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| − | '''John Calvin Coolidge, Jr.''' (July 4, 1872 - January 5, 1933) was the 30th [[president of the United States of America]] from 1923 to 1929, an era of peace and prosperity. He was elected vice president in 1920 as a [[Republican Party|Republican]] and took office in August 1923 upon the death of President [[Warren G. Harding]]; he was reelected by a landslide in 1924, but in 1928 at the peak of his popularity he announced in typical laconic fashion that he did not choose to run again. | + | '''John Calvin Coolidge Jr.''' (July 4, 1872 - January 5, 1933) was the 30th [[president of the United States of America]] from 1923 to 1929, an era of peace and prosperity. He was elected vice president in 1920 as a [[Republican Party|Republican]] and took office in August 1923 upon the death of President [[Warren G. Harding]]; he was reelected by a landslide in 1924, but in 1928 at the peak of his popularity he announced in typical laconic fashion that he did not choose to run again. |
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| | Coolidge was so frugal that throughout the peak of his political career, including while he was president, he lived in a cramped duplex in western [[Massachusetts]] which he did not even own, and in which another family lived in the other half. | | Coolidge was so frugal that throughout the peak of his political career, including while he was president, he lived in a cramped duplex in western [[Massachusetts]] which he did not even own, and in which another family lived in the other half. |
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| | In the short view, the Coolidge administration was a preeminently successful one. Income taxes and corporate taxes were greatly reduced, a major part of the national debt was retired, and the nation experienced some of the most prosperous years in its history. The Coolidge policies were in part responsible for these benefits, but some hostile [[liberal]] historians falsely claim they were probably responsible, in part, for the great depression that followed. | | In the short view, the Coolidge administration was a preeminently successful one. Income taxes and corporate taxes were greatly reduced, a major part of the national debt was retired, and the nation experienced some of the most prosperous years in its history. The Coolidge policies were in part responsible for these benefits, but some hostile [[liberal]] historians falsely claim they were probably responsible, in part, for the great depression that followed. |
| | [[Image:Calvin Coolidge cph.3g10777.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Calvin Coolidge in 1919]] | | [[Image:Calvin Coolidge cph.3g10777.jpg|thumb|200px|left|Calvin Coolidge in 1919]] |
| − | Coolidge's image was to a degree shaped by Madison Avenue. Buckley (2003) reveals the role of advertising giant [[Bruce Barton]] in the remaking of the public persona or image of Coolidge during 1919-26 and, in so doing, guiding a dramatic shift in politics and the wide acceptance of consumer culture. The dominance of the political party bosses, who selected Harding in 1920, ended when the business elite wrested control from the party, using their ability to raise money for advertising and ultimately commodifying the political process. Members of this elite suggested that Barton refashion Coolidge from an aloof man driven by the advancement of his career into a voice of the masses, the "silent majority," which Barton accomplished with press coverage, exploiting the new technology of radio for political speeches, newsreels, an exclusive "spontaneous" interview with Coolidge, and by arranging events that would be covered free, as news. Coolidge's election to the presidency in 1924 was the first campaign of personality, in which style was promoted over substance, tapping into "intense private longings" of a public uncertain of its moorings in a rapidly modernizing society. Gilbert (2003) and Gilbert (2005) argues that Coolidge suffered from clinical depression throughout his life. Gilbert discusses the major symptoms of the disorder as evidenced in Coolidge's personal and political behavior. He exhibited symptoms from a very early age, beginning with his grandfather's death when he was six and again with the deaths of his mother and sister during his adolescence. Ascending to the presidency in 1923, Coolidge at first was diligent, effective, and respectful of others. After the death of his teenage son in 1924, however, his demeanor and degree of political engagement changed drastically. He developed hypersomnia, sleeping as much as 15 hours per day, and he began to treat White House staffers and his wife rudely, often publicly humiliating them. Moreover, he became far less effective as a decision-maker and grew increasingly detached from political issues. | + | Coolidge's image was to a degree shaped by Madison Avenue. Buckley (2003) reveals the role of advertising giant Bruce Barton in the remaking of the public persona or image of Coolidge during 1919-26 and, in so doing, guiding a dramatic shift in politics and the wide acceptance of consumer culture. The dominance of the political party bosses, who selected Harding in 1920, ended when the business elite wrested control from the party, using their ability to raise money for advertising and ultimately commodifying the political process. Members of this elite suggested that Barton refashion Coolidge from an aloof man driven by the advancement of his career into a voice of the masses, the "silent majority," which Barton accomplished with press coverage, exploiting the new technology of radio for political speeches, newsreels, an exclusive "spontaneous" interview with Coolidge, and by arranging events that would be covered free, as news. Coolidge's election to the presidency in 1924 was the first campaign of personality, in which style was promoted over substance, tapping into "intense private longings" of a public uncertain of its moorings in a rapidly modernizing society. Gilbert (2003) and Gilbert (2005) argues that Coolidge suffered from clinical depression throughout his life. Gilbert discusses the major symptoms of the disorder as evidenced in Coolidge's personal and political behavior. He exhibited symptoms from a very early age, beginning with his grandfather's death when he was six and again with the deaths of his mother and sister during his adolescence. Ascending to the presidency in 1923, Coolidge at first was diligent, effective, and respectful of others. After the death of his teenage son in 1924, however, his demeanor and degree of political engagement changed drastically. He developed hypersomnia, sleeping as much as 15 hours per day, and he began to treat White House staffers and his wife rudely, often publicly humiliating them. Moreover, he became far less effective as a decision-maker and grew increasingly detached from political issues. |
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| | Other scholars note Coolidge's effective and principled stand against the philosophy of Progressivism. Joseph Postell, for instance, argues that Coolidge presents the most formidable attack on the principles of progressivism of any 20th century conservative.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, "Roaring Against Progressivism: Calvin Coolidge's Principled Conservatism" in Towards an American Conservatism: Constitutional Conservatism in the Progressive Era, (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) 183.</ref> According to Postell, Coolidge's philosophical framework defends both the benevolence of custom as well as the truths of the American Founding. While Coolidge advocated a return to and a protection of America's political tradition, he did so not out of some thoughtless fear of the future, but for the sake of universal truths and the principles of the Declaration.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, Towards an American Conservatism, 183.</ref> While Coolidge advocated a return to and a protection of America's tradition, he did so in order to best protect the Constitution and natural rights.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, "Roaring Against Progressivism: Calvin Coolidge's Principled Conservatism" in Towards an American Conservatism: Constitutional Conservatism in the Progressive Era, (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) 183.</ref> Coolidge's philosophical thought recognized that human nature is fixed and cannot be remolded by activist government. As he maintained in his inaugural address, Americans "must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change." This is one of the "fixed stars" that Americans must recognize to properly pursue their political future. With the recognition of this essential truth, Coolidge concluded that the only policies to be pursued were those rooted in America's history, traditions, and national identity. "If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do." | | Other scholars note Coolidge's effective and principled stand against the philosophy of Progressivism. Joseph Postell, for instance, argues that Coolidge presents the most formidable attack on the principles of progressivism of any 20th century conservative.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, "Roaring Against Progressivism: Calvin Coolidge's Principled Conservatism" in Towards an American Conservatism: Constitutional Conservatism in the Progressive Era, (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) 183.</ref> According to Postell, Coolidge's philosophical framework defends both the benevolence of custom as well as the truths of the American Founding. While Coolidge advocated a return to and a protection of America's political tradition, he did so not out of some thoughtless fear of the future, but for the sake of universal truths and the principles of the Declaration.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, Towards an American Conservatism, 183.</ref> While Coolidge advocated a return to and a protection of America's tradition, he did so in order to best protect the Constitution and natural rights.<ref>Joseph W. Postell and Johnathan O'Neill, "Roaring Against Progressivism: Calvin Coolidge's Principled Conservatism" in Towards an American Conservatism: Constitutional Conservatism in the Progressive Era, (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) 183.</ref> Coolidge's philosophical thought recognized that human nature is fixed and cannot be remolded by activist government. As he maintained in his inaugural address, Americans "must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change." This is one of the "fixed stars" that Americans must recognize to properly pursue their political future. With the recognition of this essential truth, Coolidge concluded that the only policies to be pursued were those rooted in America's history, traditions, and national identity. "If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do." |
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| | *"A very positive echo of what the Dutch had done in 1581, and what the English were preparing to do, appears in the assertion of the Rev. Thomas Hooker, of Connecticut, as early as 1638, when he said in a sermon before the General Court that- “The foundation of authority is laid in the free consent of the people.” “The choice of public magistrates belongs unto the people by God’s own allowance.” This doctrine found wide acceptance among the nonconformist clergy who later made up the Congregational Church. The great apostle of this movement was the Rev. [[John Wise (clergyman)|John Wise]], of Massachusetts. He was one of the leaders of the revolt against the royal governor [[Edmund Andros]] in 1687, for which he suffered imprisonment. He was a liberal in ecclesiastical controversies. He appears to have been familiar with the writings of the political scientist, [[Samuel Pufendorf]], who was born in Saxony in 1632. Wise published a treatise, entitled “The Church’s Quarrel Espoused,” in 1710, which was amplified in another publication in 1717. In it he dealt with the principles of civil government. His works were reprinted in 1772 and have been declared to have been nothing less than a textbook of liberty for our Revolutionary fathers."<ref>[https://thf_media.s3.amazonaws.com/2011/pdf/FP_PS32.pdf Calvin Coolidge Challenges Progress in the Name of the Declaration of Independence], [[Heritage Foundation]]</ref><ref>[http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/speech-on-the-occasion-of-the-one-hundred-and-fiftieth-anniversary-of-the-declaration-of-independence/ Speech on the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence]</ref> | | *"A very positive echo of what the Dutch had done in 1581, and what the English were preparing to do, appears in the assertion of the Rev. Thomas Hooker, of Connecticut, as early as 1638, when he said in a sermon before the General Court that- “The foundation of authority is laid in the free consent of the people.” “The choice of public magistrates belongs unto the people by God’s own allowance.” This doctrine found wide acceptance among the nonconformist clergy who later made up the Congregational Church. The great apostle of this movement was the Rev. [[John Wise (clergyman)|John Wise]], of Massachusetts. He was one of the leaders of the revolt against the royal governor [[Edmund Andros]] in 1687, for which he suffered imprisonment. He was a liberal in ecclesiastical controversies. He appears to have been familiar with the writings of the political scientist, [[Samuel Pufendorf]], who was born in Saxony in 1632. Wise published a treatise, entitled “The Church’s Quarrel Espoused,” in 1710, which was amplified in another publication in 1717. In it he dealt with the principles of civil government. His works were reprinted in 1772 and have been declared to have been nothing less than a textbook of liberty for our Revolutionary fathers."<ref>[https://thf_media.s3.amazonaws.com/2011/pdf/FP_PS32.pdf Calvin Coolidge Challenges Progress in the Name of the Declaration of Independence], [[Heritage Foundation]]</ref><ref>[http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/speech-on-the-occasion-of-the-one-hundred-and-fiftieth-anniversary-of-the-declaration-of-independence/ Speech on the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence]</ref> |
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| − | *"His was the directing spirit without which there would have been no independence, no Union, no Constitution, and no Republic. His ways were the ways of truth. He built for eternity. His influence grows. His stature increases with the increasing years. In wisdom of action, in purity of character, he stands alone. We cannot yet estimate him. We can only indicate our reverence for him and thank the Divine Providence which sent him to serve and inspire his fellow men."<ref>[http://history.house.gov/HistoricalHighlight/Detail/37161?ret=True A Joint Session to Commemorate the Birthday of George Washington], February 22, 1927</ref><ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=UUxfx5cAbmEC&pg=PA324 Apostle of Liberty: The World-Changing Leadership of George Washington]</ref> | + | *"[[George Washington|His]] was the directing spirit without which there would have been no independence, no Union, no Constitution, and no Republic. His ways were the ways of truth. He built for eternity. His influence grows. His stature increases with the increasing years. In wisdom of action, in purity of character, he stands alone. We cannot yet estimate him. We can only indicate our reverence for him and thank the Divine Providence which sent him to serve and inspire his fellow men."<ref>[http://history.house.gov/HistoricalHighlight/Detail/37161?ret=True A Joint Session to Commemorate the Birthday of George Washington], February 22, 1927</ref><ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=UUxfx5cAbmEC&pg=PA324 Apostle of Liberty: The World-Changing Leadership of George Washington]</ref> |
| | + | *"It is hard to see how a great man can be an atheist. Without the sustaining influence of faith in a divine power we could have little faith in ourselves. We need to feel that behind us is intelligence and love. Doubters do not achieve; skeptics do not contribute; cynics do not create. Faith is the great motive power, and no man realizes his full possibilities unless he has the deep conviction that life is eternally important, and that his work, well done, is a part of an unending plan."<ref>Telephone Remarks to a Group of Boy Scouts: "What it Means to Be a Boy Scout", July 25, 1924.</ref> |
| | + | * "Restricted immigration is not an offensive but purely a defensive action. It is not adopted in criticism of others in the slightest degree, but solely for the purpose of protecting ourselves. We cast no aspersions on any race or creed, but we must remember that every object of our institutions of society and government will fail unless America be kept American."<ref>“Accepting The Republican Presidential Nomination,” on August 14, 1924. As found in ''The Mind of the President'', p. 216-217.</ref> |
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| | + | ==Trivia== |
| | + | *Coolidge was known to pull pranks on his bodyguards. He would press all his buttons in his office to call his bodyguards to him and would hide under his desk as they frantically looked for him.<ref>https://funfactz.com/funny-facts/calvin-coolidge-bodyguards/</ref> |
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| | ==Bibliography== | | ==Bibliography== |
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| | * Felzenberg, Alvin S. "Calvin Coolidge and Race: His Record in Dealing with the Racial Tensions of the 1920s." ''New England Journal of History'' 1998 55(1): 83–96. | | * Felzenberg, Alvin S. "Calvin Coolidge and Race: His Record in Dealing with the Racial Tensions of the 1920s." ''New England Journal of History'' 1998 55(1): 83–96. |
| | * Ferrell, Robert H. ''The Presidency of Calvin Coolidge.'' U. Press of Kansas, 1998. 244 pp. The standard scholarly study. | | * Ferrell, Robert H. ''The Presidency of Calvin Coolidge.'' U. Press of Kansas, 1998. 244 pp. The standard scholarly study. |
| − | * Gilbert, Robert E. "Calvin Coolidge's Tragic Presidency: the Political Effects of Bereavement and Depression." ''Journal of American Studies'' 2005 39(1): 87-109. Issn: 0021-8758 Fulltext: in Cambridge and Swetswise | + | * Gilbert, Robert E. "Calvin Coolidge's Tragic Presidency: the Political Effects of Bereavement and Depression." ''Journal of American Studies'' 2005 39(1): 87–109. Issn: 0021-8758 Fulltext: in Cambridge and Swetswise |
| | * Gilbert, Robert E. ''The Tormented President: Calvin Coolidge, Death, and Clinical Depression.'' Praeger, 2003. 288pp | | * Gilbert, Robert E. ''The Tormented President: Calvin Coolidge, Death, and Clinical Depression.'' Praeger, 2003. 288pp |
| | * Greenberg, David. ''Calvin Coolidge'' (2006), short biography. [https://www.amazon.com/Calvin-Coolidge-David-Greenberg/dp/0805069577/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1194420081&sr=8-2 excerpt and text search] | | * Greenberg, David. ''Calvin Coolidge'' (2006), short biography. [https://www.amazon.com/Calvin-Coolidge-David-Greenberg/dp/0805069577/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1194420081&sr=8-2 excerpt and text search] |
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| | * [http://www.c-spanarchives.org/program/id/222754 Author David Pietrusza discusses Calvin Coolidge on C-SPAN BookTV] | | * [http://www.c-spanarchives.org/program/id/222754 Author David Pietrusza discusses Calvin Coolidge on C-SPAN BookTV] |
| | * [https://librivox.org/author/7190 Works by Calvin Coolidge - text and free audio] - [[LibriVox]] | | * [https://librivox.org/author/7190 Works by Calvin Coolidge - text and free audio] - [[LibriVox]] |
| | + | * [https://coolidgefoundation.org/ Coolidge Foundation] |
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| | {{USPresidents}} | | {{USPresidents}} |
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