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{{cquote|Part of [William D.] Barnard's confusion no doubt stems from his faulty assertion that the former-economic progressives who became Dixiecrats (Wilkinson, Locke, Connor) "had not followed the route of Bibb Graves and Handy Ellis. They had not become partisans of the New Deal." But, in fact, they had. Wilkinson (aided by Locke) had been perhaps Bibb Graves's most important lieutenant during the progressive New Deal years. He had actually overseen Graves's election campaign. '''Bull Connor had been an ardent New Dealer. And John Temple Graves '''[II]''', a former progressive and New Deal adherent, also became a prominent Dixiecrat'''—only one so refined that Barnard had placed him in a protected category with the genteel Dixon-McCorvey class of "better sorts"—as with Ellis, a New Dealer who later populated the Dixiecrat ranks. This pattern extended well beyond Alabama. '''Strom Thurmond of South Carolina had been a New Dealer as had even Louisiana's Leander Perez and, to some degree, Mississippi's James Eastland.'''|||"The Great Melding: War, the Dixiecrat Rebellion, and the Southern Model for America's New Conservatism," p. 256}}
 
{{cquote|Part of [William D.] Barnard's confusion no doubt stems from his faulty assertion that the former-economic progressives who became Dixiecrats (Wilkinson, Locke, Connor) "had not followed the route of Bibb Graves and Handy Ellis. They had not become partisans of the New Deal." But, in fact, they had. Wilkinson (aided by Locke) had been perhaps Bibb Graves's most important lieutenant during the progressive New Deal years. He had actually overseen Graves's election campaign. '''Bull Connor had been an ardent New Dealer. And John Temple Graves '''[II]''', a former progressive and New Deal adherent, also became a prominent Dixiecrat'''—only one so refined that Barnard had placed him in a protected category with the genteel Dixon-McCorvey class of "better sorts"—as with Ellis, a New Dealer who later populated the Dixiecrat ranks. This pattern extended well beyond Alabama. '''Strom Thurmond of South Carolina had been a New Dealer as had even Louisiana's Leander Perez and, to some degree, Mississippi's James Eastland.'''|||"The Great Melding: War, the Dixiecrat Rebellion, and the Southern Model for America's New Conservatism," p. 256}}
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As the developing modern liberalism of the New Deal exemplified using Hamiltonian, centralized big-government means to achieve its ends, the Jeffersonian economic tradition of the South which emphasized states' rights increasingly resented Roosevelt's policies. The political effects of World War II carried the greatest impact in shaping left-wing politics towards centralization as opposed to states' rights and Jeffersonianism, whose progressive ideology all but died out subsequently. Wartime price controls failed to benefit rural Southern whites, the traditional constituency of the Progressive Movement in the region.
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In addition, as the developing modern liberalism of the New Deal exemplified using Hamiltonian, centralized big-government means to achieve its ends, the Jeffersonian economic tradition of the South which emphasized states' rights increasingly resented Roosevelt's policies. The political effects of World War II carried the greatest impact in shaping left-wing politics towards centralization as opposed to states' rights and Jeffersonianism, whose progressive ideology all but died out subsequently. Wartime price controls failed to benefit rural Southern whites, the traditional constituency of the Progressive Movement in the region.
    
===Fair Deal: nail in the coffin for old-school Southern progressivism===
 
===Fair Deal: nail in the coffin for old-school Southern progressivism===
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