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| | Lamar was elected president in 1838. Believing that the likelihood of annexation was small, Lamar opened diplomatic relations with Britain and France; they tried and failed to have Mexico face reality and recognize the new republic, which originated in a revolution just as Mexico itself had in 1821. When Mexico refused to meet with peace commissioners, Lamar launched a military expedition to Santa Fe in order to assert the Texan claim to the Rio Grande as its western boundary. Miscalculating the anti—Santa Anna sentiment in New Mexico, the poorly led Texans were captured and marched in irons overland to Mexico City; they were eventually released. | | Lamar was elected president in 1838. Believing that the likelihood of annexation was small, Lamar opened diplomatic relations with Britain and France; they tried and failed to have Mexico face reality and recognize the new republic, which originated in a revolution just as Mexico itself had in 1821. When Mexico refused to meet with peace commissioners, Lamar launched a military expedition to Santa Fe in order to assert the Texan claim to the Rio Grande as its western boundary. Miscalculating the anti—Santa Anna sentiment in New Mexico, the poorly led Texans were captured and marched in irons overland to Mexico City; they were eventually released. |
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| − | Annexation was highly controversial in the U.S., primarily because anti-slavery forces did not want to see new territory opened for the expansion of slavery, and [[Whig Party|Whigs]] opposed any geographical expansion (because it would delay modernization).<ref>Joel H. Silbey, ''Storm over Texas: The Annexation Controversy and the Road to Civil War.''(2005)</ref> Nevertheless Texas grew rapidly, reaching 100,000 population by 1846, with settlements reaching as far to the northwest as Waco and Fort Worth. The capital was moved to Austin, in the west. | + | Annexation was highly controversial in the U.S., primarily because anti-slavery forces did not want to see new territory opened for the expansion of slavery, and [[Whig Party|Whigs]] opposed any geographical expansion (because it would delay modernization).<ref>Joel H. Silbey, ''Storm over Texas: The Annexation Controversy and the Road to Civil War.''(2005)</ref> Nevertheless, Texas grew rapidly, reaching 100,000 population by 1846, with settlements reaching as far to the northwest as Waco and Fort Worth. The capital was moved to Austin, in the west. |
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| | Texans waged intermittent warfare against the Indians, particularly the Cherokee and Comanche, who continuously raided frontier settlements. President Houston had a tolerant policy, but President Lamar did not. When the Cherokee were negotiating for Mexican support to attack frontier settlements, Lamar decided to buy them out. They would not sell and Texas drove them out in 1839; they resettled in what is now Oklahoma. The Comanches and Texans fought a series of pitched battles until Houston became president again in 1841 and made peace again.<ref>Gary Clayton Anderson, ''The Conquest of Texas: Ethnic Cleansing in the Promised Land, 1820-1875.'' (2005); F. Todd Smith, ''From Dominance to Disappearance: The Indians of Texas and the Near Southwest, 1786-1859'' (2005)</ref> At the same time, the new republic initiated a progressive public school and homestead program. Houston was reelected in 1841. Despite numerous border provocations, he insisted on a posture of peace toward Mexico. Financial conditions made stability imperative as the republic's indebtedness approached $10 million and the value of Texas currency depreciated to less than twenty cents on the dollar. Rivalry between east and west Texas over land titles and the location of the permanent seat of government also troubled the president. | | Texans waged intermittent warfare against the Indians, particularly the Cherokee and Comanche, who continuously raided frontier settlements. President Houston had a tolerant policy, but President Lamar did not. When the Cherokee were negotiating for Mexican support to attack frontier settlements, Lamar decided to buy them out. They would not sell and Texas drove them out in 1839; they resettled in what is now Oklahoma. The Comanches and Texans fought a series of pitched battles until Houston became president again in 1841 and made peace again.<ref>Gary Clayton Anderson, ''The Conquest of Texas: Ethnic Cleansing in the Promised Land, 1820-1875.'' (2005); F. Todd Smith, ''From Dominance to Disappearance: The Indians of Texas and the Near Southwest, 1786-1859'' (2005)</ref> At the same time, the new republic initiated a progressive public school and homestead program. Houston was reelected in 1841. Despite numerous border provocations, he insisted on a posture of peace toward Mexico. Financial conditions made stability imperative as the republic's indebtedness approached $10 million and the value of Texas currency depreciated to less than twenty cents on the dollar. Rivalry between east and west Texas over land titles and the location of the permanent seat of government also troubled the president. |
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| | The [[Republican Party]] won the elections of 1869, issued a new state constitution, and elected E. J. Davis as governor. The Republicans were led by native Texans ("[[Scalawags]]"), with few Carpetbaggers (northerners); the Freedmen (newly freed slaves) provided the bulk of the vote. Legislative inexperience was primarily responsible for the passage of many questionable statutes, particularly concerning taxation. Financial irregularities increased; in their spleen at "bottom rail on top" (a reference to the improved status of blacks) some Texans embraced the [[Ku Klux Klan]] and other violent informal groups seeking to impede legitimate political gains of Freedmen. By 1874 the conservative Democrats, or [[Redeemers]], took power as Richard Coke, was elected governor. Shortly thereafter the last federal troops were withdrawn from military occupation duty. | | The [[Republican Party]] won the elections of 1869, issued a new state constitution, and elected E. J. Davis as governor. The Republicans were led by native Texans ("[[Scalawags]]"), with few Carpetbaggers (northerners); the Freedmen (newly freed slaves) provided the bulk of the vote. Legislative inexperience was primarily responsible for the passage of many questionable statutes, particularly concerning taxation. Financial irregularities increased; in their spleen at "bottom rail on top" (a reference to the improved status of blacks) some Texans embraced the [[Ku Klux Klan]] and other violent informal groups seeking to impede legitimate political gains of Freedmen. By 1874 the conservative Democrats, or [[Redeemers]], took power as Richard Coke, was elected governor. Shortly thereafter the last federal troops were withdrawn from military occupation duty. |
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| − | John L. Haynes (1821–88) was a Texas politician and writer who dissented with many of the typical Southern views of the time. From the late 1850's through the 1880's, Haynes won notoriety as a protector of Mexican Americans, an opponent of secession, a Union army officer, a supporter of freedmen's rights, and a Republican "scalawag." The unifying theme in Haynes's life was his consistent opposition to the dominance of Texas politics and society by a minority of conservative, Democratic, and Anglo planters. He was a Southern dissenter by principle, not merely expedience.<ref>James Marten, "John L. Haynes: a Southern Dissenter in Texas." ''Southern Studies'' 1990 1(3): 257-279. Issn: 0735-8342</ref> | + | John L. Haynes (1821–88) was a Texas politician and writer who dissented with many of the typical Southern views of the time. From the late 1850s through the 1880s, Haynes won notoriety as a protector of Mexican Americans, an opponent of secession, a Union army officer, a supporter of freedmen's rights, and a Republican "scalawag." The unifying theme in Haynes's life was his consistent opposition to the dominance of Texas politics and society by a minority of conservative, Democratic, and Anglo planters. He was a Southern dissenter by principle, not merely expedience.<ref>James Marten, "John L. Haynes: a Southern Dissenter in Texas." ''Southern Studies'' 1990 1(3): 257-279. Issn: 0735-8342</ref> |
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| | After Reconstruction Texas was a part of the [[Solid South]] that nearly always voted for the Democratic nominees, but the Democrats were split, with domininance of the conservative pro-business [[Bourbon Democrats]] challenged by spokesmen for poor white farmers. | | After Reconstruction Texas was a part of the [[Solid South]] that nearly always voted for the Democratic nominees, but the Democrats were split, with domininance of the conservative pro-business [[Bourbon Democrats]] challenged by spokesmen for poor white farmers. |
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| | AFter 1874 white men in the Democratic party controlled the state and minorities had few rights or opportunities. For example, the Texas legislature approved a poll tax in 1902 and later barred blacks from the Democratic primary. The state passed [[Jim Crow]] segregation laws and showed little tolerance for any public roles for African Americans; Mexican Americans were not officially segregated and had the vote. However they had second class status and their votes were controlled by local bosses such as Manuel B. Bravo in Zapata County.<ref>See J. Quezada Gilberto, ''Border Boss: Manuel B. Bravo and Zapata County'' (1999)</ref> streaming into the state. Change occurred, however, when the Supreme Court's Smith v. Allwright decision (1944) voided the state's white Democratic primary.<ref>Charles L. Zelden, ''The Battle for the Black Ballot: Smith v. Allwright and the Defeat of the Texas All-White Primary.'' (2004). 156 pp.</ref> | | AFter 1874 white men in the Democratic party controlled the state and minorities had few rights or opportunities. For example, the Texas legislature approved a poll tax in 1902 and later barred blacks from the Democratic primary. The state passed [[Jim Crow]] segregation laws and showed little tolerance for any public roles for African Americans; Mexican Americans were not officially segregated and had the vote. However they had second class status and their votes were controlled by local bosses such as Manuel B. Bravo in Zapata County.<ref>See J. Quezada Gilberto, ''Border Boss: Manuel B. Bravo and Zapata County'' (1999)</ref> streaming into the state. Change occurred, however, when the Supreme Court's Smith v. Allwright decision (1944) voided the state's white Democratic primary.<ref>Charles L. Zelden, ''The Battle for the Black Ballot: Smith v. Allwright and the Defeat of the Texas All-White Primary.'' (2004). 156 pp.</ref> |
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| − | Even so blacks had little power and remained segregated until the President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] convinced Congress to pass the [[Civil Rights Act]] of 1965 in memory of [[John F. Kennedy]], who was assassinated in Dallas in 1963. By 1978 the Texas House of Representatives included 14 African Americans and 17 Mexican Americans. In 1980 almost 1,000 Mexican Americans held public office in local government along with 200 blacks. Despite sending prominent liberals to the U.S. Senate after World War II, such as Lyndon B. Johnson and Ralph Yarborough, Texas voters retained their conservative tendencies even during the presidencies of John F. Kennedy and native son Johnson. | + | Even so, blacks had little power and remained segregated until the President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] convinced Congress to pass the [[Civil Rights Act]] of 1965 in memory of [[John F. Kennedy]], who was assassinated in Dallas in 1963. By 1978 the Texas House of Representatives included 14 African Americans and 17 Mexican Americans. In 1980 almost 1,000 Mexican Americans held public office in local government along with 200 blacks. Despite sending prominent liberals to the U.S. Senate after World War II, such as Lyndon B. Johnson and Ralph Yarborough, Texas voters retained their conservative tendencies even during the presidencies of John F. Kennedy and native son Johnson. |
| | ===Postwar=== | | ===Postwar=== |
| | After 1960 industrialization in Texas was more rapid than in the nation as a whole. Chemical concerns invested heavily in the state, and the electronics and aerospace industries developed tremendously, especially in the Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston areas. In 1964 NASA's Manned Spacecraft Center (now the Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center) in Houston was named headquarters for all U.S. manned spacecraft flights. Construction of a ship channel linking Houston, the U.S. petrochemical center, to the Gulf of Mexico and the advent of the space age combined to make the city one of the fastest-growing in the nation. Houston also became a medical and research center of international fame. Dallas continued to lead in finance, marketing, and insurance activities, while such west Texas cities as Lubbock, Amarillo, and Wichita Falls showed marked economic growth. In 1994 the state reached 18 million population and passed New York for second place, behind California; but it ranked first in cattle, with 14 million.<ref>See [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE5DB1538F93AA25756C0A962958260&sec=&spon= Sam Roberts, "A Rank That Rankles: New York Slips to No. 3; Now Texas Is 2d Most Populous State," ''New York Times'' May 19, 1994]</ref> | | After 1960 industrialization in Texas was more rapid than in the nation as a whole. Chemical concerns invested heavily in the state, and the electronics and aerospace industries developed tremendously, especially in the Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston areas. In 1964 NASA's Manned Spacecraft Center (now the Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center) in Houston was named headquarters for all U.S. manned spacecraft flights. Construction of a ship channel linking Houston, the U.S. petrochemical center, to the Gulf of Mexico and the advent of the space age combined to make the city one of the fastest-growing in the nation. Houston also became a medical and research center of international fame. Dallas continued to lead in finance, marketing, and insurance activities, while such west Texas cities as Lubbock, Amarillo, and Wichita Falls showed marked economic growth. In 1994 the state reached 18 million population and passed New York for second place, behind California; but it ranked first in cattle, with 14 million.<ref>See [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE5DB1538F93AA25756C0A962958260&sec=&spon= Sam Roberts, "A Rank That Rankles: New York Slips to No. 3; Now Texas Is 2d Most Populous State," ''New York Times'' May 19, 1994]</ref> |
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| | ==Advanced Bibliography== | | ==Advanced Bibliography== |
| − | *[http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online/ The Handbook of Texas Online] ''- Published by the Texas State Historical Association'' thousands of scholarly articles on every aspect of texas history | + | *[http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online/ The Handbook of Texas Online] ''- Published by the Texas State Historical Association'' thousands of scholarly articles on every aspect of Texas history |
| | * [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=71910759 Alvin R. Bailey Jr. and Light Townsend Cummins, eds. ''A Guide to the History of Texas.'' Greenwood Press. 1988.] | | * [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=71910759 Alvin R. Bailey Jr. and Light Townsend Cummins, eds. ''A Guide to the History of Texas.'' Greenwood Press. 1988.] |
| | [[file:TX-mclemore.jpg|thumb|300px]] | | [[file:TX-mclemore.jpg|thumb|300px]] |