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Atlanta became a staging point for black civil rights activists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as they moved across the South arousing support and confronting segregation.  There was little conflict in Atlanta itself, however.

Atlanta became a staging point for black civil rights activists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as they moved across the South arousing support and confronting segregation.  There was little conflict in Atlanta itself, however.

Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill (1898-1969),<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-2769&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref> Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref>John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>  The overt racism of restaurant owner Lester Maddox (1915-2003) during the mayoral elections of 1957 and 1961 evoked the "contextual liberalism" of his opponents. Neither Hartsfield (mayor 1937-62) nor Ivan Allen Jr. (1911-2003; mayor 1963-72)<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1382&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  believed that progress should move too rapidly, and each was only as liberal as necessary to get the black vote.  Given the alternatives, blacks voted unanimously for the racially more liberal candidates, Hartsfield and Allen. Black votes, together with the votes of conservative businessmen and professionals offset Atlanta's poor white voters who wanted no racial accommodation. Thus, blacks were responsible for Atlanta's national recognition as an oasis of tolerance.<ref>Bradley R. Rice, "Lester Maddox and the 'Liberal' Mayors," ''Proceedings and Papers of the Georgia Association Of Historians'' 1983: 78-87; on Maddox see [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill (1898-1969),<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-2769&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref> Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref>John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>  The overt racism of restaurant owner Lester Maddox (1915-2003) during the mayoral elections of 1957 and 1961 evoked the "contextual liberalism" of his opponents. Neither Hartsfield (mayor 1937–62) nor Ivan Allen Jr. (1911-2003; mayor 1963–72)<ref>See [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1382&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  believed that progress should move too rapidly, and each was only as liberal as necessary to get the black vote.  Given the alternatives, blacks voted unanimously for the racially more liberal candidates, Hartsfield and Allen. Black votes, together with the votes of conservative businessmen and professionals offset Atlanta's poor white voters who wanted no racial accommodation. Thus, blacks were responsible for Atlanta's national recognition as an oasis of tolerance.<ref>Bradley R. Rice, "Lester Maddox and the 'Liberal' Mayors," ''Proceedings and Papers of the Georgia Association Of Historians'' 1983: 78-87; on Maddox see [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1964 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was elected governor of Georgia in 1966.<ref>Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975; see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>  

Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1964 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was elected governor of Georgia in 1966.<ref>Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975; see also [http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Article.jsp?id=h-1387&hl=y ''New Georgia Encyclopedia'' (2007)]</ref>