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The 1957 Civil Rights Act was the first federal civil rights legislation passed by the United States Congress since the Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875. Johnson told Sen. [[Richard Russell]],  

The 1957 Civil Rights Act was the first federal civil rights legislation passed by the United States Congress since the Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875. Johnson told Sen. [[Richard Russell]],  

[[File:John Kennedy texas.png|left|300px|thumb|John Kennedy as Senator voted against the Civil Rights Act.<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/23535517?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents John F. Kennedy's Southern Strategy, 1956-1960], Guy Paul Land, ''The North Carolina Historical Review'', Vol. 56, No. 1 (January, 1979), pp. 41-63.</ref>]]

[[File:John Kennedy texas.png|left|300px|thumb|John Kennedy as Senator voted against the Civil Rights Act.<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/23535517?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents John F. Kennedy's Southern Strategy, 1956-1960], Guy Paul Land, ''The North Carolina Historical Review'', Vol. 56, No. 1 (January, 1979), pp. 41-63.</ref>]]

{{quotebox|"These Negroes, they're getting pretty [[uppity]] these days and that's a problem for us since they've got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness. Now we've got to do something about this, we've got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference. For if we don't move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there'll be no way of stopping them, we'll lose the filibuster and there'll be no way of putting a brake on all sorts of wild legislation. It'll be Reconstruction all over again."<ref>Said to Senator Richard Russell, Jr. (D-GA) regarding the Civil Rights Act of 1957. As quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=HS9aAAAAYAAJ ''Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream''] (1977), by Doris Kearns Goodwin, New York: New American Library, p. 155.</ref>}}

{{quotebox|"These Negroes, they're getting pretty [[uppity]] these days and that's a problem for us since they've got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness. Now we've got to do something about this, we've got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference. For if we don't move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there'll be no way of stopping them, we'll lose the filibuster and there'll be no way of putting a brake on all sorts of wild legislation. It'll be Reconstruction all over again."<ref>Said to Senator Richard Russell, Jr. (D-GA) regarding the [[Civil Rights Act of 1957]]. As quoted in [http://books.google.com/books?id=HS9aAAAAYAAJ ''Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream''] (1977), by [[Doris Kearns Goodwin]], New York: New American Library, p. 155.</ref>}}

The National Voting Rights Act of 1965<ref>42 U.S.C. § 1973-1973aa-6</ref> authorized, and in some areas required, federal oversight of elections and election laws. Many (but not all) of these areas were in the South, which was at that time controlled by the [[Democratic Party]]. The Act gave the [[Department of Justice]] the power to approve or reject any change in a voting law in certain districts where less than 50% of the population were registered to vote in 1964.  The Act also outlawed literacy tests.

The National Voting Rights Act of 1965<ref>42 U.S.C. § 1973-1973aa-6</ref> authorized, and in some areas required, federal oversight of elections and election laws. Many (but not all) of these areas were in the South, which was at that time controlled by the [[Democratic Party]]. The Act gave the [[Department of Justice]] the power to approve or reject any change in a voting law in certain districts where less than 50% of the population were registered to vote in 1964.  The Act also outlawed literacy tests.

Under Johnson, the Senate had not been able to muster enough votes to cut off a filibuster on a Civil Rights Bill. With Republican support, the final count showed 44 Democrats and 27 Republicans voting to end the filibuster, with 23 Democrats and only 6 Republicans opposed. The formal Senate vote on the bill took place on June 19, 1964. It passed  73-27.  

Under Johnson, the Senate had not been able to muster enough votes to cut off a filibuster on a Civil Rights Bill. With Republican support, the final count showed 44 Democrats and 27 Republicans voting to end the filibuster, with 23 Democrats and only 6 Republicans opposed. The formal Senate vote on the bill took place on June 19, 1964. It passed  73-27.  

The final Senate vote on August 4 was 49 Democrats and 30 Republicans in favor, one Republican and 17 Democrats opposed. Democrat [[segregation]]ist leaders who voted against the Voting Rights Act were [[J. William Fulbright]],<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,871879,00.html?iid=chix-sphere Picking the Team], ''TIME Magazine'', December 12, 1960.</ref> awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by [[Bill Clinton]], and [[Al Gore, Sr.]], father of 2000 Democratic Presidential [[princeling]] [[Al Gore]].

The final Senate vote on August 4 was 49 Democrats and 30 Republicans in favor, one Republican and 17 Democrats opposed. Democrat [[segregation]]ist leaders who voted against the Voting Rights Act were [[J. William Fulbright]],<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,871879,00.html?iid=chix-sphere Picking the Team], ''Time'' magazine, December 12, 1960.</ref> awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by [[Bill Clinton]], and [[Al Gore, Sr.]], father of 2000 Democratic Presidential [[princeling]] [[Al Gore]].

The two numbers in each line of this list refer to the number of representatives voting in favor and against the act, respectively.

The two numbers in each line of this list refer to the number of representatives voting in favor and against the act, respectively.

====Primary reform====

====Primary reform====

The [[McGovern-Fraser Commission]] required state parties to develop written rules and post uniform statewide notification of the date, time, and location of precinct caucus meetings or party primary elections. There was a common practice in some Southern states such as Mississippi were all-white local party bosses held meetings in obscure locations so that Black majorities in a county or district were unaware of the time and place of party elections. Although many provisions the commission brought about were undone in the early 1980s by Walter Mondale and Ted Kennedy, several provisions have remained. Prior to McGovern-Fraser, several states had no written guidelines governing party conventions, caucuses, and the delegate selection process at each level, and were based mostly on local tradition, which often meant cronyism, discrimination, voter suppression and the boss's rule. The system had been used effectively by Democrats in their voter suppression of Blacks for over 100 years.

The [[McGovern-Fraser Commission]] required state parties to develop written rules and post uniform statewide notification of the date, time, and location of precinct caucus meetings or party primary elections. There was a common practice in some Southern states such as Mississippi were all-white local party bosses held meetings in obscure locations so that Black majorities in a county or district were unaware of the time and place of party elections. Although many provisions the commission brought about were undone in the early 1980s by [[Walter Mondale]] and Ted Kennedy, several provisions have remained. Prior to McGovern-Fraser, several states had no written guidelines governing party conventions, caucuses and the delegate selection process at each level and were based mostly on local tradition, which often meant cronyism, discrimination, voter suppression and the boss's rule. The system had been used effectively by Democrats in their voter suppression of Blacks for over 100 years.

After the 1972 election, Congresswoman [[Barbara Mikulski]] was asked by the [[Democratic National Committee]] (DNC) to chair the [[Mikulski Commission]] to review and make recommendations on how effective the pre-convention McGovern-Fraser reforms rules were. According to [[CNN]], the commission

After the 1972 election, Congresswoman [[Barbara Mikulski]] was asked by the [[Democratic National Committee]] (DNC) to chair the [[Mikulski Commission]] to review and make recommendations on how effective the pre-convention McGovern-Fraser reforms rules were. According to [[CNN]], the commission

{{quotebox|replaced the demographic quotas of 1972 with [[affirmative action]] requirements to increase participation by women, blacks and other minorities. (However, this specific plan had the OPPOSITE effect, decreasing the proportion of women from 38% in 1972 to 36% in 1976. The proportion of blacks declined from 15% in 1972 to 7% in 1976. After 1976, quotas for women delegates were reimposed.) PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION, the distribution of delegates among candidates to reflect their share of the primary or caucus vote, was mandated by party rules.<ref>[https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1996/conventions/chicago/facts/rules/index.shtml All Politics, CNN Time, Facts.] Sources: ‘’The National Journal’’, August 23, 1980; ‘’Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections’’; also quoted in ‘’Democratic party convention rule changes’’, academic.regis.edu , below.</ref>}}

{{quotebox|replaced the demographic quotas of 1972 with [[affirmative action]] requirements to increase participation by women, blacks and other minorities. (However, this specific plan had the OPPOSITE effect, decreasing the proportion of women from 38% in 1972 to 36% in 1976. The proportion of blacks declined from 15% in 1972 to 7% in 1976. After 1976, quotas for women delegates were reimposed.) PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION, the distribution of delegates among candidates to reflect their share of the primary or caucus vote, was mandated by party rules.<ref>[https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1996/conventions/chicago/facts/rules/index.shtml All Politics, CNN ''Time'', Facts.] Sources: ''The National Journal'', August 23, 1980; ''Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections''; also quoted in ''Democratic party convention rule changes'', academic.regis.edu, below.</ref>}}

The Mikulski Commission did away with the secret ballot and required a public declaration in front of the election judges or on registration forms and a party-specific ballot given to the voter to cast.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Primary_elections_in_the_United_States#Types_of_primaries]</ref> Now in most states a non-partisan primary voter who wishes to vote for a Democrat for President and a Republican for Senate experiences voter suppression and denial.

The Mikulski Commission did away with the secret ballot and required a public declaration in front of the election judges or on registration forms and a party-specific ballot given to the voter to cast.<ref>[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Primary_elections_in_the_United_States#Types_of_primaries]</ref> Now in most states a non-partisan primary voter who wishes to vote for a Democrat for President and a Republican for Senate experiences voter suppression and denial.