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A large majority of Atlantans attend church regularly and the city is a major center in the Southern Baptist conventions.  
 
A large majority of Atlantans attend church regularly and the city is a major center in the Southern Baptist conventions.  
 
==History==
 
==History==
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Atlanta began as a railroad town in 1837, when the Western and Atlantic Railroad selected an uninhabited site for its western terminus. Here, a small settlement, aptly named Terminus, was built; its name was changed  to Marthasville in 1843 and finally to Atlanta in 1845. With the arrival of two other railroads, Atlanta became a major crossroads and the center of a fast growing transportation network. Wholesalers and bankers located in Atlanta, making it pne of the the main inland commercial centers of the Southeast. An important founder was John James "Cousin John" Thrasher (1818-99), an entrepreneur who built railroads in Georgia. Thrasher represented Fulton County in the state legislature during 1859-63, and during the Civil War his Atlanta home was used as a headquarters by the Confederate Army. After the war, Thrasher helped the South rebuild by constructing civic buildings and railroads.
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Atlanta began as a railroad town in 1837, when the Western and Atlantic Railroad selected an uninhabited site for its western terminus. Here, a small settlement, aptly named Terminus, was built; its name was changed  to Marthasville in 1843 and finally to Atlanta in 1845. With the arrival of two other railroads, Atlanta became a major crossroads and the center of a fast growing transportation network. Wholesalers and bankers located in Atlanta, making it one of the the main inland commercial centers of the Southeast. An important founder was John James "Cousin John" Thrasher (1818-99), an entrepreneur who built railroads in Georgia. Thrasher represented Fulton County in the state legislature during 1859-63, and during the Civil War his Atlanta home was used as a headquarters by the Confederate Army. After the war, Thrasher helped the South rebuild by constructing civic buildings and railroads.
    
By the eve of the Civil War, Atlanta, with a population of more than 9,000, was the fourth largest city in Georgia.   
 
By the eve of the Civil War, Atlanta, with a population of more than 9,000, was the fourth largest city in Georgia.   
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====Gilded Age====
 
====Gilded Age====
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With its central location and excellent railroad connections, Atlanta became a major commercial center. Local entrepreneurs then 9and now) heavily ptomoted tourism and conventions. Atlanta hospitality businesses, especially hotels, saloons, and theaters, grew rapidly from 1880 to 1900. Three major expositions and a convention attracted tens of thousands of visitors: the International Cotton Exposition (1881), the National Commercial Convention (1885), the Piedmont Exposition (1887), and the Cotton States and International Exposition (1895).<ref> Harvey K. Newman, "Atlanta's Hospitality Businesses in the New South Era, 1880-1900." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1996 80(1): 53-76. 0016-8297 </Ref>  
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With its central location and excellent railroad connections, Atlanta became a major commercial center. Local entrepreneurs then and now) heavily promoted tourism and conventions. Atlanta hospitality businesses, especially hotels, saloons, and theaters, grew rapidly from 1880 to 1900. Three major expositions and a convention attracted tens of thousands of visitors: the International Cotton Exposition (1881), the National Commercial Convention (1885), the Piedmont Exposition (1887), and the Cotton States and International Exposition (1895).  At the 1895 event black leader [[Booker T. Washington]] proclaimed the "Atlanta Compromise," which involved middle class white support for black education, with the quiet promise of an end to black political activism.<ref> Harvey K. Newman, "Atlanta's Hospitality Businesses in the New South Era, 1880-1900." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1996 80(1): 53-76. 0016-8297 </Ref>
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Christian evangelicals lost the battle over the commercialization of the theater and other entertainments in downtown Atlanta but held ground in their opposition to Sunday motion pictures. Dime museums, vaudeville, and burlesque attracted scores from the white working class, while drawing criticisms from an elite that was self-consciously attempting to establish Atlanta's position as a regional center of high culture. The white cultural elite turned to the high culture of New York and Paris, notably opera and classical music. They found it impossible to gain support for such new forms of entertainments among the fellow upper crust, who were only a generation removed from the plantations. Meanwhile the city's black elite sought to distinguish itself from the black working class which sponsored jazz in its brothels.  The city's white and black laboring classes, without concern for appearances or the image they were projecting, were responsible for Atlanta's development into a true cultural center of blues, country, and hillbilly music.<ref> Steve Goodson, ''Highbrows, Hillbillies, and Hellfire: Public Entertainment in Atlanta, 1880-1930'' (2002)</ref>
 
====Progressive Era====
 
====Progressive Era====
 
Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref>  
 
Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref>  
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Few blacks had lived in Atlanta before the war but by 1867 almost 9,000 African Americans and 10,000 whites migrated to the city. By 1870 blacks numbered over 12,000 and made up almost one half of the city's population.
 
Few blacks had lived in Atlanta before the war but by 1867 almost 9,000 African Americans and 10,000 whites migrated to the city. By 1870 blacks numbered over 12,000 and made up almost one half of the city's population.
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In the rapid growth of the 1870s race and class determined of residential location. Rich whites lived in mansions near the center of the city with the poor (both black and white) on the urban periphery. Emerging black settlements in Atlanta, as in many other southern cities, were further relegated to the most undesirable areas of the city: back alleys; low-lying, flood-prone ground; industrial sites; and tracts of land adjacent to railroads, cemeteries, city dumps, and slaughter houses. Most blacks lived imits in Jenningstown on the west side, Summer Hill to the south, Shermantown on the east side, and Mechanicsville in the southwestern. They worked as unskilled laborers and domestic servants. About 90% of the unskilled laborers in 1900 were black.  Most blacks were poor but some prospered, including undertakers, barbers, insurance company entrepreneurs, hotel owners and grocers; they catered to black clients. The black leadership class also included politicians, preachers and teachers.  With little aid from government before 1910, blacks created their own self-help welfare agencies that operated orphanages and insurance funds, health centers, youth clubs, and vocational education.  The First Congregational Church of Atlanta, with financial support from new England, sponsored a  home for black working women, business and cooking schools, a kindergarten, and an employment bureau. Similar community aervices and programs were provided by the city's other leading black churches such as Big Bethel A.M.E. Church and Wheat Street Baptist Church.
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In the rapid growth of the 1870s race and class determined of residential location. Rich whites lived in mansions near the center of the city with the poor (both black and white) on the urban periphery. Emerging black settlements in Atlanta, as in many other southern cities, were further relegated to the most undesirable areas of the city: back alleys; low-lying, flood-prone ground; industrial sites; and tracts of land adjacent to railroads, cemeteries, city dumps, and slaughter houses. Most blacks lived in Jenningstown on the west side, Summer Hill to the south, Shermantown on the east side, and Mechanicsville in the southwestern. They worked as unskilled laborers and domestic servants. About 90% of the unskilled laborers in 1900 were black.  Most blacks were poor but some prospered, including undertakers, barbers, insurance company entrepreneurs, hotel owners and grocers; they catered to black clients. The black leadership class also included politicians, preachers and teachers.  With little aid from government before 1910, blacks created their own self-help welfare agencies that operated orphanages and insurance funds, health centers, youth clubs, and vocational education.  The First Congregational Church of Atlanta, with financial support from new England, sponsored a  home for black working women, business and cooking schools, a kindergarten, and an employment bureau. Similar community services and programs were provided by the city's other leading black churches such as Big Bethel A.M.E. Church and Wheat Street Baptist Church.
    
The blacks made Atlanta their national center for higher education. Atlanta University was founded by the American Missionary Association in 1865. Atlanta Baptist College for men (now Morehouse College) opened in 1867, and Clark University, supported by the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was established in 1870. The final two schools of what would later become the Atlanta University Center -- Morris Brown College, affiliated with the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E.), and Spelman Seminary (Spelman College) for women, a Baptist school -- opened in 1881. At first these were advanced secondary schools, this nucleus of black higher provided important educational and training opportunities for Atlanta's black students and contributed to the growth of what by 1910 was a large and well-educated black middle class second in size only to Washington. By contrast the public school system lagged far behind, so that working class black Atlanta had low levels of schooling.   
 
The blacks made Atlanta their national center for higher education. Atlanta University was founded by the American Missionary Association in 1865. Atlanta Baptist College for men (now Morehouse College) opened in 1867, and Clark University, supported by the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was established in 1870. The final two schools of what would later become the Atlanta University Center -- Morris Brown College, affiliated with the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E.), and Spelman Seminary (Spelman College) for women, a Baptist school -- opened in 1881. At first these were advanced secondary schools, this nucleus of black higher provided important educational and training opportunities for Atlanta's black students and contributed to the growth of what by 1910 was a large and well-educated black middle class second in size only to Washington. By contrast the public school system lagged far behind, so that working class black Atlanta had low levels of schooling.   
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Not until the 1920s did Atlanta open its first black public high school. It came about because blacks worked through their churches to vote in city bond referendums and negotiated with the Commission on  Interracial Cooperation to gain a commitment from the board of education to build a black high school. It was located on the west side of  town, where pioneer black businessman, banker, realtor, and builder Heman Perry was  already developing new homes for Atlanta's upscale blacks.  
 
Not until the 1920s did Atlanta open its first black public high school. It came about because blacks worked through their churches to vote in city bond referendums and negotiated with the Commission on  Interracial Cooperation to gain a commitment from the board of education to build a black high school. It was located on the west side of  town, where pioneer black businessman, banker, realtor, and builder Heman Perry was  already developing new homes for Atlanta's upscale blacks.  
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It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractuive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref> Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910. Journal of Urban History 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442 </Ref>  
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It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref> Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910. Journal of Urban History 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442 </Ref>  
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The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumoors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods. After the riot geographical segregation intensified.<ref> See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]. </ref>
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The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates, Hoke Smith and Clark Howell, called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods. There were at least 25 dead (mostly black men), hundreds injured, and thousands of dollars in property damage.<ref> See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]; Gregory Mixon, ''The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in A New South City'' (2005)</ref> After the riot geographical segregation intensified. One major long-term result was that black and white elites forged an interracial alliance dedicated to the preservation of law and order. The new "Atlanta Plan" did maintain the peace and allowed the city to flourish commercially, while but required black elites to reduce their ties to working-class blacks, renounce militancy, and accept the leadership of moderate white businessmen who endeavored to protect blacks from white demagogues.  This allowed for the emergence of a powerful black middle class, represented in the 1930s by Rev. Martin Luther King, Senior. His famous son Rev. [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] rejected the compromise in the 1950s and sought confrontations with segregationists in Alabama.<ref>David Fort Godshalk, ''Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations'' (2005)</ref>
    
By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.
 
By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.
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===1920-1960===
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===1920-1945===
    
The December 1939 premier of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new watermark in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South.  It was a segregated event. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref>  
 
The December 1939 premier of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new watermark in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South.  It was a segregated event. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref>  
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===1960 to present===
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===1945 to present===
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====Maddox and die-hard segregationists====
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====Ending segregation====
 
Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill, Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref>  John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>
 
Progressives on race relations, such as ''Atlanta Constitution'' editor Ralph E. McGill, Governor Ellis Arnall, and Assistant Attorney General Daniel Duke, struggled in the period immediately following World War II to make Atlanta and Georgia a place of greater racial tolerance. White supremacist groups fought back, initially suffering some legal defeats. But racism reasserted itself with the election of [[Eugene Talmadge]] and, upon his death, the legislative manipulation of his son, [[Herman E. Talmadge]].<ref>  John Egerton, "Days of Hope and Horror: Atlanta After World War II," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1994 78(2): 281-305. 0016-8297; Egerton, ''Speak Now against the Day: The Generation before the Civil Rights Movement in the South'' (1994).</ref>
    
Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1965 with one major exception. Restaurant owner Lester Maddox and his wife Virginia worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration in the early 1960s. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was eventually elected governor of Georgia.<ref> Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975 </ref>
 
Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1965 with one major exception. Restaurant owner Lester Maddox and his wife Virginia worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration in the early 1960s. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was eventually elected governor of Georgia.<ref> Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975 </ref>
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====Public schools====
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Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton  Hornsby,  Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407  in JSTOR]</ref>
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====Conservatives====
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Perceiving Federal government's sponsorship of the civil rights movement as a fundamental threat to their rights as homeowners, taxpayers, businesspeople, and citizens, a growing number of white Atlantans began to subscribe to an explicit ideology of individualism, privatization, freedom of association, and distrust of the federal government. They denounced the federal courts, in particular, as undemocratic. These conservatives reacted against Democrat [[Lyndon Johnson]] and his [[Great Society]] in the 1960s, voting for Republican [[Richard Nixon]]. In the late 1970s responded favorably, at first, to Democrat [[Jimmy Carter]]. He let them down and they moved to [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980, then started voting Republican for the first time in state and local elections. Most of them now lived in the suburbs; their chief spokesman by the 1980s was Congressman [[Newt Gingrich]], who represented the west suburbs of Atlanta.<ref> See Kevin M. Kruse, ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism'' (2005)</ref>
    
====Emory====
 
====Emory====
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The relationship between cities and their airports has increased in significance since the widespread introduction of commercial jet passenger aviation in the 1960s. Atlanta was a model for other cities such as Dallas and Denver because of the active roles of its major airline, Delta, and the close ties between airline, city, and airport authorities. Delta and therefore Atlanta came to dominate air travel in the entire Southeast. Delta's pioneering hub-and-spoke system formed a blueprint for other airlines in the United States following deregulation in 1978, while the contribution Atlanta's airport made to the local economy aroused the interest of other growth oriented cities. <ref> Drew Whitelegg, Keeping Their Eyes on the Skies: Jet Aviation, Delta Air Lines and the Growth of Atlanta. Journal of Transport History 2000 21(1): 73-91. 0022-5266 </ref>
 
The relationship between cities and their airports has increased in significance since the widespread introduction of commercial jet passenger aviation in the 1960s. Atlanta was a model for other cities such as Dallas and Denver because of the active roles of its major airline, Delta, and the close ties between airline, city, and airport authorities. Delta and therefore Atlanta came to dominate air travel in the entire Southeast. Delta's pioneering hub-and-spoke system formed a blueprint for other airlines in the United States following deregulation in 1978, while the contribution Atlanta's airport made to the local economy aroused the interest of other growth oriented cities. <ref> Drew Whitelegg, Keeping Their Eyes on the Skies: Jet Aviation, Delta Air Lines and the Growth of Atlanta. Journal of Transport History 2000 21(1): 73-91. 0022-5266 </ref>
 
====1980s====
 
====1980s====
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Charismatic black leader [[Andrew Young]] was mayor of Atlanta from 1982 to 1990, following the two terms of the first black mayor Maynard Jackson. During his two terms in office, Young's probusiness posture, fiscal policies, and civil rights reputation gained him some supporters, but Atlanta's violent crime, police brutality, and drug problems led to criticism of the city administration by both the black and white communities. Young admitted the failure of his administration to address Atlanta's need for improved and expanded public housing and was frustrated by problems in improving the city's mass transit system. Nonetheless, Young was able to promote economic investment in the city and, despite the city's social problems and his own personal difficulties, to enhance Atlanta's domestic and international image.<ref> Alton Hornsby, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]</ref>
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Charismatic black leader [[Andrew Young]] was mayor of Atlanta from 1982 to 1990, following the two terms of the first black mayor Maynard Jackson. During his two terms in office, Young's pro-business posture, fiscal policies, and civil rights reputation gained him some supporters, but Atlanta's violent crime, police brutality, and drug problems led to criticism of the city administration by both the black and white communities. Young admitted the failure of his administration to address Atlanta's need for improved and expanded public housing and was frustrated by problems in improving the city's mass transit system. Nonetheless, Young was able to promote economic investment in the city and, despite the city's social problems and his own personal difficulties, to enhance Atlanta's domestic and international image.<ref> Alton Hornsby, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]</ref>
    
==Sports in Atlanta==
 
==Sports in Atlanta==
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==Further reading==
 
==Further reading==
 
* Allen, Frederick. ''Atlanta Rising: The Invention of an International City, 1946-1996.'' Atlanta: Longstreet, 1996. 290 pp.
 
* Allen, Frederick. ''Atlanta Rising: The Invention of an International City, 1946-1996.'' Atlanta: Longstreet, 1996. 290 pp.
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* Ambrose, Andy. ''Atlanta: An Illustrated History.'' (2003) 224pp ISBN 1-58818-086-7.)
 
* Barnard, Susan Kessler. ''Buckhead: A Place For All Time.'' Marietta, Ga.: Bemis, 1996. 270 pp.
 
* Barnard, Susan Kessler. ''Buckhead: A Place For All Time.'' Marietta, Ga.: Bemis, 1996. 270 pp.
 
* Bauerlein, Mark. ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001). 337 pp. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online edition]
 
* Bauerlein, Mark. ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001). 337 pp. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online edition]
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* Daniel, Wayne W. ''Pickin' on Peachtree: A History of Country Music in Atlanta, Georgia.'' (1990). 295 pp.
 
* Daniel, Wayne W. ''Pickin' on Peachtree: A History of Country Music in Atlanta, Georgia.'' (1990). 295 pp.
 
* Davis, Harold E. ''Henry Grady's New South: Atlanta, a Brave and Beautiful City.'' (1990). 254 pp.
 
* Davis, Harold E. ''Henry Grady's New South: Atlanta, a Brave and Beautiful City.'' (1990). 254 pp.
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* Doyle, Don H. ''New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, ashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860-1910.'' (1990). 369 pp. by a leading scholar [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=9348093 online edition]
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* Doyle, Don H. ''New Men, New Cities, New South: Atlanta, Nashville, Charleston, Mobile, 1860-1910.'' (1990). 369 pp. by a leading scholar [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=9348093 online edition]
 
* Ferguson, Karen. ''Black Politics in New Deal Atlanta.'' (2002). 336 pp.  [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101415685 online edition]
 
* Ferguson, Karen. ''Black Politics in New Deal Atlanta.'' (2002). 336 pp.  [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=101415685 online edition]
 
* Garrison, Webb. ''Atlanta and the Civil War.'' Nashville: Rutledge Hill, 1995. 283 pp.
 
* Garrison, Webb. ''Atlanta and the Civil War.'' Nashville: Rutledge Hill, 1995. 283 pp.
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* Goodson, Steve. ''Highbrows, Hillbillies, and Hellfire: Public Entertainment in Atlanta, 1880-1930'' (2002) 270pp
 
* Greenhouse, Carol J. ''Praying for Justice: Faith, Order, and Community in an American Town.'' (1986). 222 pp. on Southern Baptists
 
* Greenhouse, Carol J. ''Praying for Justice: Faith, Order, and Community in an American Town.'' (1986). 222 pp. on Southern Baptists
 
* Hornsby, Alton, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]
 
* Hornsby, Alton, Jr. "Andrew Jackson Young: Mayor of Atlanta, 1982-1990." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1992 77(3): 159-182. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717559  in JSTOR]
 
* Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Succession: Atlanta's Policy-Makers Revisited.'' (1980). 198 pp. political scientist examines the power elite
 
* Hunter, Floyd. ''Community Power Succession: Atlanta's Policy-Makers Revisited.'' (1980). 198 pp. political scientist examines the power elite
 
* Keating, Larry. ''Atlanta: Race, Class, and Urban Expansion.'' (2000). 232 pp.
 
* Keating, Larry. ''Atlanta: Race, Class, and Urban Expansion.'' (2000). 232 pp.
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* Kruse, Kevin M. ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism.'' (2005).
 
* Martin, Harold H. ''Atlanta and Environs: A Chronicle of Its People and Events. Vol. 3: Years of Change and Challenge, 1940-1970.'' (1987). 620 pp.
 
* Martin, Harold H. ''Atlanta and Environs: A Chronicle of Its People and Events. Vol. 3: Years of Change and Challenge, 1940-1970.'' (1987). 620 pp.
 
* Martin, Harold H. ''William Berry Hartsfield: Mayor of Atlanta.'' (1978). 230 pp.
 
* Martin, Harold H. ''William Berry Hartsfield: Mayor of Atlanta.'' (1978). 230 pp.
 
* Mason, Herman, Jr. ''Going against the Wind: A Pictorial History of African Americans in Atlanta.'' Atlanta: Longstreet, 1992. 254 pp.
 
* Mason, Herman, Jr. ''Going against the Wind: A Pictorial History of African Americans in Atlanta.'' Atlanta: Longstreet, 1992. 254 pp.
 
* Newman, Harvey K. ''Southern Hospitality: Tourism and the Growth of Atlanta.'' (1999). 374 pp.
 
* Newman, Harvey K. ''Southern Hospitality: Tourism and the Growth of Atlanta.'' (1999). 374 pp.
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* Plank, David N., and Marcia Turner. "Changing Patterns in Black School Politics: Atlanta, 1872-1973," ''American Journal of Education,'' Vol. 95, No. 4 (Aug., 1987), pp. 584-608 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1209255 in JSTOR]
 
* Preston, Howard L. ''Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935.'' (1979). 203 pp.
 
* Preston, Howard L. ''Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935.'' (1979). 203 pp.
 
* Rabinowitz, Howard N. ''Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890''. (1980).
 
* Rabinowitz, Howard N. ''Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890''. (1980).
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