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Robert Barnett contacts with [[Donald Wheeler]] formerly of [[OSS]]; Robert Barnett also served in OSS).</ref>  

Robert Barnett contacts with [[Donald Wheeler]] formerly of [[OSS]]; Robert Barnett also served in OSS).</ref>  

* [[Esther Brunauer]], U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #47 and Lee list #55;<ref>

* [[Esther Brunauer]], U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #47 and Lee list #55;<ref>

Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 47 and Number 55 on the Lee list. She belonged to a number of Communist front organizations, including chairman of a meeting of the American Friends of the Soviet Union where the main speaker was a well known Communist and writer for the ''Daily Worker''. "Brunauer was a signer of a call to the annual meeting of the [[American Youth Congress]] which was publicly known to be completely dominated by the Communist Party. She admitted that her husband had Communist connections and had been a member of the [[Young Communist League]]." Brunauer was suspended by the State Department in 1951 pending adjudication of security proceedings against her. On June 16, 1952, she was discharged by the State Department as a security risk. See ''McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And It's Meaning'' for greater detail on this case.

Presented by McCarthy as Case Number 47 and Number 55 on the Lee list. She belonged to a number of [[Communist front]] organizations, including chairman of a meeting of the American Friends of the Soviet Union where the main speaker was a well known Communist and writer for the ''Daily Worker''. "Brunauer was a signer of a call to the annual meeting of the [[American Youth Congress]] which was publicly known to be completely dominated by the Communist Party. She admitted that her husband had Communist connections and had been a member of the [[Young Communist League]]." Brunauer was suspended by the State Department in 1951 pending adjudication of security proceedings against her. On June 16, 1952, she was discharged by the State Department as a security risk. See ''McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And It's Meaning'' for greater detail on this case.

({{cite book

({{cite book

  | last = Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent

  | last = Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent

  | id = ISBN 0-89526-472-2}})</ref>

  | id = ISBN 0-89526-472-2}})</ref>

* [[Ruth Marcia Harrison]], U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #7 and Lee list #4;<ref>

* [[Ruth Marcia Harrison]], U.S. State Department; McCarthy's Case #7 and Lee list #4;<ref>

On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Harrison as being a U.S. State Department employee who was clearly a security and loyalty risk. McCarthy mentioned that Harrison belonged to a long list of Communist front organizations and the Library of Congress branch of the Communist Party. Harrison was investigated by various branches of the Federal government numerous times before her termination in 1951, mainly because of her involvement in the 1930’s in organizations that had been identified as subversive. These organizations include the American Student Union, the [[Young Communist League]], and the Washington Bookshop Association. Subversive elements in the Federal government were able to clear Harrison in all prior investigations, but in 1951, her luck ran out. An informant revealed that Harrison had been active in the Library of Congress branch of the Communist Party when she was employed there as a cataloger, and this information ultimately led to the Loyalty and Security Board’s determination that Harrison posed a security risk as a Federal employee. Government documents related to her case that were declassified after amendments to the Freedom of Information Act in 1975, including investigation files from the [[FBI]], the State Department, the [[CIA]], and the Civil Service Commission indicated that the government's case against Harrison was absolutely correct and her termination justified.

On August 9, 1951, Senator McCarthy listed Harrison as being a U.S. State Department employee who was clearly a security and loyalty risk. McCarthy mentioned that Harrison belonged to a long list of [[Communist front]] organizations and the Library of Congress branch of the Communist Party. Harrison was investigated by various branches of the Federal government numerous times before her termination in 1951, mainly because of her involvement in the 1930’s in organizations that had been identified as subversive. These organizations include the American Student Union, the [[Young Communist League]], and the Washington Bookshop Association. Subversive elements in the Federal government were able to clear Harrison in all prior investigations, but in 1951, her luck ran out. An informant revealed that Harrison had been active in the Library of Congress branch of the Communist Party when she was employed there as a cataloger, and this information ultimately led to the Loyalty and Security Board’s determination that Harrison posed a security risk as a Federal employee. Government documents related to her case that were declassified after amendments to the Freedom of Information Act in 1975, including investigation files from the [[FBI]], the State Department, the [[CIA]], and the Civil Service Commission indicated that the government's case against Harrison was absolutely correct and her termination justified.

({{cite book

({{cite book

  | last = Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent

  | last = Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent

* [[Philip Jessup]], U.S. State Department, Assistant Director for the Naval School of Military Government and Administration at Columbia University in New York, Delegate to the U.N. in a number of different capacities, Ambassador-at-large, and Chairman of the Institute of Pacific Relations Research Advisory Committee; McCarthy's Case #15;<ref>

* [[Philip Jessup]], U.S. State Department, Assistant Director for the Naval School of Military Government and Administration at Columbia University in New York, Delegate to the U.N. in a number of different capacities, Ambassador-at-large, and Chairman of the Institute of Pacific Relations Research Advisory Committee; McCarthy's Case #15;<ref>

McCarthy's first comments regarding Jessup were made during the [[Tydings Committee]] hearings where McCarthy stated that Jessup had an unusual affinity for Communist causes. McCarthy was never allowed by the Tydings Committee to outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to fly in from Pakistan and give his defense against charges that McCarthy had not yet even made. Needless to say, the Tydings Committee cleared Jessup as they did with everyone that appeared before them. However, in two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence regarding Jessup's "unusual affinity for Communist causes". They are as follows:<br>

McCarthy's first comments regarding Jessup were made during the [[Tydings Committee]] hearings where McCarthy stated that Jessup had an unusual affinity for Communist causes. McCarthy was never allowed by the Tydings Committee to outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to fly in from Pakistan and give his defense against charges that McCarthy had not yet even made. Needless to say, the Tydings Committee cleared Jessup as they did with everyone that appeared before them. However, in two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence regarding Jessup's "unusual affinity for Communist causes". They are as follows:<br>

(1) That Jessup had been affiliated with five Communist front groups;

(1) That Jessup had been affiliated with five [[Communist front]] groups;

(2) That Jessup had been a leading light in the [[Institute of Pacific Relations]] (IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party line;

(2) That Jessup had been a leading light in the [[Institute of Pacific Relations]] (IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party line;

(3) And that he had "pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist China and Chiang Kai-shek" and propagated the "myth of the 'democratic Chinese Communist'" through the IPR magazine, ''Far Eastern Survey'', over which he had "absolute control";

(3) And that he had "pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist China and Chiang Kai-shek" and propagated the "myth of the 'democratic Chinese Communist'" through the IPR magazine, ''Far Eastern Survey'', over which he had "absolute control";

While it may be questionable that Jessup pioneered the smear campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, it's clear that he aided in it. There's no doubt that every single one of these allegations was essentially correct. Solid evidence shows that Jessup was associated with four Communist front organizations. They are as follows:

While it may be questionable that Jessup pioneered the smear campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, it's clear that he aided in it. There's no doubt that every single one of these allegations was essentially correct. Solid evidence shows that Jessup was associated with four Communist front organizations. They are as follows:

the [[American Russian Institute]], the [[National Emergency Conference]] (and its successor, the [[National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights]]), the [[American Law Students Association]], and the [[American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations]]. According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities each of these organizations was cited as Communist front groups at the time of Jessup's association with them. Although the Tydings Committee did not allow McCarthy to present his evidence against Jessup, the Tydings Committee did refer to some of McCarthy's evidence that were made on the floor of the Senate. Of course, as usual, the Tydings Committee either ignored the significance of the evidence or downplayed it. It was up to the [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] a year later to do the real investigating and in discussing the IPR, it stated, "The IPR was a vehicle used by Communists to orientate American Far Eastern policy toward Communist objectives." The McCarran Committee Hearings clearly indicate that the IPR was more than just a Communist front organization in that there was an active Communist "cell" that put the services of the IPR at the disposal of "Communist imperialism". And that this was achieved by "manipulating" the IPR's policy-making officials.<br>

the [[American Russian Institute]], the [[National Emergency Conference]] (and its successor, the [[National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights]]), the [[American Law Students Association]], and the [[American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations]]. According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities each of these organizations was cited as Communist front groups at the time of Jessup's association with them. Although the Tydings Committee did not allow McCarthy to present his evidence against Jessup, the Tydings Committee did refer to some of McCarthy's evidence that were made on the floor of the Senate. Of course, as usual, the Tydings Committee either ignored the significance of the evidence or downplayed it. It was up to the [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] a year later to do the real investigating and in discussing the IPR, it stated, "The IPR was a vehicle used by Communists to orientate American Far Eastern policy toward Communist objectives." The McCarran Committee Hearings clearly indicate that the IPR was more than just a Communist front organization in that there was an active Communist "cell" that put the services of the IPR at the disposal of "Communist imperialism". And that this was achieved by "manipulating" the IPR's policy-making officials.<br>

The McCarran Committee reported that ten of the thirty-three individuals whom Jessup recommended as delegates to the IPR Hot Springs Convention in January of 1945 have been named as members of the Communist Party. Jessup was well aware that Frederick Vanderbilt Field was a member of the Communist Party, and especially so when Field resigned from the IPR to devote full time to the Communist front organization, [[American Peace Mobilization]].<br>

The McCarran Committee reported that ten of the thirty-three individuals whom Jessup recommended as delegates to the IPR Hot Springs Convention in January of 1945 have been named as members of the Communist Party. Jessup was well aware that Frederick Vanderbilt Field was a member of the Communist Party, and especially so when Field resigned from the IPR to devote full time to the [[Communist front]] organization, [[American Peace Mobilization]].<br>

Jessup also presided over the State Department Policy Conference of October 1949 that was not only stocked with Jessup's pro-Communist associates but also, in the words of the McCarran Committee, which stated, "...the prevailing [majority] view at the conference advocated (a) the recognition of Communist China; (b) normal trade relations between the United States and Communist China; (c) encouragement of trade between Japan and Communist China; (d) economic assistance to Communist China; (e) recognition that Communist conquest in Asia was a natural and inevitable consequence of revolutionary ferment in Asia with its Communist nature being incidental." [[Harold Stassen]] and [[General Joseph Fortier]] have respectively testified that Jessup not only ignored advice to disregard the pro-Communist direction of the conference and that Jessup was in favor of recognizing Communist China. The above evidence clearly demonstrates that Jessup was at least a security risk and that the State Department Loyalty program failed to identify him as such.  

Jessup also presided over the State Department Policy Conference of October 1949 that was not only stocked with Jessup's pro-Communist associates but also, in the words of the McCarran Committee, which stated, "...the prevailing [majority] view at the conference advocated (a) the recognition of Communist China; (b) normal trade relations between the United States and Communist China; (c) encouragement of trade between Japan and Communist China; (d) economic assistance to Communist China; (e) recognition that Communist conquest in Asia was a natural and inevitable consequence of revolutionary ferment in Asia with its Communist nature being incidental." [[Harold Stassen]] and [[General Joseph Fortier]] have respectively testified that Jessup not only ignored advice to disregard the pro-Communist direction of the conference and that Jessup was in favor of recognizing Communist China. The above evidence clearly demonstrates that Jessup was at least a security risk and that the State Department Loyalty program failed to identify him as such.  

({{cite book

({{cite book

  | id = ISBN 0-80782-245-0}})</ref>

  | id = ISBN 0-80782-245-0}})</ref>

* [[Harlow Shapley]], U.S. State Department appointee to UNESCO, Chairman of the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions;<ref>

* [[Harlow Shapley]], U.S. State Department appointee to UNESCO, Chairman of the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions;<ref>

Shapley joined at least six Communist front groups during the period of 1939-1941. By the time McCarthy had presented Shapley's case to the [[Tydings Committee]], Shapley was a member of at least 21 Communist front organizations, eight of them listed on the Attorney General's list. McCarthy's documentation clearly showed that Shapley remained associated with at least ten of these groups even after they were exposed and officially cited as subversive by multiple legislative investigating committees. In March 1949, at the "Waldorf Peace Conference", Shapley was Chairman of the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions, of which even President Truman denounced as a "tool for Russia and a sounding board for Communist propaganda". Even so, Secretary of State Dean Achesson appointed Shapley as a representative of the U.S. and the U.S. State Department at UNESCO.<br>

Shapley joined at least six [[Communist front]] groups during the period of 1939-1941. By the time McCarthy had presented Shapley's case to the [[Tydings Committee]], Shapley was a member of at least 21 Communist front organizations, eight of them listed on the Attorney General's list. McCarthy's documentation clearly showed that Shapley remained associated with at least ten of these groups even after they were exposed and officially cited as subversive by multiple legislative investigating committees. In March 1949, at the "Waldorf Peace Conference", Shapley was Chairman of the National Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions, of which even President Truman denounced as a "tool for Russia and a sounding board for Communist propaganda". Even so, Secretary of State Dean Achesson appointed Shapley as a representative of the U.S. and the U.S. State Department at UNESCO.<br>

So, despite even Truman's concerns, the State Department appointed yet another clear security risk. As Buckley states in his book, "...a Rider to the Appropriations Act forbade the paying of funds to a person actively affiliated with any organization on the Attorney General's list. And Shapley, according to the evidence before the Tydings Committee, clearly was such a person." As usual, the Tydings Committee ignored the facts and only made mention of Shapley's limited association with the State Department. Once again, McCarthy proved his case but was brushed aside by the Tydings Committee.

So, despite even Truman's concerns, the State Department appointed yet another clear security risk. As Buckley states in his book, "...a Rider to the Appropriations Act forbade the paying of funds to a person actively affiliated with any organization on the Attorney General's list. And Shapley, according to the evidence before the Tydings Committee, clearly was such a person." As usual, the Tydings Committee ignored the facts and only made mention of Shapley's limited association with the State Department. Once again, McCarthy proved his case but was brushed aside by the Tydings Committee.

({{cite book

({{cite book