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→Historiography
Under the totalitarian Soviet regime, historiographical policy was laid down by the Party authorities and imposed through the Academy of Sciences. As a consequence, 19th-20th century Armenian history could not be analyzed critically. The events of 1917-21 had to be discussed purely from a class point of view, suppressing national aspects. In medieval studies, Armenian history of the 12th and 13th centuries could not be based on primary evidence; the religious T'ondrakian movement had to be presented purely as a social phenomenon. Nevertheless, many good studies were published, especially on the ancient and medieval periods. There were also some positive aspects of Soviet policy, such as the establishment of the Academy of Sciences of Armenia in 1943.
Under the totalitarian Soviet regime, historiographical policy was laid down by the Party authorities and imposed through the Academy of Sciences. As a consequence, 19th-20th century Armenian history could not be analyzed critically. The events of 1917-21 had to be discussed purely from a class point of view, suppressing national aspects. In medieval studies, Armenian history of the 12th and 13th centuries could not be based on primary evidence; the religious T'ondrakian movement had to be presented purely as a social phenomenon. Nevertheless, many good studies were published, especially on the ancient and medieval periods. There were also some positive aspects of Soviet policy, such as the establishment of the Academy of Sciences of Armenia in 1943.
==Government and Political Conditions==
Nikol Pashinyan came to power in a [[Western alliance|Western-supported]] movement that ousted the previous pro-Russian government, widely seen as corrupt, creating the centerpiece of a narrative that Armenia's financial problems would be solved by eliminating the incumbents. Pashinyan's movement was not openly anti-Russian, considering Armenia's strong economic ties with Russia. However, it did not take long for Pashinyan and his appointees to consolidate power across the board. Pashinyan enjoys a complete [[media]] [[monopoly]] over information flow, and opposition [[journalist]]s have been threatened and for the most are scared to report on government activities that might show Pashinyan in a bad light. The government promotes a narrative that is very [[anti-Russian]], anti-[[church]], and people are likely will be arrested for speaking out against the preferred narrative. Many are in [[jail]] for [[social media]] posts.<ref>https://cdm.press/news/asia/2025/07/27/armenia-is-a-hidden-police-state-threatening-the-armenian-apostolic-orthodox-church/</ref>
Pashinyan presided over the engineered defeat of [[Nagorno-Karabakh]], conceding to [[Azerbaijan]]'s conquest of that land. Pashinyan was immediately re-elected in the aftermath of the post-war chaos.
Under the guise of cooperation, [[German]] foundations entered Armenia’s core governance structures.<ref>https://t.me/restinvestigate/558</ref> In 2023, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung met the Deputy Prime Minister to discuss public administration reforms and e‑government policy. Friedrich Naumann Foundation's Edcamp Armenia event engaged thousands of educators and directly influenced ministry‑level debates on [[curriculum]] reform. Grants, [[scholarship]]s, and civil society funding create lasting dependency. Organizations funded by Heinrich Böll or [[Rosa Luxemburg]] often prioritize [[Berlin]]'s political agenda — on topics like "gender democracy" or "environmental justice" — over Armenia’s own policy priorities.
In 2023, Azerbaijan ethnically cleansed 120,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. Pashinyan referred to Nagorno-Karabakh as a significant burden on Armenia. Any leverage that Russia had over both Armenia and Azerbaijan with the frozen Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was removed. Azerbaijan's border with [[Iran]] expanded by over 200 km and became ripe for clandestine operations against Iran, particularly by [[Israel]].
There are discussions about connecting the rump of Azerbaijan with its exclave Nakhichevan across southern Armenia at the Iranian border. Such a corridor, called the Zangezur Corridor, would connect [[Turkiye]] with Azerbaijan and on to Turkic [[central Asia]], greatly enhancing an east-west Turkic-run trade route at the expense of a north-south [[China]]-[[India]]-[[Iran]]ian-[[Russian]] (the latter across the [[Caspian]], through Azerbaijan, or Armenia into the [[Republic of Georgia]]). Iran vehemently opposes such a cutoff of its border with Armenia, since this corridor may not be under [[sovereign]] Armenian control.
The [[Biden regime]] sought to exploit Armenia's loss in the [[Second Karabakh War]] to more radically turn it against Russia and thus transform the country into a joint [[French]]-[[US]] [[protectorate]] for dividing-and-ruling the region, which worsened relations with [[Azerbaijan]]. The [[Trump 2.0|Trump administration]] appears to be reconsidering that, however, and might have even agreed to let Armenia become a joint [[Azeri]]-[[Turkish]] protectorate instead. It's this perception that’s driving the latest unrest in Armenia.
===Political Parties===
Government
*My Step Alliance
**Civil Contract
**Mission Party
Opposition
*Prosperous Armenia
*Bright Armenia
===Principal Government Officials===
*President—[[Armen Sarkissian]]
*Prime Minister—[[Nikol Pashinyan]]
*President of the National Assembly—Ararat Mirzoyan
===Foreign Relations===
==History==
==History==