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One of the most well known strategies was the use of the "fart in", or "flatulent blitzkrieg".<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=6BPKckIixDUC&pg=PA92 Radical: A Portrait of Saul Alinsky]</ref>  Activists were to eat a large baked bean dinner, then attend the quiet Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra where the operation could be better heard.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ph6gBAAAQBAJ&pg=PT466 Pursuing Justice: Traditional and Contemporary Issues in Our Communities and the World]</ref>  Later, Alinsky threatened a "piss in" at Chicago's [[O'Hare International Airport]].<ref>[http://www.nationalreview.com/article/243654/saul-alinsky-complicated-rebel-ronald-radosh Saul Alinsky: A Complicated Rebel], [[National Review]]</ref>  The plan was leaked to city officials that well-dressed black activists would stand in front of the urinals and occupying toilets in men's bathrooms, blocking patrons who actually needed to use the facility from doing so.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=6BPKckIixDUC&pg=PA93 Radical: A Portrait of Saul Alinsky]</ref>  The plan was never implemented, as the city caved in to their demands.  

One of the most well known strategies was the use of the "fart in", or "flatulent blitzkrieg".<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=6BPKckIixDUC&pg=PA92 Radical: A Portrait of Saul Alinsky]</ref>  Activists were to eat a large baked bean dinner, then attend the quiet Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra where the operation could be better heard.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ph6gBAAAQBAJ&pg=PT466 Pursuing Justice: Traditional and Contemporary Issues in Our Communities and the World]</ref>  Later, Alinsky threatened a "piss in" at Chicago's [[O'Hare International Airport]].<ref>[http://www.nationalreview.com/article/243654/saul-alinsky-complicated-rebel-ronald-radosh Saul Alinsky: A Complicated Rebel], [[National Review]]</ref>  The plan was leaked to city officials that well-dressed black activists would stand in front of the urinals and occupying toilets in men's bathrooms, blocking patrons who actually needed to use the facility from doing so.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=6BPKckIixDUC&pg=PA93 Radical: A Portrait of Saul Alinsky]</ref>  The plan was never implemented, as the city caved in to their demands.  

In 1965, Syracuse University opened the Community Action Training Center (CATC) under the guidance of Professor Warren Haggstrom.<ref name=syracuse>[https://books.google.com/books?id=_PfZQ9FmZIUC&pg=PA217 Syracuse University: The Tolley Years, 1942-1969]</ref>  Haggstrom, who was a fan of Alinsky's ideals of community organizing,<ref name=syracuse /> received a grant from the federal government's Office of Economic Opportunity to open the CATC.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=PqCO2I85gRgC&pg=PA77 The Urban Racial State: Managing Race Relations in American Cities]</ref>  The grant was for the amount of $314,000.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=Ro73MCOHM74C&pg=PA34 The Battle for Welfare Rights: Politics and Poverty in Modern America]</ref>  Using this funding, Haggstrom hired Saul Alinsky as a consultant, who also brought in the assistance of Fred Ross.  Using the base of indoctrinated students, the University's CATC sent "trained" students to go out into the neighborhoods and whip up the residents into a frenzy.  It did not take long for the mayor of Syracuse, William F. Walsh, to point out that the purpose of the center was to "train agitators" and teach "Marxist doctrines of class conflict."<ref>[https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/15974079/ The Post-Standard from Syracuse, New York · Page 7], May 30, 1966</ref>  After Walsh and Haggstrom flew to Washington, D.C., to put pressure on the OEO, funding for the CATC was canceled.<ref name=syracuse />  No longer having the direct funding of government largess, Alinsky labeled [[Lyndon Johnson]]'s "war on poverty" as a political pork barrel, as there was nothing left in it for him.

In 1965, Syracuse University opened the Community Action Training Center (CATC) under the guidance of Professor Warren Haggstrom.<ref name=syracuse>[https://books.google.com/books?id=_PfZQ9FmZIUC&pg=PA217 Syracuse University: The Tolley Years, 1942-1969]</ref>  Haggstrom, who was a fan of Alinsky's ideals of community organizing,<ref name=syracuse /> received a grant from the federal government's Office of Economic Opportunity to open the CATC.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=PqCO2I85gRgC&pg=PA77 The Urban Racial State: Managing Race Relations in American Cities]</ref>  The grant was for the amount of $314,000.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=Ro73MCOHM74C&pg=PA34 The Battle for Welfare Rights: Politics and Poverty in Modern America]</ref>  Using this funding, Haggstrom hired Saul Alinsky as a consultant, who also brought in the assistance of Fred Ross.  Using the available base of indoctrinated students at the University of Syracuse, the CATC sent "trained" students to go out into the neighborhoods and whip up the residents into a frenzy.  It did not take long for the mayor of Syracuse, William F. Walsh, to point out that the purpose of the center was to "train agitators" and teach "Marxist doctrines of class conflict."<ref>[https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/15974079/ The Post-Standard from Syracuse, New York · Page 7], May 30, 1966</ref>  After Walsh and Haggstrom flew to Washington, D.C., to put pressure on the OEO, funding for the CATC was canceled.<ref name=syracuse />  No longer having the direct funding of government largess, Alinsky labeled [[Lyndon Johnson]]'s "war on poverty" as a political pork barrel, as there was nothing left in it for him.

Alinsky's hard-knock, do-anything techniques rubbed many leaders the wrong way, and in 1967 he found himself without a contract.  Alinsky would influence many activists in organizing, such as [[Wade Rathke]], Michael Gecan, Greg Galuzzo<ref name=Kincaid />, Edward T. Chambers, and Ernesto Cortes, many of whom went on to become leaders in Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation.  The [[Black Panther]] movement in the 1960s made it hard for Alinsky to organize the black populace; they had a difficult time dealing with white leadership.  He finally settled with organizing middle-class white Americans to protest against the deterioration of the suburban markets.

Alinsky's hard-knock, do-anything techniques rubbed many leaders the wrong way, and in 1967 he found himself without a contract.  Alinsky would influence many activists in organizing, such as [[Wade Rathke]], Michael Gecan, Greg Galuzzo<ref name=Kincaid />, Edward T. Chambers, and Ernesto Cortes, many of whom went on to become leaders in Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation.  The [[Black Panther]] movement in the 1960s made it hard for Alinsky to organize the black populace; they had a difficult time dealing with white leadership.  He finally settled with organizing middle-class white Americans to protest against the deterioration of the suburban markets.