Changes

{{Officeholder

{{Officeholder

|name=Timothy Otis Howe

|name=Timothy Otis Howe

|image=

|image=Timothy o. howe.png

|party=[[Whig Party|Whig]] (before 1854)<br>[[Republican]] (1854–83)

|party=[[Whig Party|Whig]] (before 1854)<br>[[Republican]] (1854–83)

|spouse=Linda Ann Haines

|spouse=Linda Ann Haines

By 1839 in his early twenties, Howe was admitted to the Kennebec County bar and began practicing law alongside Lot M. Morrill, a future U.S. senator from Maine.<ref name=p90/> Two years later, he married Linda Ann Haynes, and the couple had two children.

By 1839 in his early twenties, Howe was admitted to the Kennebec County bar and began practicing law alongside Lot M. Morrill, a future U.S. senator from Maine.<ref name=p90/> Two years later, he married Linda Ann Haynes, and the couple had two children.

==Political ascension==

==Political ascension==

====Rejection of Jacksonian "states' rights"====

====Rejection of Jacksonian "states' rights"====

Due to his leading role among the Wisconsin Republican Party, Howe was favored by conservative elements for U.S. senator in 1857. A prominent issue in the campaign was states' rights, a topic debated over amid tensions over slavery. The theory of nullification, originally developed by [[John C. Calhoun]] in a pro-states' rights revolt against President [[Andrew Jackson]] decades prior, was used by a faction of Republicans against the Fugitive Slave Act.<ref name=p93/> The doctrine was ideologically led by Carl Schurz, who Howe later quarreled with.

Due to his leading role among the Wisconsin Republican Party, Howe was favored by classically conservative, Whiggish political elements for U.S. senator in 1857. A prominent issue in the campaign was states' rights, a topic debated over amid tensions over slavery. The theory of nullification, originally developed by [[John C. Calhoun]] in a pro-states' rights revolt against President [[Andrew Jackson]] decades prior, was used by a faction of Republicans against the Fugitive Slave Act.<ref name=p93/> The doctrine was ideologically led by Carl Schurz, who Howe later quarreled with.

Howe refused to support the argument of states' rights against the Fugitive Slave Act, deeming the popular sovereignty doctrine (notably used by Northern Democrat Stephen A. Douglas to deceptively perpetuate slavery under the guise of "democracy") repulsive and anathema to traditional Whig principles.<ref name=p93/> Due to the state party's legislative caucus favoring the states' rights argument, Howe lost nomination to James R. Doolittle.

Howe refused to support the argument of states' rights against the Fugitive Slave Act, deeming the popular sovereignty doctrine (notably used by Northern Democrat Stephen A. Douglas to deceptively perpetuate slavery under the guise of "democracy") repulsive and anathema to traditional Whig principles.<ref name=p93/> Due to the state party's legislative caucus favoring the states' rights argument, Howe lost nomination to James R. Doolittle.

==U.S. Senate==

==U.S. Senate==

Despite failing to garner party support in 1857, he continued his activity in Republican councils and spoke at party conventions on behalf of Whiggish conservatives.<ref name=p93/> Several years later in 1861, Howe was ultimately elected to the United States Senate.

Despite failing to garner party support in 1857, he continued his activity in Republican councils and spoke at party conventions on behalf of Whiggish conservatives.<ref name=p93/> Several years later in 1861, Howe was ultimately elected to the United States Senate.

===Howe joins Radical Republican ranks===

===Howe joins Radical Republican ranks===

{{cquote|"I wish the president [would] tell the rebels that he can only grant pardons, that only Congress can admit states, that Congress is not in Session & won't be until December---and that he must keep the peace meantime."||||Howe, 1865<ref name=pp95-96/>}}

{{cquote|"I wish the president [would] tell the rebels that he can only grant pardons, that only Congress can admit states, that Congress is not in Session & won't be until December—and that he must keep the peace meantime."||||Howe, 1865<ref name=pp95-96>''Timothy O. Howe, Stalwart Republican'', pp. 95–96.</ref>}}

Despite his vigorous defense of the Lincoln Administration, Howe became disillusioned with its moderate approach. He decried of "this dawdling war... this limping policy," in reference to President Lincoln's policies.<ref name=p94/> State Republican boss Elisha Keyes remarked on his fierce contempt of Lincoln, whose 1864 reelection Howe gave mere lukewarm support for.<ref name=pp95-96>''Timothy O. Howe, Stalwart Republican'', pp. 95-96.</ref> Instead, he focused his political energy in stumping for the election of his friend Philetus Sawyer to the U.S. House.

Despite his vigorous defense of the Lincoln Administration, Howe became disillusioned with its moderate approach. He decried of "this dawdling war... this limping policy," in reference to President Lincoln's policies.<ref name=p94/> State Republican boss Elisha Keyes remarked on his fierce contempt of Lincoln, whose 1864 reelection Howe gave mere lukewarm support for.<ref name=pp95-96/> Instead, he focused his political energy in stumping for the election of his friend Philetus Sawyer to the U.S. House.

====Grant era, intraparty state politics, internal improvements====

====Grant era, intraparty state politics, internal improvements====

In the immediate postbellumm years, Howe's politics proved more Radical than his constituents and the state Republican Party, which rejected a black suffrage resolution and supported the policies of President [[Andrew Johnson]].<ref name=pp95-96/> His congressional power became the primary source of patronage and influence after he was shunned by the executive branch, in addition to the state Republican Party's temporary drift towards anti-Radicalism. Howe maintained caution and restrained his publicly spoken viewpoints, at one point denying associations with Radical Republican leader [[Charles Sumner]], who was viewed with bitter and scorn by anti-Radical state Republicans.<ref name=pp95-96/>

In the immediate postbellumm years, Howe's politics proved more Radical than his constituents and the state Republican Party, which rejected a black suffrage resolution and supported the policies of President [[Andrew Johnson]].<ref name=pp95-96/> His congressional power became the primary source of patronage and influence after he was shunned by the executive branch, in addition to the state Republican Party's temporary drift towards anti-Radicalism. Howe maintained caution and restrained his publicly spoken viewpoints, at one point denying associations with Radical Republican leader [[Charles Sumner]], who was viewed with bitter and scorn by anti-Radical state Republicans.<ref name=pp95-96/>

Notwithstanding civil rights issues, Howe was very outspoken and prioritized in advocating internal improvements due to his old Whig background.<ref name=pp95-96/> Wisconsin's deficiency in transportation, exacerbated by the state constitution prohibiting expenditures, led Howe to favor generous expenditures as a means of spurring economic growth, and he supported protective tariffs to finance the programs. However, due to insufficient support for high tariffs from a number of Wisconsin congressmen, the internal improvements were only partially obtained.<ref name=pp95-96/>

Notwithstanding civil rights issues, Howe was very outspoken and prioritized in advocating internal improvements due to his old Whig background.<ref name=pp95-96/> Wisconsin's deficiency in transportation, exacerbated by the state constitution prohibiting expenditures, led Howe to favor generous expenditures as a means of spurring economic growth, and he supported protective tariffs to finance the programs. However, due to insufficient support for high tariffs from a number of Wisconsin congressmen, the internal improvements were only partially obtained.<ref name=pp95-96/>

As a loyalist for the policies of the Grant Administration, Howe strongly supported the annexation of San Domingo,<ref name=pp95-96/> opposed by anti-imperialists who employed racial prejudices. When Sumner led a fierce campaign against the annexation, his ousting was ensured by Howe, who described the former as "fighting the President for a year with terrible malignancy."<ref name=pp95-96/>

As a loyalist for the policies of the Grant Administration, Howe strongly supported the annexation of San Domingo (favored by civil rights supporters as a means to bring poorer nations into prosperity),<ref name=pp95-96/> opposed mostly by anti-imperialists including Carl Schurz who employed racial prejudices. When Sumner led a fierce campaign against the annexation, his ousting was ensured by Howe, who described the former as "fighting the President for a year with terrible malignancy."<ref name=pp95-96/>

Howe, supported Radical Republican governor Lucius Fairchild in Wisconsin, and in return received the backing of the state GOP machine. Despite the Wisconsin Republican caucus previously aligned with anti-Radicals who favored Johnson's racist policies, it shifted by 1873, under the direction of Elisha Keyes, to full united support for Howe and reelected him without a nomination.<ref name=pp95-96/>

Howe, supported Radical Republican governor Lucius Fairchild in Wisconsin, and in return received the backing of the state GOP machine. Despite the Wisconsin Republican caucus previously aligned with anti-Radicals who favored Johnson's racist policies, it shifted by 1873, under the direction of Elisha Keyes, to full united support for Howe and reelected him without a nomination.<ref name=pp95-96/>

In 1873-74, the Democratic Party seized upon the Panic of 1873 and blamed the economic policies of the Grant Administration as well as the Republicans in general, reclaiming control of numerous political offices, including the Wisconsin governorship. Howe was offered an appointment to the [[United States Supreme Court]] following the death of Chief Justice [[Salmon P. Chase]], though declined since his act of resigning would result in a Democrat succeeding him in the Senate.<ref name=pp97-99>''Timothy O. Howe, Stalwart Republican'', pp. 97-99.</ref>

In 1873–74, the Democratic Party seized upon the Panic of 1873 and blamed the economic policies of the Grant Administration as well as the Republicans in general, reclaiming control of numerous political offices, including the Wisconsin governorship. Howe was offered an appointment to the [[United States Supreme Court]] following the death of Chief Justice [[Salmon P. Chase]], though declined since his act of resigning would result in a Democrat succeeding him in the Senate.<ref name=pp97-99>''Timothy O. Howe, Stalwart Republican'', pp. 97–99.</ref>

====Hayes years, Stalwart politics====

====Hayes years, Stalwart politics====

Early in the administration of [[Rutherford B. Hayes]], Howe became an outspoken opponent of its policies and joined the [[Stalwart]] GOP faction which opposed the abandonment of congressional Reconstruction. He excoriated the civil service efforts of reformers, which prohibited public servants from participation in committees or conventions, branding Hayes as offending:<ref name=pp97-99/>

Early in the administration of [[Rutherford B. Hayes]], Howe became an outspoken opponent of its policies and joined the [[Stalwart]] GOP faction which opposed the abandonment of congressional Reconstruction. He excoriated the civil service efforts of reformers, which prohibited public servants from participation in committees or conventions, branding Hayes as offending:<ref name=pp97-99/>

{{cquote|...both republicanism and equal citizenship as Samuel J. Tilden would never have offended them.|||Howe, March 25, 1878}}

{{cquote|...both republicanism and equal citizenship as Samuel J. Tilden would never have offended them.|||Howe, March 25, 1878}}

====1880: Stalwarts vs. Blaine faction vs. Half-Breeds====

====1880: Stalwarts vs. Blaine faction vs. Half-Breeds====

Howe worked in the Stalwart movement during the 1880 Republican National Convention to nominate Ulysses S. Grant for an unprecedented, nonconsecutive third term at the Chicago convention.<ref name=pp97-99/> The movement was led by Roscoe Conkling (the leader of the Stalwart Republicans), Thomas C. Platt, [[John A. Logan]], and [[J. Donald Cameron]], with its earlier groundwork planned by late Michigan senator [[Zachariah Chandler]].

Howe worked in the Stalwart movement during the 1880 Republican National Convention to nominate Ulysses S. Grant for an unprecedented, nonconsecutive third term at the Chicago convention.<ref name=pp97-99/> The movement was led by [[Roscoe Conkling]] (the leader of the Stalwart Republicans), [[Thomas C. Platt]], [[John A. Logan]], and [[J. Donald Cameron]], with its earlier groundwork planned by late Michigan senator [[Zachariah Chandler]].

At the convention, several other factions sought their own preferred candidates for the nomination. The Half-Breeds were split, with western elements favoring John Sherman while the Eastern leadership supported George F. Edmunds; [[James G. Blaine]] was supported by his political faction led by [[Eugene Hale]] and [[William P. Frye]]. Stalwarts hoped to use the unit rule to nominate Grant, as the tool allowed state GOP leaders to count all delegate votes for their preferred candidate regardless of individual allegiances; under the unit rule, votes supplied by Illinois, New York, and Pennsylvania, controlled by Stalwarts, would give Grant the nomination.

At the convention, several other factions sought their own preferred candidates for the nomination. The Half-Breeds were split, with western elements favoring John Sherman while the Eastern leadership supported George F. Edmunds; [[James G. Blaine]] was supported by his political faction led by [[Eugene Hale]] and [[William P. Frye]]. Stalwarts hoped to use the unit rule to nominate Grant, as the tool allowed state GOP leaders to count all delegate votes for their preferred candidate regardless of individual allegiances; under the unit rule, votes supplied by Illinois, New York, and Pennsylvania, controlled by Stalwarts, would give Grant the nomination.

Howe exemplified limited enthusiasm for Garfield, though was presented by allies as a choice for the Cabinet since the president sought sufficient support from Stalwarts.<ref name=pp97-99/> Although his merit was vouched by several prominent Republicans, Garfield declined requests upon Sherman's remarks that Howe lacked "breadth of grasp and capacity to handle details."

Howe exemplified limited enthusiasm for Garfield, though was presented by allies as a choice for the Cabinet since the president sought sufficient support from Stalwarts.<ref name=pp97-99/> Although his merit was vouched by several prominent Republicans, Garfield declined requests upon Sherman's remarks that Howe lacked "breadth of grasp and capacity to handle details."

However, President Garfield subsequently appointed Howe to a commission which conducted meetings in Paris.<ref name=pp97-99/> Following the assassination of Garfield by self-proclaimed Stalwart and insane lunatic [[Charles J. Guiteau]], [[Chester A. Arthur]] ascended to the presidency and appointed Howe to the position of Postmaster General, where he presided over numerous service improvements despite criticisms landed over perceived insufficient investigations of fraud. The two were politically close associates, particularly since the Howe's last votes in the Senate included opposition towards Hayes's removal of Arthur from the New York customhouse.<ref name=pp97-99/>

However, President Garfield subsequently appointed Howe to a commission which conducted meetings in Paris.<ref name=pp97-99/> Following the assassination of Garfield by self-proclaimed Stalwart and insane lunatic [[Charles J. Guiteau]], inexperienced politician and Conkling acolyte [[Chester A. Arthur]] ascended to the presidency and appointed Howe to the position of Postmaster General, where he presided over numerous service improvements despite criticisms landed over perceived insufficient investigations of fraud. The two were politically close associates, particularly since the Howe's last votes in the Senate included opposition towards Hayes's removal of Arthur from the New York customhouse.<ref name=pp97-99/>

In March 1883, Howe contracted a cold while visiting his home town of Green Bay and died at his nephew's home in Kenosha. President Arthur, along with the Wisconsin governor, declared a period mourning, and the funeral was held at the Unitarian Church of Kenosha.<ref name=pp97-99/>

In March 1883, Howe contracted a cold while visiting his home town of Green Bay and died at his nephew's home in Kenosha. President Arthur, along with the Wisconsin governor, declared a period mourning, and the funeral was held at the Unitarian Church of Kenosha.<ref name=pp97-99/>