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| | The Atlanta chapter of the [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]] (WCTU) was founded in 1880, followed in 1883 by the Georgia WCTU under the presidency of Jane Elizabeth Sibley. The organization at first enjoyed close relations with the [[Methodist Episcopal Church, South|Methodist Church in Georgia]] but conflict later arose over the issue of women's rights, particularly since the WCTU had close connections with the Georgia Women's Suffrage Association, set up in 1889. Warren Akin Candler, president of Emory College, was a particularly vociferous Methodist opponent of WCTU support for female suffrage in the 1890s.<ref> Nancy A. Hardesty, "'The Best Temperance Organization in the Land': Southern Methodists and the W.C.T.U." ''Methodist History'' 1990 28(3): 187-194. 0026-1238 </ref> | | The Atlanta chapter of the [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]] (WCTU) was founded in 1880, followed in 1883 by the Georgia WCTU under the presidency of Jane Elizabeth Sibley. The organization at first enjoyed close relations with the [[Methodist Episcopal Church, South|Methodist Church in Georgia]] but conflict later arose over the issue of women's rights, particularly since the WCTU had close connections with the Georgia Women's Suffrage Association, set up in 1889. Warren Akin Candler, president of Emory College, was a particularly vociferous Methodist opponent of WCTU support for female suffrage in the 1890s.<ref> Nancy A. Hardesty, "'The Best Temperance Organization in the Land': Southern Methodists and the W.C.T.U." ''Methodist History'' 1990 28(3): 187-194. 0026-1238 </ref> |
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| − | Given the success of the WCTU and the churches in banning liquor from middle class homes, Southern pharmacists searched for a concoction that would quench thirst without alcohol. The stunning breakthrough took place in Atlanta's large patent medicine industry by three pharmacists. John Stith Pemberton, who moved to Atlanta in 1870, became noted for developing Coca-Cola. He urged customers to "drink the brain tonic and intellectual soda fountain beverage, Coca-Cola." During the 1880s, Joseph Jacobs developed a variety of proprietary products that he dispensed in his Atlanta pharmacy. He also acquired a financial interest in Coca-Cola that was to increase his wealth. Asa G. Candler was another Atlanta pharmacist interested in selling proprietary medicines. He became convinced of Coca-Cola's commercial potential and disposed of all of his resources to promote his interest in the product, which he had purchased in 1888. Coke remains headquartered in the city. Candler, who became mayor, was a conservative felt that the urban commercial elite had a responsibility to improve the living conditions of the poor and the working classes. <ref> James Harvey Young, "Three Atlanta Pharmacists," ''Pharmacy in History'' 1989 31(1): 16-22. 0031-7047 </ref> | + | Given the success of the WCTU and the churches in banning liquor from middle class homes, Southern pharmacists searched for a concoction that would quench thirst without alcohol. The stunning breakthrough took place in Atlanta's large patent medicine industry by three pharmacists. John Stith Pemberton, who moved to Atlanta in 1870, became noted for developing Coca-Cola. He urged customers to "drink the brain tonic and intellectual soda fountain beverage, Coca-Cola." During the 1880s, Joseph Jacobs developed a variety of proprietary products that he dispensed in his Atlanta pharmacy. He also acquired a financial interest in Coca-Cola that was to increase his wealth. Asa G. Candler (1851-1929) was another Atlanta pharmacist interested in selling proprietary medicines. He became convinced of Coca-Cola's commercial potential and disposed of all of his resources to promote his interest in the product, which he had purchased in 1888. Coke remains headquartered in the city. Candler at first advertised the therapeutic values of his drink. By 1900 he realized that this limited the potential clientele to sick people, and he therefore switched to the appeal that Coke and pleasure were synonymous. Candler, who became mayor in 1916, was a conservative felt that the urban commercial elite had a responsibility to improve the living conditions of the poor and the working classes. The family sold its stake in Coca Cola in 1919 to a group of investors led by Ernest Woodruff (1863-1944). Robert Winship Woodruff (1889 – 1985) ran the company from 1923 until 1954 and used his vast fortune to promote Atlanta and Emory.<ref> James Harvey Young, "Three Atlanta Pharmacists," ''Pharmacy in History'' 1989 31(1): 16-22. 0031-7047 </ref> |
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| | ====Progressive Era==== | | ====Progressive Era==== |
| | Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref> | | Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref> |
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| | + | The Chamber of Commerce's monthly magazine "The City Builder" (1916-35) was used by boosters to define Atlanta's unique characteristics and to apply them to daily city life. Money, morality, idealism, and sanctification of the city became known collectively as "the Atlanta Spirit," which supposedly united all citizens in a fervor of boosterism. Local businessmen hoped to attract new industries and populations by these zealous appeals to civic pride, which included the black community. No effort was ever made, however, to assess realistically the impact of these efforts on the people.<ref> Charles Garofalo, "The Atlanta Spirit: A Study in Urban Ideology," ''South Atlantic Quarterly'' 1975 74(1): 34-44. 0038-2876 </ref> |
| | In early-20th-century Atlanta, police often arrested or detained young working-class women who frequented cheap theaters and other places of amusement. The stated object was to protect women from becoming victims of prostitution and other vices, but it seems to have been more a Progressive Era technique to control male vice. It was easier and less controversial to control women's activities than to attempt to control the entertainment businesses. The coming of World War I in 1917 and the presence of a large Army facility at nearby Camp Gordon intensified the enforcement efforts and prompted the hiring of full-fledged policewomen, an Atlanta "first," to more effectively patrol the streets and inspect commercial establishments where prostitution was suspected.<ref>Georgina Hickey, "Waging War on 'Loose Living Hotels' and 'Cheap Soda Water Joints': The Criminalization of Working-Class Women in Atlanta's Public Space." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1998 82(4): 775-800. 0016-8297 </Ref> | | In early-20th-century Atlanta, police often arrested or detained young working-class women who frequented cheap theaters and other places of amusement. The stated object was to protect women from becoming victims of prostitution and other vices, but it seems to have been more a Progressive Era technique to control male vice. It was easier and less controversial to control women's activities than to attempt to control the entertainment businesses. The coming of World War I in 1917 and the presence of a large Army facility at nearby Camp Gordon intensified the enforcement efforts and prompted the hiring of full-fledged policewomen, an Atlanta "first," to more effectively patrol the streets and inspect commercial establishments where prostitution was suspected.<ref>Georgina Hickey, "Waging War on 'Loose Living Hotels' and 'Cheap Soda Water Joints': The Criminalization of Working-Class Women in Atlanta's Public Space." ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1998 82(4): 775-800. 0016-8297 </Ref> |
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| | ===1920-1945=== | | ===1920-1945=== |
| | + | ====Great Depression==== |
| | + | As a commercial city with a small industrial base, Atlanta suffered less during the Great Depression than most northern cities,. Nevertheless unemplyment was high and times were hard. Women suffered from poverty and unemployment. A caste system based on a woman's race, age, and (sometimes) marital status determined the type of job she was likely to have. Statistics indicate that, generally, black women had greater difficulty in the job market and were employed as domestics, while white women held clerical positions.<ref> Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Quiet Suffering: Atlanta Women in the 1930s," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1977 61(2): 112-124. 0016-8297 </ref> |
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| − | The December 1939 premier of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new watermark in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South. It was a segregated event. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref> | + | The spectacular premier in Atlanta of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' in December 1939 was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new stage in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South. It was a segregated event. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref> |
| | ===1945 to present=== | | ===1945 to present=== |
| | ====Ending segregation==== | | ====Ending segregation==== |
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| | Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1965 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration in the 1960s. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was eventually elected governor of Georgia.<ref> Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975 </ref> | | Atlanta adjusted smoothly to the end of segregation in 1965 with one major exception. Maddox worked tirelessly to galvanize Atlanta's white-supremacist population against integration in the 1960s. Even though the city ultimately rejected segregation to foster rapid economic growth, Maddox gained statewide support and was eventually elected governor of Georgia.<ref> Justin Nystrom, "Segregation's Last Stand: Lester Maddox and the Transformation of Atlanta" ''Atlanta History'' 2001 45(2): 34-51. 0896-3975 </ref> |
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| | + | Atlanta elected its first black mayor in 1973. Maynard Jackson, unlike his main opponent Sam Massell, tried to avoid racial overtones in his campaign and concentrated instead on people-oriented issues such as crime, housing, and unemployment. |
| | ====Public schools==== | | ====Public schools==== |
| | Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton Hornsby, Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407 in JSTOR]</ref> | | Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton Hornsby, Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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| | ====Emory==== | | ====Emory==== |
| − | [[Emory University]] made the transition from a regional Methodist college to a major national research university after 1980 thanks to a combination of external trends and circumstances and internal decisions and strategies. The growth of Atlanta's population and wealth helped end a legacy of poverty and lack of research scientists that had hindered the development of research and graduate programs in Southern universities. The Atlanta-based Coca-Cola Corporation and its owners provided endowments throughout the 20th century that provided significant financial support to the university, although a $105 million Candler bequest in 1979 got the most attention. In addition to the advantage of a key benefactor, Emory had a succession of university presidents committed to making it one of the nation's leading research facilities. Finally, a policy of moderate expansion and careful fiscal management sustained it through an uneven course from the 1950s through the 1990s - although it did not achieve national research status until the late 1980s and 1990s.<ref> Nancy Diamond, "Catching Up: The Advance of Emory University since World War II." ''History of Higher Education Annual'' (1999) 19: 149-183. 0737-2698 </ref> | + | [[Emory University]] made the transition from a regional Methodist college to a major national research university after 1980 thanks to a combination of external trends and circumstances and internal decisions and strategies. The growth of Atlanta's population and wealth helped end a legacy of poverty and lack of research scientists that had hindered the development of research and graduate programs in Southern universities. The Atlanta-based Coca-Cola Corporation and its owners provided endowments throughout the 20th century that provided significant financial support to the university, although a $105 million bequest from Coca Cola heir Robert W. Woodruff in 1979 got the most attention. In addition to the advantage of a key benefactor, Emory had a succession of university presidents committed to making it one of the nation's leading research facilities. Finally, a policy of moderate expansion and careful fiscal management sustained it through an uneven course from the 1950s through the 1990s - although it did not achieve national research status until the late 1980s and 1990s.<ref> Nancy Diamond, "Catching Up: The Advance of Emory University since World War II." ''History of Higher Education Annual'' (1999) 19: 149-183. 0737-2698 </ref> |
| | ====Upscaling housing==== | | ====Upscaling housing==== |
| | Gentrification transformed inner city neighborhoods after 1980 as upscale white and Asian families became attracted to the locational advantages of in-town living. Neighborhoods such as Inman Park, Virginia Highlands, East Lake, and Oakhurst witnessed dramatic increases in property values in a short period of time.<ref> Dona J. Stewart, "Hot 'Lanta's Urban Expansion and Cultural Landscape Change." ''Geographical Review'' 1999 89(1): 132-140. 0016-7428 </ref> | | Gentrification transformed inner city neighborhoods after 1980 as upscale white and Asian families became attracted to the locational advantages of in-town living. Neighborhoods such as Inman Park, Virginia Highlands, East Lake, and Oakhurst witnessed dramatic increases in property values in a short period of time.<ref> Dona J. Stewart, "Hot 'Lanta's Urban Expansion and Cultural Landscape Change." ''Geographical Review'' 1999 89(1): 132-140. 0016-7428 </ref> |