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===Orange Revolution: 2004===
===Orange Revolution: 2004===
[[File:Ukraine-12-13-2004.jpg|thumb|280px|Canadian news magazine reports, Dec. 13, 2004]] Kuchma's second term in office as president (1999-2004) was characterized by the collapse of the national democratic-centrist alliance, the "Kuchmagate" crisis, the rise of a non-Communist opposition in the 2002 elections, and the election of [[Viktor Yushchenko]] in 2004 following the protests that sparked the [[Orange Revolution]]. The deep divisions that have become evident under Yushchenko had their origins in Ukraine's regionalism, the "Kuchmagate" crisis, antiregime protests, and different attitudes to dealing with the past. The country is divided by linguistic and regional cleavages that appear sharply in regional polarization in national elections. These divisions have led to constant questioning of the viability of the Ukrainian state and predictions of violence and civil war. Secessionist movements have made few inroads, however, and violence has been nonexistent. Because the "minority" group in Ukraine is actually quite large, it has immense influence in the state without resort to regional autonomy or secession. The balance of power between Ukraine's regions and ethnic groups has ensured that neither side has dominated. This does not make for rapid reform, but it has created a stable state.
[[File:Ukraine-12-13-2004.jpg|thumb|280px|Canadian news magazine reports, Dec. 13, 2004]] Kuchma's second term in office as president (1999-2004) was characterized by the collapse of the national democratic-centrist alliance, the "Kuchmagate" crisis, the rise of a non-Communist opposition in the 2002 elections, and the election of [[Viktor Yushchenko]] in 2004 following the protests that sparked the [[Orange Revolution]]. The deep divisions that have become evident under Yushchenko had their origins in Ukraine's regionalism, the "Kuchmagate" crisis, antiregime protests, and different attitudes to dealing with the past. The country is divided by linguistic and regional cleavages that appear sharply in regional polarization in national elections. These divisions have led to constant questioning of the viability of the Ukrainian state and predictions of violence and civil war. Secessionist movements have made few inroads, however, and violence has been nonexistent. Because the "minority" group in Ukraine is actually quite large, it has immense influence in the state without resort to regional autonomy or secession. The balance of power between Ukraine's regions and ethnic groups has ensured that neither side has dominated. This does not make for rapid reform, but it has created a stable state.
===Ukrainian Crisis: 2014-?===
:''See main article: [[Crisis in Ukraine]]''
[[File:Euromaidan in Kyiv on 1 December 2013 by Nwssa Gnatoush.jpg|thumb|Pro-European protests in [[Kyiv]] (2013)]]
2010 [[Viktor Yanukovych]] and his pro-Russian "Party of Regions" won the elections. 2013 the Ukrainian People protested against Yanukovych and wanted a pro-European course by the government.<ref>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2013/vladimir-tismaneanu/ukrainian-people-power/</ref> These protests were called "EuroMaidan".<ref>http://www.frontpagemag.com/2013/arnold-ahlert/putin-vs-pro-west-ukrainians/</ref> The key figures of the opposition were [[Yulia Tymoshenko]], [[Vitali Klitschko]] and [[Oleh Tyahnybok]]. As a result prime minister Mykola Azarov resigned<ref>http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-25932352</ref> and Yanukovich was discontinued on February 22, 2014 by the parliament.<ref>http://www.foxnews.com/world/2014/02/22/ukrainian-protesters-claim-control-over-capital/</ref>
After the fall of Yanukovych pro-russian peninsula [[Crimea]] declared its indepence from Ukraine on March 11, 2014.<ref>http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2578160/Ukraines-fugitive-president-blasts-bandit-regime-says-country-heading-civil-war.html</ref> On March 17, 2014 Crimean parliament decided that Crimea belongs to [[Russia]].<ref>http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-26609667</ref> As a result of the annexion of Crimea people in Eastern Ukraine like [[Donetsk]] or [[Kharkiv]] wanted to join Russia.<ref>http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/12/east-ukraine-protesters-miners-donetsk-russia</ref> On May 11, 2014 a referendum in Eastern Ukraine was held. Most people voted for indepence of eastern region, but Ukrainian government ignores the will of the people.<ref>http://cnsnews.com/news/article/insurgents-say-ukraine-region-opts-sovereignty</ref> The [[Donetsk People's Republic]] and the [[Luhansk]] People's Republic created an confederation called "[[Novorossiya|Federal State of Novorossiya]]".<ref>http://web.archive.org/web/20140607011548/http://voiceofrussia.com/news/2014_05_24/Donetsk-Lugansk-Peoples-Republics-unite-in-Novorossiya-1012/</ref>
After the fall of Yanukovych, [[Petro Poroshenko]] was elected as new president of Ukraine in June 2014<ref>http://news.yahoo.com/poroshenko-sworn-ukraines-president-073208251.html</ref> and Arseniy Yatsenyuk became prime minister.
===Historiography===
===Historiography===
The scholarly study of the Ukraine's history emerged from romantic impulses in the late 19th century. The outstanding leaders were Volodymyr Antonovych (1834-1908), based in Kiev, and his student Michael Hrushevsky (1866-1934).<ref> Serhii Plokhy, ''Unmaking Imperial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Writing of Ukrainian History'' (2005) </ref> For the first time full-scale scholarly studies based on archival sources, modern research techniques, and modern historical theories became possible. However, the demands of government officials--especially Soviet, but also Czarists and Polish--made it difficult to disseminate ideas that ran counter to the central government. Therefore exile schools of historians emerged in central Europe and Canada after 1920.<ref>KubijovyČ, ed. ''Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia'' (1963) 1:559-74</ref>
The scholarly study of the Ukraine's history emerged from romantic impulses in the late 19th century. The outstanding leaders were Volodymyr Antonovych (1834-1908), based in Kiev, and his student Michael Hrushevsky (1866-1934).<ref> Serhii Plokhy, ''Unmaking Imperial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Writing of Ukrainian History'' (2005) </ref> For the first time full-scale scholarly studies based on archival sources, modern research techniques, and modern historical theories became possible. However, the demands of government officials--especially Soviet, but also Czarists and Polish--made it difficult to disseminate ideas that ran counter to the central government. Therefore exile schools of historians emerged in central Europe and Canada after 1920.<ref>KubijovyČ, ed. ''Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia'' (1963) 1:559-74</ref>
After 1991, historical memory was a powerful tool in the political mobilization and legitimation of the post-Soviet Ukrainian state, as well as the division of selectively used memory along the lines of the political division of Ukrainian society. Ukraine did not experience the restorationist paradigm typical of some other post-Soviet nations, including the Baltic states, although the multifaceted history of independence, the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, Soviet-era repressions, mass famine, and World War II collaboration were used to provide a different constitutive frame for the new Ukrainian nation. The politics of identity (which includes the production of history textbooks and the authorization of commemorative practices) has remained fragmented and tailored to reflect the ideological anxieties and concerns of individual regions of Ukraine.<ref> See Andryi Portnov, "Exercises with history Ukrainian style (notes on public aspects of history's functioning in post-Soviet Ukraine)," ''Ab Imperio'' 2007 (3): 93-138, in Ukrainian </ref>
After 1991, historical memory was a powerful tool in the political mobilization and legitimation of the post-Soviet Ukrainian state, as well as the division of selectively used memory along the lines of the political division of Ukrainian society. Ukraine did not experience the restorationist paradigm typical of some other post-Soviet nations, including the Baltic states, although the multifaceted history of independence, the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, Soviet-era repressions, mass famine, and World War II collaboration were used to provide a different constitutive frame for the new Ukrainian nation. The politics of identity (which includes the production of history textbooks and the authorization of commemorative practices) has remained fragmented and tailored to reflect the ideological anxieties and concerns of individual regions of Ukraine.<ref> See Andryi Portnov, "Exercises with history Ukrainian style (notes on public aspects of history's functioning in post-Soviet Ukraine)," ''Ab Imperio'' 2007 (3): 93-138, in Ukrainian </ref>
==See Also==
==See Also==