!" <ref>''Documents of the French Revolution,'' page 62</ref> The Royals went to Paris for safety;

On 1 October 1789, a party was thrown at the [[Palace of Versailles]]. Louis XVI took the cap he had been presented with following the storming of the Bastille and trampled it underfoot; news of the incident spread to Paris. A crowd marched on the palace; one shouted, "We are going to cut off her head, tear out her heart, fry her liver and that will not be the end of it". The Queen was unsympathetically the peasants who wanted bread; the story spread that she responded. "Let them eat cake!" <ref>''Documents of the French Revolution,'' page 62</ref> The Royals went to Paris for safety;

===Anniversary Pledge===

===Anniversary Pledge===

Lafayette planned a coup to restore the old order to as it was in 1787, using the National Guard. This force was resisted by a volunteer group of citizens. Traditionally this latter group are portrayed as ne'er-do-well criminals, however it is questionable whether such groups would march typically 800 miles. The volunteer groups were greeted as heroes in towns they passed through and [[Rouget de Lisle]] composed 'La Marseillaise' as a call to arms.

Lafayette planned a coup to restore the old order to as it was in 1787, using the National Guard. This force was resisted by a volunteer group of citizens. Traditionally this latter group are portrayed as ne'er-do-well criminals, however it is questionable whether such groups would march typically 800 miles. The volunteer groups were greeted as heroes in towns they passed through and [[Rouget de Lisle]] composed 'La Marseillaise' as a call to arms.

The war started badly for the French and on 25th July the Duke of Brunswick prepared to March on Paris and pledged to restore the French Royal Family to their original statue, but that he had no intention of meddling in the internal affairs of France. He demanded total surrender or the Prussian and Austrian armies would "take an exemplary and never-to-be-forgotten vengeance, by giving up the town of Paris to military execution..and the guilty rebels to the death they deserve".

The war started badly for the French and on 25 July the Duke of Brunswick prepared to March on Paris and pledged to restore the French Royal Family to their original statue, but that he had no intention of meddling in the internal affairs of France. He demanded total surrender or the Prussian and Austrian armies would "take an exemplary and never-to-be-forgotten vengeance, by giving up the town of Paris to military execution..and the guilty rebels to the death they deserve".

===Second Revolution===

===Second Revolution===

Paris was divided, with 20,000 signing a petition to support the full restoration of an absolute monarchy and a foreign army was invading France rapidly. Moderates such as Mme Roland supported withdrawal from Paris, whereas Maton would accept no backward step. On 10th August a larger demonstration marched on the palace demanding the removal of the King.

Paris was divided, with 20,000 signing a petition to support the full restoration of an absolute monarchy and a foreign army was invading France rapidly. Moderates such as Mme Roland supported withdrawal from Paris, whereas Maton would accept no backward step. On 10 August a larger demonstration marched on the palace demanding the removal of the King.

===Victory at the [[Battle of Valmy]]===

===Victory at the [[Battle of Valmy]]===

===Dechristianization===

===Dechristianization===

The challenge to the rich, powerful Catholic Church came at first from intellectuals, who secretly circulated pamphlets that undercut traditional dogma. Some promoted [[atheism]].  The early years of the Revolution reversed the power relationship between belief and unbelief in France. The established Church was discredited, leading priests and bishops were forced into exile or executed, its churches and seminaries closed, its beliefs and rituals held up to ridicule. A strident unbelief became a political factor in public life, as seen in the intensity of the anticlerical dechristianisation. The French Revolution inspired skeptics across Europe to put the irreligious ideas of the [[Enlightenment]] into practice. <ref>See [http://www.investigatingatheism.info/historyeighteenth.html Investigating Atheism]</ref>}}

The challenge to the rich, powerful Catholic Church came at first from intellectuals, who secretly circulated pamphlets that undercut traditional dogma. Some promoted [[atheism]].  The early years of the Revolution reversed the power relationship between belief and unbelief in France. The established Church was discredited, leading priests and bishops were forced into exile or executed, its churches and seminaries closed, its beliefs and rituals held up to ridicule. A strident unbelief became a political factor in public life, as seen in the intensity of the anticlerical dechristianisation. The French Revolution inspired skeptics across Europe to put the irreligious ideas of the [[Enlightenment]] into practice.<ref>See [http://www.investigatingatheism.info/historyeighteenth.html Investigating Atheism]</ref>}}

===Cult of Reason===

===Cult of Reason===

A vital force intended to sustain the political and economic terror was the creation of an ideology based on love of '' la Patrie'', "the Country" or "fatherland", and the subjugation of the individual to the collective will of whole.  The Church of Notre-Dame-de-Paris became a temple of Reason, and the feast of Reason was celebrated on 10 November.  The idea of honouring the fatherland, which had its origin in the festival of the Federation in 1790 gave rise to successive cults.  Chamber Deputy Laloi commented they had "wiped out eighteen centuries of error".  

A vital force intended to sustain the political and economic terror was the creation of an ideology based on love of '' la Patrie'', "the Country" or "fatherland", and the subjugation of the individual to the collective will of whole.  The Church of Notre-Dame-de-Paris became a temple of Reason, and the feast of Reason was celebrated on 10 November.  The idea of honouring the fatherland, which had its origin in the festival of the Federation in 1790 gave rise to successive cults.  Chamber Deputy Laloi commented they had "wiped out eighteen centuries of error".  

Robespierre adopted the position that from the religious and Republican standpoint the idea of a Supreme Being was advantageous to the State, that religion should dispense with a priesthood, and that priests were to religion what charlatans were to medicine, and that the true priest of the Supreme Being was Nature. The Convention adopted a decree stating: "The French people recognize the existence of a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul". It announced that freedom of worship is maintained but adds that in the case of disturbances caused by the exercise of a religion those who "excite them by fanatical preaching or by counter Revolutionary innovations", shall be punished according to the rigour of the law. Thus the condition of the Catholic Church remained equally precarious and the first festival of the Supreme Being was celebrated throughout France on 8 June, 1794. with aggressive splendour.  

Robespierre adopted the position that from the religious and Republican standpoint the idea of a Supreme Being was advantageous to the State, that religion should dispense with a priesthood, and that priests were to religion what charlatans were to medicine, and that the true priest of the Supreme Being was Nature. The Convention adopted a decree stating: "The French people recognize the existence of a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul". It announced that freedom of worship is maintained but adds that in the case of disturbances caused by the exercise of a religion those who "excite them by fanatical preaching or by counter Revolutionary innovations", shall be punished according to the rigour of the law. Thus the condition of the Catholic Church remained equally precarious and the first festival of the Supreme Being was celebrated throughout France on 8 June 1794. with aggressive splendour.  

Whereas the Exagérés wished simply to destroy Catholicism, and in the temples of Reason political rather than moral doctrines were taught. Robespierre desired that the civic religion should have a moral code which he based on the two dogmas of God and the immortality of the soul. He was of the opinion that the idea of God had a social value, that public morality depended on it and that Catholics would more readily support the republic under the auspices of a Supreme Being. <ref>''Catholic Encyclopdeia,'' (1911) [http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13009a.htm "French Revolution"]</ref>

Whereas the Exagérés wished simply to destroy Catholicism, and in the temples of Reason political rather than moral doctrines were taught. Robespierre desired that the civic religion should have a moral code which he based on the two dogmas of God and the immortality of the soul. He was of the opinion that the idea of God had a social value, that public morality depended on it and that Catholics would more readily support the republic under the auspices of a Supreme Being.<ref>''Catholic Encyclopdeia,'' (1911) [http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13009a.htm "French Revolution"]</ref>

===Calendar reform===

===Calendar reform===

During the first days of the Republic, provision had been made for dating public documents from "the first year of the French Republic," but no definite plan for a revised calendar had been proposed. A decree of 2 January, 1793, provided for the second year of the Republic to begin on 1 January, 1793. The new calendar lasted until 1806. Instead of Sunday, the new calendar had a ten-day week with a rest called "décadi," every tenth day.  It hardly mattered--few peasants used calendars in the first place, and the religious-minded kept track of holy days they celebrated in secret.

During the first days of the Republic, provision had been made for dating public documents from "the first year of the French Republic," but no definite plan for a revised calendar had been proposed. A decree of 2 January 1793, provided for the second year of the Republic to begin on 1 January 1793. The new calendar lasted until 1806. Instead of Sunday, the new calendar had a ten-day week with a rest called "décadi," every tenth day.  It hardly mattered—few peasants used calendars in the first place, and the religious-minded kept track of holy days they celebrated in secret.

===Committee of Public Safety===

===Committee of Public Safety===

===Economic controls===

===Economic controls===

On 29 September, 1793, in the Law of the Maximum was formulated to deal with the steady rise in prices of the necessities of life.  Committees of experts had been appointed to study the whole subject.  Prices were set  at one and one-third its price in 1790, transportation costs were regulated at a fixed rate, a 5 per cent markup was allowed the wholesaler and 10 per cent to the retailer. Bertrand Barrere declared, "The needs of the people will no longer be spied upon in order that the commercial classes may arbitrarily take advantage".

On 29 September 1793, in the Law of the Maximum was formulated to deal with the steady rise in prices of the necessities of life.  Committees of experts had been appointed to study the whole subject.  Prices were set  at one and one-third its price in 1790, transportation costs were regulated at a fixed rate, a 5 per cent markup was allowed the wholesaler and 10 per cent to the retailer. Bertrand Barrere declared, "The needs of the people will no longer be spied upon in order that the commercial classes may arbitrarily take advantage".

The first result was farmers produced as little as they possibly could. Scarcity increased, and the people of the large cities were put on an rationing. Many shopkeepers went out of business, and the remainder forced buyers to pay enormous charges under the very natural excuse that the seller risked his life in trading at all. That this excuse was valid is easily seen by the daily lists of those condemned to the guillotine, in which not infrequently figure the names of men charged with violating the Maximum laws. Manufactures were crippled and frequently destroyed.   

The first result was farmers produced as little as they possibly could. Scarcity increased, and the people of the large cities were put on an rationing. Many shopkeepers went out of business, and the remainder forced buyers to pay enormous charges under the very natural excuse that the seller risked his life in trading at all. That this excuse was valid is easily seen by the daily lists of those condemned to the guillotine, in which not infrequently figure the names of men charged with violating the Maximum laws. Manufactures were crippled and frequently destroyed.   

To detect goods concealed by farmers and shopkeepers, a spy system was established with a reward to the informer of one-third of the value of the goods discovered. To spread terror, the Criminal Tribunal at Strassburg was ordered to destroy the dwelling of anyone found guilty of selling goods above the price set by law. The farmer often found that he could not raise his products at anything like the price required by the new law; and when he tried to hold back his crops or cattle, alleging that he could not afford to sell them at the prices fixed by law, they were frequently taken from him by force and he was fortunate if he was paid in the depreciated fiat currency or escaped execution.

To detect goods concealed by farmers and shopkeepers, a spy system was established with a reward to the informer of one-third of the value of the goods discovered. To spread terror, the Criminal Tribunal at Strassburg was ordered to destroy the dwelling of anyone found guilty of selling goods above the price set by law. The farmer often found that he could not raise his products at anything like the price required by the new law; and when he tried to hold back his crops or cattle, alleging that he could not afford to sell them at the prices fixed by law, they were frequently taken from him by force and he was fortunate if he was paid in the depreciated fiat currency or escaped execution.

The Convention decreed that any person selling gold or silver coin, or making any difference in any transaction between paper banknotes (assignats), and precious metal coin (specie) should be imprisoned in irons for six years; that anyone who refused to accept a payment in assignats, or accepted assignats at a discount, should pay a fine of 3,000 francs; and that anyone committing this crime a second time should pay a fine of 6,000 francs and suffer imprisonment 20 years in irons. Later, on 8 September, 1793, the penalty for such offences was made death, with confiscation of the property of the heirs, and a reward offered to any person informing the authorities regarding any such transaction.  The Convention decreed, in May 1794, that the death penalty should be inflicted on any person convicted of 'having asked, before a bargain was concluded, in what money payment was to be made".  

The Convention decreed that any person selling gold or silver coin, or making any difference in any transaction between paper banknotes (assignats), and precious metal coin (specie) should be imprisoned in irons for six years; that anyone who refused to accept a payment in assignats, or accepted assignats at a discount, should pay a fine of 3,000 francs; and that anyone committing this crime a second time should pay a fine of 6,000 francs and suffer imprisonment 20 years in irons. Later, on 8 September 1793, the penalty for such offences was made death, with confiscation of the property of the heirs, and a reward offered to any person informing the authorities regarding any such transaction.  The Convention decreed, in May 1794, that the death penalty should be inflicted on any person convicted of 'having asked, before a bargain was concluded, in what money payment was to be made".  

Georges Couthon, in August 1793, proposed and won passage of a law punishing any person who should sell assignats at less than their fixed value with imprisonment for 20 years in chains, and later passed a law making investment in foreign countries punishable by death.  Prisons, guillotines, enactments inflicting 20 years' imprisonment in chains upon persons twice convicted of buying or selling paper money at less than its nominal value, and death upon investors in foreign securities, still did not stop people from procuring the necessities of life by bargaining and exchange; on 1 August, 1795, the gold louis of 25 francs was worth in paper, 920 francs; on 1 September, 1,200 francs; on 1 November, 2,600 francs; on 1 December, 3,050 francs. In February 1796, it was worth 7,200 francs or one franc in gold was worth 288 francs in paper. Prices of all commodities went up nearly in proportion. <ref>Andrew Dickson White, Fiat Money: Inflation in France, Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington-on-Hudson, New York, 1959, pp. 75-89; first published in 1912 as revised version of 1876 lecture. Reproduced in ''Choice in Currency'', F. A. Hayek, The [[Institute of Economic Affairs]] 1976, "A Note on Government Monopoly of Money in Theory and History", [http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-book409pdf?.pdf  France, 1789], pgs. 34 - 38.</ref>

Georges Couthon, in August 1793, proposed and won passage of a law punishing any person who should sell assignats at less than their fixed value with imprisonment for 20 years in chains, and later passed a law making investment in foreign countries punishable by death.  Prisons, guillotines, enactments inflicting 20 years' imprisonment in chains upon persons twice convicted of buying or selling paper money at less than its nominal value, and death upon investors in foreign securities, still did not stop people from procuring the necessities of life by bargaining and exchange; on 1 August 1795, the gold louis of 25 francs was worth in paper, 920 francs; on 1 September, 1,200 francs; on 1 November, 2,600 francs; on 1 December, 3,050 francs. In February 1796, it was worth 7,200 francs or one franc in gold was worth 288 francs in paper. Prices of all commodities went up nearly in proportion.<ref>Andrew Dickson White, Fiat Money: Inflation in France, Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington-on-Hudson, New York, 1959, pp. 75-89; first published in 1912 as revised version of 1876 lecture. Reproduced in ''Choice in Currency'', F. A. Hayek, The [[Institute of Economic Affairs]] 1976, "A Note on Government Monopoly of Money in Theory and History", [http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-book409pdf?.pdf  France, 1789], pgs. 34 - 38.</ref>

==Directory==

==Directory==

The "Directory" was the government between November 1795 and November 1799.<ref> The Directory is also called the Constitution of the Year III because it was instituted in the third year of the First French Republic.</ref> It consisted of a Directory of five men, one of whom was replaced annually, and two representative assemblies, the '''Five Hundred''' and the '''Ancients.''' The assemblies were elected nationwide by property owners. The assemblies wielded legislative power, and the Directory executive power, but there was no device to resolve deadlocks between them.<ref>Jones, ''Great Nation'' (2002) ch 11</ref>

The "Directory" was the government between November 1795 and November 1799.<ref>The Directory is also called the Constitution of the Year III because it was instituted in the third year of the First French Republic.</ref> It consisted of a Directory of five men, one of whom was replaced annually, and two representative assemblies, the '''Five Hundred''' and the '''Ancients.''' The assemblies were elected nationwide by property owners. The assemblies wielded legislative power, and the Directory executive power, but there was no device to resolve deadlocks between them.<ref>Jones, ''Great Nation'' (2002) ch 11</ref>

The Directory gave power to the more conservative forces remaining in France;<ref> Not including the royalists and aristocrats who had fled into exile.</ref> they had taken advantage of the enormous changes 1789-95, including the breakup or religious and aristocratic estates. The Directory continued the "Thermidorian reaction," which followed the fall of [[Maximilien Robespierre]] and the [[Jacobins]] in July 1794. The moderate middle-class republicans, mostly from the upper middle class favored the Directory because it ended the power of the royalists on the right and the Jacobin on the left. The Directory repeatedly used armed force and intimidation to stay in power, and thus depended on its generals, who gained popularity.

The Directory gave power to the more conservative forces remaining in France;<ref>Not including the royalists and aristocrats who had fled into exile.</ref> they had taken advantage of the enormous changes 1789-95, including the breakup or religious and aristocratic estates. The Directory continued the "Thermidorian reaction," which followed the fall of [[Maximilien Robespierre]] and the [[Jacobins]] in July 1794. The moderate middle-class republicans, mostly from the upper middle class favored the Directory because it ended the power of the royalists on the right and the Jacobin on the left. The Directory repeatedly used armed force and intimidation to stay in power, and thus depended on its generals, who gained popularity.

In foreign affairs the wars against Britain, Austria, Prussia, and for a time Russia were undertaken to protect France, expand its ideals, and acquire cash to pay army, which became more and more powerful in internal affairs. Conquests created a screen of six satellite republics set up in Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, and Bonaparte's seizure of Egypt. Prussia and Spain made peace, but Britain remained hostile and plans were drawn for an invasion. Instead Napoleon invaded Egypt.

In foreign affairs the wars against Britain, Austria, Prussia, and for a time Russia were undertaken to protect France, expand its ideals, and acquire cash to pay army, which became more and more powerful in internal affairs. Conquests created a screen of six satellite republics set up in Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, and Bonaparte's seizure of Egypt. Prussia and Spain made peace, but Britain remained hostile and plans were drawn for an invasion. Instead Napoleon invaded Egypt.

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'etat on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref> Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'etat on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref>Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

==Impact of the Revolution==

==Impact of the Revolution==

===Impact on France===

===Impact on France===

The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.<ref> Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain."  ''Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française'' 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436 </ref>

The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.<ref>Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain."  ''Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française'' 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436</ref>

==Historiography==

==Historiography==

===Republican tradition===

===Republican tradition===

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref> See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

===Bourbon history===

===Bourbon history===

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959)<ref> See   

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See   

LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com] </ref> , and Albert Soboul (1914-1982)<ref> Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com] </ref>, identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor)<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html] </ref>. That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791-99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref> Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition] </ref>

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref>Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]</ref>

===Furet and conservatives===

===Furet and conservatives===

To replace Marxist interpretations was the goal of [[François Furet]] (1927-97)), the head of the history section of the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes. He argued instead that the Revolution is best understood as the victory of the [[Enlightenment]]--particularly the [[Jean Jacques Rousseau|Rousseauian]] version--over social interests. Intellectual forces were dominant, not [[class conflict]] or materialistic forces.  Furet's influential American ally was Keith Baker, of the University of Chicago. Baker, influenced by the linguistic turn pioneered by [[J. G. A. Pocock]] identified three competing discourses that shaped how people thought in the second half of the eighteenth century. The "language of will" promised rights to the majority while the "language of justice" and the "language of equality" also shaped political values. Justice emphasized history and the desire to maintain contracts; proponents of equality wanted reason to prevail in governmental decision making. According to Baker, in the summer of 1789 the revolutionaries suddenly embraced the language of will. Once embarked on this course, the Terror followed from their insistence that the majority should realize its ambitions. Political and social factors were not necessary to arrive at this unfortunate result, said Baker; instead it was the embrace of the three political discourses of will, justice and equality that drove the revolution.<ref>Censer, "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution" (2003) </ref>

To replace Marxist interpretations was the goal of [[François Furet]] (1927–97)), the head of the history section of the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes. He argued instead that the Revolution is best understood as the victory of the [[Enlightenment]]—particularly the [[Jean Jacques Rousseau|Rousseauian]] version—over social interests. Intellectual forces were dominant, not [[class conflict]] or materialistic forces.  Furet's influential American ally was Keith Baker, of the University of Chicago. Baker, influenced by the linguistic turn pioneered by [[J. G. A. Pocock]] identified three competing discourses that shaped how people thought in the second half of the eighteenth century. The "language of will" promised rights to the majority while the "language of justice" and the "language of equality" also shaped political values. Justice emphasized history and the desire to maintain contracts; proponents of equality wanted reason to prevail in governmental decision making. According to Baker, in the summer of 1789 the revolutionaries suddenly embraced the language of will. Once embarked on this course, the Terror followed from their insistence that the majority should realize its ambitions. Political and social factors were not necessary to arrive at this unfortunate result, said Baker; instead it was the embrace of the three political discourses of will, justice and equality that drove the revolution.<ref>Censer, "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution" (2003)</ref>

===Class and culture===

===Class and culture===

Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations.  Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand microscopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.<ref>Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in [[Ebsco]] </ref>

Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations.  Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand microscopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.<ref>Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in [[Ebsco]]</ref>

The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>

The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>

In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>

In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>

In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect on everyday life.

In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect on everyday life.

===Regions and localities===

===Regions and localities===

Thanks to the postmodern emphasis on the specific rather than the general, instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Postmodern historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like [[Eric Hobsbawm]] (1917-2012).<ref> E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" ''Social Research'' 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: []Ebsco]]</ref>

Thanks to the postmodern emphasis on the specific rather than the general, instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Postmodern historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like [[Eric Hobsbawm]] (1917-2012).<ref>E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" ''Social Research'' 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

===International===

===International===

Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--[[Atlantic history|in the Atlantic world]]--in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences. The comparative approach was pioneered by American historian Robert Palmer.<ref>Robert R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online] </ref>

Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--[[Atlantic history|in the Atlantic world]]—in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences. The comparative approach was pioneered by American historian Robert Palmer.<ref>Robert R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online]</ref>

==External links==

==External links==

* [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/modsbook13.html Primary sources] from Internet Modern History Sourcebook  

* [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/modsbook13.html Primary sources] from Internet Modern History Sourcebook  

==Further reading==

==Further reading==

* Baker, Keith M. ed. ''The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture'' (Oxford, 1987-94) ''vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1987); ''vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution,'' ed. C. Lucas (1988); ''vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789-1848,'' eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); ''vol. 4: The Terror,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1994).  [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Creation-Political-Culture/dp/0080413870/ref=sr_1_4?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197926396&sr=1-4 excerpt and text search vol 4]; advanced essays by leading scholars; conservative approach

* Baker, Keith M. ed. ''The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture'' (Oxford, 1987–94) ''vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1987); ''vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution,'' ed. C. Lucas (1988); ''vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789-1848,'' eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); ''vol. 4: The Terror,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1994).  [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Creation-Political-Culture/dp/0080413870/ref=sr_1_4?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197926396&sr=1-4 excerpt and text search vol 4]; advanced essays by leading scholars; conservative approach

* Blanning, T.C.W. ''The French Revolutionary Wars 1787-1802'' (1996), military history

* Blanning, T.C.W. ''The French Revolutionary Wars 1787-1802'' (1996), military history

* Doyle, William. ''The Oxford History of the French Revolution'' (1989). [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-oxford-history-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online complete edition]; also  [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-History-French-Revolution/dp/019925298X/ref=sr_1_4/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189484963&sr=1-4 excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Doyle, William. ''The Oxford History of the French Revolution'' (1989). [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-oxford-history-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online complete edition]; also  [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-History-French-Revolution/dp/019925298X/ref=sr_1_4/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189484963&sr=1-4 excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Kates, Gary. ''The French Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2005), 308pp; essays by scholars; [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0415358329/ref=sib_dp_pop_bc/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&p=S08O#reader-link excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]

* Kates, Gary. ''The French Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2005), 308pp; essays by scholars; [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0415358329/ref=sib_dp_pop_bc/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&p=S08O#reader-link excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]

* Lefebvre, Georges. ''The French Revolution'' (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-vol-1-by-georges-lefebvre-elizabeth-moss-evanson.jsp complete online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0231085982/ref=sib_dp_pt/103-4827826-5463040#reader-link excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Lefebvre, Georges. ''The French Revolution'' (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-vol-1-by-georges-lefebvre-elizabeth-moss-evanson.jsp complete online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0231085982/ref=sib_dp_pt/103-4827826-5463040#reader-link excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History,'' Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp. 771-793 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-1953%28198821%2918%3A4%3C771%3ATOCAEO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

* Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History,'' Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp.&nbsp;771–793 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-1953%28198821%2918%3A4%3C771%3ATOCAEO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

==External links==

==External links==