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Calhoun led South Carolina's attempt to nullify the Tariff of 1828, which became known as the Nullification Crisis. Calhoun was a plantation owner who helped develop the "positive good" theory of slavery. He also developed the South's expansive interpretation of states' rights. After Calhoun, Southerners believed that they carried the rights of their states into nationally owned territories, including a right to own slaves.

Calhoun led South Carolina's attempt to nullify the Tariff of 1828, which became known as the Nullification Crisis. Calhoun was a plantation owner who helped develop the "positive good" theory of slavery. He also developed the South's expansive interpretation of states' rights. After Calhoun, Southerners believed that they carried the rights of their states into nationally owned territories, including a right to own slaves.

Calhoun began as a [[Jeffersonian Republican]]. After 1828, he usually affiliated with the [[Democratic Party]], but flirted with the [[Whig Party]] and considered running for the presidency in 1824 and 1844. Starting as a leading nationalist and modernizer, after 1828 Calhoun reversed directions and became the foremost spokesman for states rights and slavery.<ref> Capers says it was caused by opportunism; when Calhoun realized his ultra nationalist programs were getting him nowhere, he decided about 1827 to build a southern base by allying himself with Jackson and attacking the nationalism of Adams and Clay. The tactic failed completely when Jackson broke with him in 1831.  Capers (1948) pp 41-48.</ref>  Devoted to the principle of liberty and fearful of corruption, Calhoun expanded the notion of [[Republicanism, U.S.|republicanism]] to include the need to protect minority rights against majority rule; his approach was the "concurrent majority."  Increasing distrustful of democracy, he minimized the role of the [[Second Party System]] in South Carolina.  The leaders of the secession movement in the decade after his death looked to Calhoun as a hero.

Calhoun began as a [[Jeffersonian Republican]]. After 1828, he usually affiliated with the [[Democratic Party]], but flirted with the [[Whig Party]] and considered running for the presidency in 1824 and 1844. Starting as a leading nationalist and modernizer, after 1828 Calhoun reversed directions and became the foremost spokesman for states rights and slavery.<ref>Capers says it was caused by opportunism; when Calhoun realized his ultra nationalist programs were getting him nowhere, he decided about 1827 to build a southern base by allying himself with Jackson and attacking the nationalism of Adams and Clay. The tactic failed completely when Jackson broke with him in 1831.  Capers (1948) pp 41-48.</ref>  Devoted to the principle of liberty and fearful of corruption, Calhoun expanded the notion of [[Republicanism, U.S.|republicanism]] to include the need to protect minority rights against majority rule; his approach was the "concurrent majority."  Increasing distrustful of democracy, he minimized the role of the [[Second Party System]] in South Carolina.  The leaders of the secession movement in the decade after his death looked to Calhoun as a hero.

==Personal life==

==Personal life==

===Morals===

===Morals===

Calhoun, probably a Deist, never joined a church; he closely followed the austere moralism of his Scotch-Irish Presbyterian ancestors, and was never tempted to gamble, womanize, or drink to excess. He was a faithful, if often self-absorbed, partner in a sometimes stormy marriage to Floride. Despite his austere image he was a loving and surprisingly permissive father. Calhoun, was also an exemplary slaveholder, who "probably lived up to the just master's ideal as well as anyone."<ref> Bartlett, ''John C. Calhoun'' (1994) p. 285. Bartlett notes the falsity of the rumor  that Calhoun was the father of [[Abraham Lincoln]], since the real mother lived in a different state. </ref>

Calhoun, probably a Deist, never joined a church; he closely followed the austere moralism of his Scotch-Irish Presbyterian ancestors, and was never tempted to gamble, womanize, or drink to excess. He was a faithful, if often self-absorbed, partner in a sometimes stormy marriage to Floride. Despite his austere image he was a loving and surprisingly permissive father. Calhoun, was also an exemplary slaveholder, who "probably lived up to the just master's ideal as well as anyone."<ref>Bartlett, ''John C. Calhoun'' (1994) p. 285. Bartlett notes the falsity of the rumor  that Calhoun was the father of [[Abraham Lincoln]], since the real mother lived in a different state.</ref>

==War Hawk==

==War Hawk==

Although he had little charisma or charm, Calhoun was a brilliant orator and strong organizer, and immediately became a leader of the "war hawks," along with Speaker [[Henry Clay]] and South Carolina congressmen William Lowndes and Langdon Cheves. They disregarded European complexities in the wars between [[Napoleon]] and Britain, and brushed aside the vehement objections of New Englanders, and demanded war against Britain to preserve American honor and republican values.<ref> Margaret Kinard Latimer, "South Carolina - a Protagonist of the War of 1812." ''American Historical Review'' 1956 61(4): 914-929. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/1848824 in Jstor] emphasizes protection of the growing cotton industry.</ref> Clay made Calhoun the acting chairman of the powerful committee on foreign affairs. On June 3, 1812, Calhoun's committee called for a declaration of war in ringing phrases. The episode spread Calhoun's fame nationwide. War -- the [[War of 1812]] -- was declared but it went very badly for the poorly organized Americans, whose ports were immediately blockaded by the British Royal Navy. An attempted invasion of Canada was a total fiasco.  

Although he had little charisma or charm, Calhoun was a brilliant orator and strong organizer, and immediately became a leader of the "war hawks," along with Speaker [[Henry Clay]] and South Carolina congressmen William Lowndes and Langdon Cheves. They disregarded European complexities in the wars between [[Napoleon]] and Britain, and brushed aside the vehement objections of New Englanders, and demanded war against Britain to preserve American honor and republican values.<ref>Margaret Kinard Latimer, "South Carolina - a Protagonist of the War of 1812." ''American Historical Review'' 1956 61(4): 914-929. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/1848824 in Jstor] emphasizes protection of the growing cotton industry.</ref> Clay made Calhoun the acting chairman of the powerful committee on foreign affairs. On June 3, 1812, Calhoun's committee called for a declaration of war in ringing phrases. The episode spread Calhoun's fame nationwide. War—the [[War of 1812]]—was declared but it went very badly for the poorly organized Americans, whose ports were immediately blockaded by the British Royal Navy. An attempted invasion of Canada was a total fiasco.  

Calhoun labored to raise troops, to provide funds, to speed logistics, to improve the currency, and to regulate commerce to aid the war effort. Disasters on the battlefield made him double his legislative efforts to overcome the obstructionism of [[John Randolph]] and [[Daniel Webster]] and other opponents of the war. Once Napoleon had been sent off to exile in Elba, the two nations had no further cause to fight, and peace was achieved at Ghent on Christmas, 1814. Before that news reached New Orleans, a massive British invasion force was utterly defeated at the [[Battle of New Orleans]], which made a national hero out of General [[Andrew Jackson]].  

Calhoun labored to raise troops, to provide funds, to speed logistics, to improve the currency, and to regulate commerce to aid the war effort. Disasters on the battlefield made him double his legislative efforts to overcome the obstructionism of [[John Randolph]] and [[Daniel Webster]] and other opponents of the war. Once Napoleon had been sent off to exile in Elba, the two nations had no further cause to fight, and peace was achieved at Ghent on Christmas, 1814. Before that news reached New Orleans, a massive British invasion force was utterly defeated at the [[Battle of New Orleans]], which made a national hero out of General [[Andrew Jackson]].  

==Secretary of War: 1817-25==

==Secretary of War: 1817-25==

Calhoun continued his role as a leading nationalist during the "[[Era of Good Feeling]]" during the Monroe administration, 1816-25. He proposed an elaborate program of national reforms to the infrastructure that would speed economic modernization. His first priority was an effective navy, including steam frigates, and in the second place a standing army of adequate size; and as further preparation for emergency "great permanent roads," "a certain encouragement" to manufactures, and a system of internal taxation which would not be subject like customs duties to collapse by a war-time shrinkage of maritime trade. He spoke for a national bank, for internal improvements (such as harbors, canals and river navigation) and a protective tariff that would help the industrial Northeast and, especially, pay for the expensive new infrastructure.<ref> Norris W. Preyer, "Southern Support of the Tariff of 1816 - a Reappraisal." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1959 25(3): 306-322. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2954765 in Jstor] </ref> The word "nation" was often on his lips, and his conscious aim was to enhance national unity which he identified with national power.  

Calhoun continued his role as a leading nationalist during the "[[Era of Good Feeling]]" during the Monroe administration, 1816-25. He proposed an elaborate program of national reforms to the infrastructure that would speed economic modernization. His first priority was an effective navy, including steam frigates, and in the second place a standing army of adequate size; and as further preparation for emergency "great permanent roads," "a certain encouragement" to manufactures, and a system of internal taxation which would not be subject like customs duties to collapse by a war-time shrinkage of maritime trade. He spoke for a national bank, for internal improvements (such as harbors, canals and river navigation) and a protective tariff that would help the industrial Northeast and, especially, pay for the expensive new infrastructure.<ref>Norris W. Preyer, "Southern Support of the Tariff of 1816 - a Reappraisal." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1959 25(3): 306-322. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2954765 in Jstor]</ref> The word "nation" was often on his lips, and his conscious aim was to enhance national unity which he identified with national power.  

One observer commented that Calhoun was "the most elegant speaker that sits in the House. . . . His gestures are easy and graceful, his manner forcible, and language elegant; but above all, he confines himself closely to the subject, which he always understands, and enlightens everyone within hearing; having said all that a statesman should say, he is done."  His talent for public speaking required systematic self-discipline and practice. A later critic noted the sharp contrast between his hesitant conversations and his fluent speaking styles, adding that Calhoun "had so carefully cultivated his naturally poor voice as to make his utterance clear, full, and distinct in speaking and while not at all musical it yet fell pleasantly on the ear."  

One observer commented that Calhoun was "the most elegant speaker that sits in the House. . . . His gestures are easy and graceful, his manner forcible, and language elegant; but above all, he confines himself closely to the subject, which he always understands, and enlightens everyone within hearing; having said all that a statesman should say, he is done."  His talent for public speaking required systematic self-discipline and practice. A later critic noted the sharp contrast between his hesitant conversations and his fluent speaking styles, adding that Calhoun "had so carefully cultivated his naturally poor voice as to make his utterance clear, full, and distinct in speaking and while not at all musical it yet fell pleasantly on the ear."  

After the war ended in 1815 the "Old Republicans" in Congress, with their Jeffersonian ideology for economy in the federal government, sought at every turn to reduce the operations and finances of the war department. In 1817, the deplorable state of the war department led four men to turn down requests to fill the secretary of war position before Calhoun finally accepted the task. Political rivalry, namely, Calhoun's political ambitions as well as those of William H. Crawford, the secretary of the treasury, over the pursuit of the 1824 presidency also complicated Calhoun's tenure as war secretary.  

After the war ended in 1815 the "Old Republicans" in Congress, with their Jeffersonian ideology for economy in the federal government, sought at every turn to reduce the operations and finances of the war department. In 1817, the deplorable state of the war department led four men to turn down requests to fill the secretary of war position before Calhoun finally accepted the task. Political rivalry, namely, Calhoun's political ambitions as well as those of William H. Crawford, the secretary of the treasury, over the pursuit of the 1824 presidency also complicated Calhoun's tenure as war secretary.  

Calhoun proposed an expansible army similar to that of France under [[Napoleon]], whereby a basic cadre of 6,000 officers and men could be expanded into 11,000 without adding additional officers or companies. Congress wanted an army of adequate size in case American interests in Florida or the west led to war with Britain or Spain. However the nation was satisfied by the diplomacy that produced the Convention of 1818 with Britain and the [[Adams-Onis Treaty]] of 1819 with Spain, the need for a large army disappeared, and Calhoun could not prevent cutbacks in 1821.<ref>Michael S. Fitzgerald, "Rejecting Calhoun's Expansible Army Plan: the Army Reduction Act of 1821." ''War in History'' 1996 3(2): 161-185. Issn: 0968-3445 </ref>

Calhoun proposed an expansible army similar to that of France under [[Napoleon]], whereby a basic cadre of 6,000 officers and men could be expanded into 11,000 without adding additional officers or companies. Congress wanted an army of adequate size in case American interests in Florida or the west led to war with Britain or Spain. However the nation was satisfied by the diplomacy that produced the Convention of 1818 with Britain and the [[Adams-Onis Treaty]] of 1819 with Spain, the need for a large army disappeared, and Calhoun could not prevent cutbacks in 1821.<ref>Michael S. Fitzgerald, "Rejecting Calhoun's Expansible Army Plan: the Army Reduction Act of 1821." ''War in History'' 1996 3(2): 161-185. Issn: 0968-3445</ref>

As secretary, Calhoun's had responsibility for management of Indian affairs. A reform-minded modernizer, he attempted to institute centralization and efficiency in the Indian department, but Congress either failed to respond to his reforms or responded with hostility. Calhoun's frustration with congressional inaction, political rivalries, and ideological differences that dominated the late early republic spurred him to unilaterally create the Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1824.<ref> William S. Belko, "John C. Calhoun and the Creation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs: an Essay on Political Rivalry, Ideology, and Policymaking in the Early Republic." ''South Carolina Historical Magazine'' 2004 105(3): 170-197. Issn: 0038-3082 </ref>  He supervised the negotiation and ratification of 38 treaties with Indian tribes.

As secretary, Calhoun's had responsibility for management of Indian affairs. A reform-minded modernizer, he attempted to institute centralization and efficiency in the Indian department, but Congress either failed to respond to his reforms or responded with hostility. Calhoun's frustration with congressional inaction, political rivalries, and ideological differences that dominated the late early republic spurred him to unilaterally create the Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1824.<ref>William S. Belko, "John C. Calhoun and the Creation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs: an Essay on Political Rivalry, Ideology, and Policymaking in the Early Republic." ''South Carolina Historical Magazine'' 2004 105(3): 170-197. Issn: 0038-3082</ref>  He supervised the negotiation and ratification of 38 treaties with Indian tribes.

==Vice president==

==Vice president==

In 1832, the South Carolina legislature passed a resolution that declared the federal tariff of 1828 void. President [[Andrew Jackson]] was incensed and the Congress passed the Force Bill, threatening military intervention. The issue, as Jackson saw it, was not the tariff but obedience to federal law. He threatened to call out the troops and to hang Calhoun "higher than Haman," if he got hold of him. Calhoun resigned the vice-presidency, accepted election as senator from South Carolina, and returned to Washington.  No one was hanged as [[Henry Clay]] brokered a compromise between Jackson and Calhoun.  No southern state stood by South Carolina.

In 1832, the South Carolina legislature passed a resolution that declared the federal tariff of 1828 void. President [[Andrew Jackson]] was incensed and the Congress passed the Force Bill, threatening military intervention. The issue, as Jackson saw it, was not the tariff but obedience to federal law. He threatened to call out the troops and to hang Calhoun "higher than Haman," if he got hold of him. Calhoun resigned the vice-presidency, accepted election as senator from South Carolina, and returned to Washington.  No one was hanged as [[Henry Clay]] brokered a compromise between Jackson and Calhoun.  No southern state stood by South Carolina.

Calhoun's followers believed republican values were safe only at the state level, but he ignored the tyranny of the majority at the state level. He did not champion the rights of the individual. [[Daniel Webster]] argued in contrast that republican values were secure only at the national level.<ref>David F. Ericson, "The Nullification Crisis, American Republicanism, and the Force Bill Debate." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1995 61(2): 249-270. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2211577 in Jstor] </ref>

Calhoun's followers believed republican values were safe only at the state level, but he ignored the tyranny of the majority at the state level. He did not champion the rights of the individual. [[Daniel Webster]] argued in contrast that republican values were secure only at the national level.<ref>David F. Ericson, "The Nullification Crisis, American Republicanism, and the Force Bill Debate." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1995 61(2): 249-270. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2211577 in Jstor]</ref>

Most historians argue that nullification (and, in 1860) secession) were reactionary efforts to turn back the [[abolitionist]] assault on slavery. Wood (2003) rejects the assumption that Calhoun and his followers were un-American because they resorted to nullification. Woods argues that the longstanding conservative Southern interpretation of [[Republicanism, U.S.|republican]] ideology and its persistence in the South and says the "Nullifiers" viewed their attempts at nullification and secession as well within the framers' views of republicanism. The Constitution produced by the federal convention of 1787 and the structure of the new government that was formed after the Bill of Rights in 1791 further illuminate the significance of the connection between states' rights, nullification, and republicanism.<ref>W. Kirk Wood, "In Defense of the Republic: John C. Calhoun and State Interposition in South Carolina, 1776-1833." ''Southern Studies'' 2003 10(1-2): 9-48. Issn: 0735-8342 </ref>

Most historians argue that nullification (and, in 1860) secession) were reactionary efforts to turn back the [[abolitionist]] assault on slavery. Wood (2003) rejects the assumption that Calhoun and his followers were un-American because they resorted to nullification. Woods argues that the longstanding conservative Southern interpretation of [[Republicanism, U.S.|republican]] ideology and its persistence in the South and says the "Nullifiers" viewed their attempts at nullification and secession as well within the framers' views of republicanism. The Constitution produced by the federal convention of 1787 and the structure of the new government that was formed after the Bill of Rights in 1791 further illuminate the significance of the connection between states' rights, nullification, and republicanism.<ref>W. Kirk Wood, "In Defense of the Republic: John C. Calhoun and State Interposition in South Carolina, 1776-1833." ''Southern Studies'' 2003 10(1-2): 9-48. Issn: 0735-8342</ref>

==Democratic politics==

==Democratic politics==

To restore his national stature, Calhoun cooperated with Jackson's success, [[Martin Van Buren]], who became president in 1837. Democrats were very hostile to national banks, and the country's bankers had joined the opposition [[Whig Party]]. The Democratic replacement was the "Independent Treasury" system, which Calhoun supported and which went into effect. Calhoun, like Jackson and Van Buren, raged against finance capitalism, which he saw as the common enemy of the Northern laborer, the Southern planter, and the small farmer everywhere. His goal, therefore, was to unite these groups in the Democratic Party, and to dedicate that party to states' rights and agricultural interests as barriers against encroachment by government and big business.  

To restore his national stature, Calhoun cooperated with Jackson's success, [[Martin Van Buren]], who became president in 1837. Democrats were very hostile to national banks, and the country's bankers had joined the opposition [[Whig Party]]. The Democratic replacement was the "Independent Treasury" system, which Calhoun supported and which went into effect. Calhoun, like Jackson and Van Buren, raged against finance capitalism, which he saw as the common enemy of the Northern laborer, the Southern planter, and the small farmer everywhere. His goal, therefore, was to unite these groups in the Democratic Party, and to dedicate that party to states' rights and agricultural interests as barriers against encroachment by government and big business.  

When Whig president William Henry Harrison died after a month in office in 1841, vice president [[John Tyler]] took office.  Tyler was a Democrat and broke bitterly with the Whigs, and named Calhoun Secretary of State in 1844. Public opinion was inflamed about the Oregon country, claimed by both Britain and the U.S. Calhoun compromised by splitting the area down the middle at the 49th parallel, ending the wear threat.<ref> The British area became British Columbia; the American area became Washington and Oregon.</ref>  Tyler and Calhoun were eager to annex the independent Republic of [[Texas]], which wanted to join the Union. Texas was slave country and anti-slavery elements in the North denounced annexation as a plot to enlarge the [[Slave Power]] (that is, the excess political power controlled by slave owners). When the Senate could not muster a 2/3 vote to pass a treaty of annexation with Texas, Calhoun devised a joint resolution of the Houses of Congress, requiring only a simple majority; Texas joined the Union. Mexico had warned all along that it would go to war if Texas joined the Union; war broke out in 1846.

When Whig president William Henry Harrison died after a month in office in 1841, vice president [[John Tyler]] took office.  Tyler was a Democrat and broke bitterly with the Whigs, and named Calhoun Secretary of State in 1844. Public opinion was inflamed about the Oregon country, claimed by both Britain and the U.S. Calhoun compromised by splitting the area down the middle at the 49th parallel, ending the wear threat.<ref>The British area became British Columbia; the American area became Washington and Oregon.</ref>  Tyler and Calhoun were eager to annex the independent Republic of [[Texas]], which wanted to join the Union. Texas was slave country and anti-slavery elements in the North denounced annexation as a plot to enlarge the [[Slave Power]] (that is, the excess political power controlled by slave owners). When the Senate could not muster a 2/3 vote to pass a treaty of annexation with Texas, Calhoun devised a joint resolution of the Houses of Congress, requiring only a simple majority; Texas joined the Union. Mexico had warned all along that it would go to war if Texas joined the Union; war broke out in 1846.

   

   

==Rejects Compromise of 1850==

==Rejects Compromise of 1850==

==Slavery==

==Slavery==

Calhoun was shaped by his own father, Patrick Calhoun, a prosperous backcountry slaveholder who supported the war but opposed ratification of federal Constitution. The father was a model of republican virtue who taught his son that one's standing in society depended not merely on one's commitment to the ideal of popular self government but also on the ownership of a substantial number of slaves. Flourishing in a world in which slaveholding was a badge of civilization, Calhoun saw little reason to question its morality as an adult; he never visited Europe.  Calhoun had seen in his own state how the spread of slavery into the back country improved public morals by ridding the countryside of the shiftless poor whites who had once terrorized the law abiding middle class. Calhoun believed that slavery instilled in the white who remained a code of honor that blunted the disruptive potential of private gain and fostered the civic-mindedness that lay near the core of the republican creed. From such a standpoint, the expansion of slavery into the backcountry decreased the likelihood for social conflict and postponed the declension when money would become the only measure of self worth, as had happened in New England. Calhoun was thus firmly convinced that slavery was the key to the success of the American dream. <ref>Irving Bartlett, ''John C. Calhoun'' (1994) p. 228</ref>

Calhoun was shaped by his own father, Patrick Calhoun, a prosperous backcountry slaveholder who supported the war but opposed ratification of federal Constitution. The father was a model of republican virtue who taught his son that one's standing in society depended not merely on one's commitment to the ideal of popular self government but also on the ownership of a substantial number of slaves. Flourishing in a world in which slaveholding was a badge of civilization, Calhoun saw little reason to question its morality as an adult; he never visited Europe.  Calhoun had seen in his own state how the spread of slavery into the back country improved public morals by ridding the countryside of the shiftless poor whites who had once terrorized the law abiding middle class. Calhoun believed that slavery instilled in the white who remained a code of honor that blunted the disruptive potential of private gain and fostered the civic-mindedness that lay near the core of the republican creed. From such a standpoint, the expansion of slavery into the backcountry decreased the likelihood for social conflict and postponed the declension when money would become the only measure of self worth, as had happened in New England. Calhoun was thus firmly convinced that slavery was the key to the success of the American dream.<ref>Irving Bartlett, ''John C. Calhoun'' (1994) p. 228</ref>

On February 6, 1837, John C. Calhoun took the floor of the Senate to declare that slavery was a "positive good." Senator William Rives of Virginia had referred to slavery as an evil that might become a "lesser evil" in some circumstances. Calhoun believed that conceded too much to the abolitionists: "I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good—a positive good. . . . I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other." A year later in the Senate (January 10, 1838), Calhoun repeated this defense of slavery as a "positive good": "Many in the South once believed that it was a moral and political evil; that folly and delusion are gone; we see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." Calhoun rejected the belief of Southern moderates such as [[Henry Clay]] that all Americans could agree on the "opinion and feeling" that slavery was wrong, although they might disagree on the most practicable way to respond to that great wrong. Calhoun's constitutional ideas acted as a viable conservative alternative to Northern appeals to democracy, majority rule, and natural rights.

On February 6, 1837, John C. Calhoun took the floor of the Senate to declare that slavery was a "positive good." Senator William Rives of Virginia had referred to slavery as an evil that might become a "lesser evil" in some circumstances. Calhoun believed that conceded too much to the abolitionists: "I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good—a positive good. . . . I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other." A year later in the Senate (January 10, 1838), Calhoun repeated this defense of slavery as a "positive good": "Many in the South once believed that it was a moral and political evil; that folly and delusion are gone; we see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." Calhoun rejected the belief of Southern moderates such as [[Henry Clay]] that all Americans could agree on the "opinion and feeling" that slavery was wrong, although they might disagree on the most practicable way to respond to that great wrong. Calhoun's constitutional ideas acted as a viable conservative alternative to Northern appeals to democracy, majority rule, and natural rights.

* Calhoun, John C. '' John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches'' edited  by H. Lee Cheek, (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-Conservative-Leadership/dp/0895261790/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1212720019&sr=1-3 excerpt and text search]

* Calhoun, John C. '' John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches'' edited  by H. Lee Cheek, (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-Conservative-Leadership/dp/0895261790/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1212720019&sr=1-3 excerpt and text search]

* Capers, Gerald M. ''John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal'' (1960) [http://www.questia.com/read/14322273?title=John%20C.%20Calhoun%2c%20Opportunist%3a%20A%20Reappraisal online edition]

* Capers, Gerald M. ''John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal'' (1960) [http://www.questia.com/read/14322273?title=John%20C.%20Calhoun%2c%20Opportunist%3a%20A%20Reappraisal online edition]

* Coit, Margaret, L ''John C. Calhoun: American Portrait'' 620pp; prize winning popular history[http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-American-Portrait/dp/0877971854 excerpt and text search]

* Coit, Margaret, L ''John C. Calhoun: American Portrait'' 620pp; prize winning popular history [http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-American-Portrait/dp/0877971854 excerpt and text search]

* Current, Richard N. ''John C. Calhoun'' (1966), short biography by a scholar

* Current, Richard N. ''John C. Calhoun'' (1966), short biography by a scholar

* Ford, Lacy K. Jr. "Republican Ideology in a Slave Society: The Political Economy of John C. Calhoun," ''Journal of Southern History'' 54 (1988): 405-24; [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2208996 in JSTOR]

* Ford, Lacy K. Jr. "Republican Ideology in a Slave Society: The Political Economy of John C. Calhoun," ''Journal of Southern History'' 54 (1988): 405-24; [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2208996 in JSTOR]

* Capers, Gerald M. "A Reconsideration of John C. Calhoun's Transition from Nationalism to Nullification." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1948 14(1): 34-48.  [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2197709  in Jstor]

* Capers, Gerald M. "A Reconsideration of John C. Calhoun's Transition from Nationalism to Nullification." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1948 14(1): 34-48.  [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2197709  in Jstor]

*  Cheek, H. Lee, Jr.  ''Calhoun and Popular Rule: The Political Theory of the Disquisition and Discourse.'' (2001). 202 pp.  [http://www.questia.com/read/106760073?title=Calhoun%20and%20Popular%20Rule%3a%20%20The%20Political%20Theory%20of%20the%20Disquisition%20and%20Discourse online edition]

*  Cheek, H. Lee, Jr.  ''Calhoun and Popular Rule: The Political Theory of the Disquisition and Discourse.'' (2001). 202 pp.  [http://www.questia.com/read/106760073?title=Calhoun%20and%20Popular%20Rule%3a%20%20The%20Political%20Theory%20of%20the%20Disquisition%20and%20Discourse online edition]

* Coit, Margaret, L ''John C. Calhoun: American Portrait'' 620pp; prize winning popular history[http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-American-Portrait/dp/0877971854 excerpt and text search]

* Coit, Margaret, L ''John C. Calhoun: American Portrait'' 620pp; prize winning popular history [http://www.amazon.com/John-C-Calhoun-American-Portrait/dp/0877971854 excerpt and text search]

* Current, Richard N. ''John C. Calhoun'' (1966), short biography by scholar

* Current, Richard N. ''John C. Calhoun'' (1966), short biography by scholar

*  Dillenbeck, Bruce L.  "The Decade after Moses: The Political Legacy of John C. Calhoun."  PhD dissertation Florida State U. 1990. 298 pp.  DAI 1990 51(4): 1361-A. DA9023916  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]], focus on impact on South Carolina after his death

*  Dillenbeck, Bruce L.  "The Decade after Moses: The Political Legacy of John C. Calhoun."  PhD dissertation Florida State U. 1990. 298 pp.  DAI 1990 51(4): 1361-A. DA9023916  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]], focus on impact on South Carolina after his death

* Peterson, Merrill D. ''Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun'' (1987), comparison of three key leaders [http://www.amazon.com/Great-Triumvirate-Webster-Clay-Calhoun/dp/0195056868 excerpt and text search]

* Peterson, Merrill D. ''Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun'' (1987), comparison of three key leaders [http://www.amazon.com/Great-Triumvirate-Webster-Clay-Calhoun/dp/0195056868 excerpt and text search]

* Scribner, David Lynn.  "A Study of the Antecedents, Argument, and Significance of John C. Calhoun's ''South Carolina Exposition.''"  PhD dissertation U. of Houston 1997. 396 pp.  DAI 1998 59(6): 2175-A. DA9835764  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]

* Scribner, David Lynn.  "A Study of the Antecedents, Argument, and Significance of John C. Calhoun's ''South Carolina Exposition.''"  PhD dissertation U. of Houston 1997. 396 pp.  DAI 1998 59(6): 2175-A. DA9835764  Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]

* Vajda, Zoltan. "John C. Calhoun's Republicanism Revisited," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'', 4#3 Fall 2001, pp. 433-457 in [[Project Muse]]

* Vajda, Zoltan. "John C. Calhoun's Republicanism Revisited," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'', 4#3 Fall 2001, pp.&nbsp;433–457 in [[Project Muse]]

* Wiltse, Charles M. ''John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 1782-1828'', ''John C. Calhoun, Nullifier, 1829-1839''; ''John C. Calhoun: Sectionalist, 1840-1850,'' (3 vols. 1944-1951), the standard in-depth scholarly biography

* Wiltse, Charles M. ''John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 1782-1828'', ''John C. Calhoun, Nullifier, 1829-1839''; ''John C. Calhoun: Sectionalist, 1840-1850,'' (3 vols. 1944-1951), the standard in-depth scholarly biography

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