Changes

Critical were large-scale public infrastructure projects - water supply, electricity, and the harbor - and the role of powerful local bureaucracies, such as the Department of Water and Power. In the early 20th century, the local government served as a key instrument of economic development in major cities across the West.<ref>Steven P. Erie, "How the Urban West Was Won: The Local State and Economic Growth In Los Angeles, 1880-1932" ''Urban Affairs Quarterly'' 1992 27(4): 519-554. 0042-0816</ref>

Critical were large-scale public infrastructure projects - water supply, electricity, and the harbor - and the role of powerful local bureaucracies, such as the Department of Water and Power. In the early 20th century, the local government served as a key instrument of economic development in major cities across the West.<ref>Steven P. Erie, "How the Urban West Was Won: The Local State and Economic Growth In Los Angeles, 1880-1932" ''Urban Affairs Quarterly'' 1992 27(4): 519-554. 0042-0816</ref>

[[Henry E. Huntington]] (1850-1927) was the largest employer in the Los Angeles area in the first two decades of the 20th century. His business operations included major street railways and a power company, which together employed over 5,000 workers. Huntington was vigorously opposed to unionization. He promptly fired workers who joined unions, made use of strikebreakers, and joined other employers in local and national anti-union organizations. As the city's most powerful entrepreneur, he successfully battled the labor movement to a draw. He would never negotiate with a union - such was viewed by him as a sign of failure in management. He promoted instead [[welfare capitalism]], whereby workers got their rewards through the company not the union. He developed graduated pay scales based on seniority to encourage his workers to stay on and to reward the most loyal men. He rewarded his employees with generous wage hikes for their loyalty, and as the years passed he began offering fringe benefits such as insurance, housing, and medical care.  His philanthropy included the famed Huntington Library, Art Collections and Botanical Gardens in San Marino.<ref>William B. Friedricks, "Capital and Labor In Los Angeles: Henry E. Huntington Vs. Organized Labor, 1900-1920." ''Pacific Historical Review'' 1990 59(3): 375-395. 0030-8684</ref>

[[Henry E. Huntington]] (1850–1927) was the largest employer in the Los Angeles area in the first two decades of the 20th century. His business operations included major street railways and a power company, which together employed over 5,000 workers. Huntington was vigorously opposed to unionization. He promptly fired workers who joined unions, made use of strikebreakers, and joined other employers in local and national anti-union organizations. As the city's most powerful entrepreneur, he successfully battled the labor movement to a draw. He would never negotiate with a union - such was viewed by him as a sign of failure in management. He promoted instead [[welfare capitalism]], whereby workers got their rewards through the company not the union. He developed graduated pay scales based on seniority to encourage his workers to stay on and to reward the most loyal men. He rewarded his employees with generous wage hikes for their loyalty, and as the years passed he began offering fringe benefits such as insurance, housing, and medical care.  His philanthropy included the famed Huntington Library, Art Collections and Botanical Gardens in San Marino.<ref>William B. Friedricks, "Capital and Labor In Los Angeles: Henry E. Huntington Vs. Organized Labor, 1900-1920." ''Pacific Historical Review'' 1990 59(3): 375-395. 0030-8684</ref>

In 1900, Los Angeles bristled with oil derricks. By the 1920s, California produced a third of America's petroleum, most of it in LA county.  Los Angeles grew so rapidly in the 1920s because it successfully presented itself as a symbol of the American dream of a better life, mixing a movieland perception with hardheaded property speculation.

In 1900, Los Angeles bristled with oil derricks. By the 1920s, California produced a third of America's petroleum, most of it in LA county.  Los Angeles grew so rapidly in the 1920s because it successfully presented itself as a symbol of the American dream of a better life, mixing a movieland perception with hardheaded property speculation.

===Progressivism===

===Progressivism===

[[File:LAFD.PNG|right|300px|thumb|2022 - Los Angeles Fire Department sends "surplus" equipment to the [[fascist]] [[Zelensky regime]].]]

[[File:LAFD.PNG|right|300px|thumb|2022 - Los Angeles Fire Department sends "surplus" equipment to the [[fascist]] [[Zelensky regime]].]]

The [[Progressive Movement]] found powerful support from the businessmen and professionals of Los Angeles. In an effort to rid the city of machine politics, reformers supported the election of Republican businessman George Alexander (1839-1923) as mayor in 1909. However the progressives disagreed over the goals of reform. Some emphasized honesty and efficiency in government, working for civil service reforms and 'classless' politics. More radical reformers called for measures that promoted social welfare and economic reform. When business-oriented progressives merged their interests with the social welfare faction, the city enacted legislation creating a public utilities commission, a public power project, and other measures. However, some business-oriented progressives abandoned the reform movement, while labor leaders demanded leadership that went beyond middle-class values. Pursuing a middle course, the progressives reelected Alexander in 1911, defeating the Socialist attack on the system. In Alexander's second term (1911–13) they enacted additional measures benefiting the public welfare. Party regulars, however, defeated a proposed progressive city charter in 1912, and increased factionalism within progressive ranks ended progressive rule in 1913.<ref>Martin J. Schiesl, "Progressive Reform in Los Angeles under Mayor Alexander, 1909-1913." ''California Historical Quarterly'' 1975 54(1): 37-56</ref>  

The [[Progressive Movement]] found powerful support from the businessmen and professionals of Los Angeles. In an effort to rid the city of machine politics, reformers supported the election of Republican businessman George Alexander (1839–1923) as mayor in 1909. However the progressives disagreed over the goals of reform. Some emphasized honesty and efficiency in government, working for civil service reforms and 'classless' politics. More radical reformers called for measures that promoted social welfare and economic reform. When business-oriented progressives merged their interests with the social welfare faction, the city enacted legislation creating a public utilities commission, a public power project, and other measures. However, some business-oriented progressives abandoned the reform movement, while labor leaders demanded leadership that went beyond middle-class values. Pursuing a middle course, the progressives reelected Alexander in 1911, defeating the Socialist attack on the system. In Alexander's second term (1911–13) they enacted additional measures benefiting the public welfare. Party regulars, however, defeated a proposed progressive city charter in 1912, and increased factionalism within progressive ranks ended progressive rule in 1913.<ref>Martin J. Schiesl, "Progressive Reform in Los Angeles under Mayor Alexander, 1909-1913." ''California Historical Quarterly'' 1975 54(1): 37-56</ref>  

====Failure of Socialism, 1911====

====Failure of Socialism, 1911====

[[Pentecostalism]] moved from the fringes to the mainstream with the '''Azusa Street Revival''' in 1906–1909. This event was marked by great emotional excitement, relatively brief interracial harmony, and an obsession with speaking in tongues and healing. It was touched off by the preaching of William J. Seymour, an African American who had absorbed the teachings of Charles F. Parham in Texas. Other Pentecostal revivals in other cities also played a major role, but Pentecostals have envisioned Azusa Street as a sacred event.<ref>Joe Creech, "Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History," ''Church History'', Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 405-424 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3169938 in JSTOR]</ref>

[[Pentecostalism]] moved from the fringes to the mainstream with the '''Azusa Street Revival''' in 1906–1909. This event was marked by great emotional excitement, relatively brief interracial harmony, and an obsession with speaking in tongues and healing. It was touched off by the preaching of William J. Seymour, an African American who had absorbed the teachings of Charles F. Parham in Texas. Other Pentecostal revivals in other cities also played a major role, but Pentecostals have envisioned Azusa Street as a sacred event.<ref>Joe Creech, "Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History," ''Church History'', Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 405-424 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3169938 in JSTOR]</ref>

One of the two best-known religious radio personalities of the 1930s was "Sister Aimee" - [[Aimee Semple McPherson]] (1890-1944).<ref>Charles Coughlin, also a Canadian, was the other. He was a Catholic priest based in Detroit.</ref>  A flamboyant evangelist, she was dynamic, colorful, charismatic, and a passionate preacher who founded the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel in Los Angeles, California. She mastered organized evangelism; at the height of her California ministry, McPherson preached each week to a congregation of over 5,000 people.

One of the two best-known religious radio personalities of the 1930s was "Sister Aimee" - [[Aimee Semple McPherson]] (1890–1944).<ref>Charles Coughlin, also a Canadian, was the other. He was a Catholic priest based in Detroit.</ref>  A flamboyant evangelist, she was dynamic, colorful, charismatic, and a passionate preacher who founded the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel in Los Angeles, California. She mastered organized evangelism; at the height of her California ministry, McPherson preached each week to a congregation of over 5,000 people.

Los Angeles continues to be a major center of religious revivalism.

Los Angeles continues to be a major center of religious revivalism.

The city made some 73 annexations over the years, most notably in the San Fernando Valley, expanding in size from 43 to 442 square miles. Many areas joined to get access to the city's famous water supply. However, many other [[suburb]]s—especially those with oil wells—retained their political independence from the city.

The city made some 73 annexations over the years, most notably in the San Fernando Valley, expanding in size from 43 to 442 square miles. Many areas joined to get access to the city's famous water supply. However, many other [[suburb]]s—especially those with oil wells—retained their political independence from the city.

Los Angeles is famous as a collection of many suburbs with a very weak central city.  Unlike eastern cities LA was not created by the expansion of suburbs spreading outward from the city center over time. Instead suburbs grew up around dispersed hubs of manufacturing and job creation, all linked by highways.<ref>Greg Hise, "Home Building and Industrial Decentralization in Los Angeles: The Roots of the Postwar Urban Region." ''Journal of Urban History'' 1993 19(2): 95-125. [http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/pdf_extract/19/2/95 online]</ref>  Los Angeles therefore spread out to great distances, allowing people to own houses because land was cheap.  The vast San Fernando Valley is legally part of the City but is only loosely connected with the rest of LA and has several times tried—and failed—to secede.  Meanwhile, most suburbs in the County of Los Angeles are entirely independent of the City of Los Angeles. During 1900–40, Los Angeles suburbs for the working class offered residents an opportunity to maximize the productive uses of their property in their quest for economic security and insulation from an unpredictable marketplace, thus fulfilling the class-based needs of suburbanites. These were rough-hewn communities, where multi-ethnic residents grew produce and livestock in backyards, built their own homes, and paid low taxes. The nature and function of these suburbs defy traditional scholarly portrayals of suburbia as the pastoral, exclusive haven of the white middle class. Such communities were surprisingly prevalent in Los Angeles before World War II. By 1940, 72% of all incorporated suburbs were predominantly working class. Four categories of these communities existed: industrial suburbs, labor camp suburbs, domestic service suburbs, and farm-fringe streetcar suburbs. Many of these communities were "unplanned," allowing residents to rely on their own labor as a means of entering the ranks of suburban home ownership. Early-20th century suburban development illustrates how working people shaped the residential landscape of early Los Angeles.<ref>Becky M. Nicolaides, "'Where The Working Man is Welcomed': Working-Class Suburbs in Los Angeles, 1900-1940" ''Pacific Historical Review'' 1999 68(4): 517-559. 0030-8684</ref>

Los Angeles is famous as a collection of many suburbs with a very weak central city.  Unlike eastern cities LA was not created by the expansion of suburbs spreading outward from the city center over time. Instead suburbs grew up around dispersed hubs of manufacturing and job creation, all linked by highways.<ref>Greg Hise, "Home Building and Industrial Decentralization in Los Angeles: The Roots of the Postwar Urban Region." ''Journal of Urban History'' 1993 19(2): 95-125. [http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/pdf_extract/19/2/95 online]</ref>  Los Angeles therefore spread out to great distances, allowing people to own houses because land was cheap.  The vast San Fernando Valley is legally part of the city but is only loosely connected with the rest of LA and has several times tried—and failed—to secede.  Meanwhile, most suburbs in the County of Los Angeles are entirely independent of the City of Los Angeles. During 1900–40, Los Angeles suburbs for the working class offered residents an opportunity to maximize the productive uses of their property in their quest for economic security and insulation from an unpredictable marketplace, thus fulfilling the class-based needs of suburbanites. These were rough-hewn communities, where multi-ethnic residents grew produce and livestock in backyards, built their own homes, and paid low taxes. The nature and function of these suburbs defy traditional scholarly portrayals of suburbia as the pastoral, exclusive haven of the white middle class. Such communities were surprisingly prevalent in Los Angeles before World War II. By 1940, 72% of all incorporated suburbs were predominantly working class. Four categories of these communities existed: industrial suburbs, labor camp suburbs, domestic service suburbs, and farm-fringe streetcar suburbs. Many of these communities were "unplanned," allowing residents to rely on their own labor as a means of entering the ranks of suburban home ownership. Early-20th century suburban development illustrates how working people shaped the residential landscape of early Los Angeles.<ref>Becky M. Nicolaides, "'Where The Working Man is Welcomed': Working-Class Suburbs in Los Angeles, 1900-1940" ''Pacific Historical Review'' 1999 68(4): 517-559. 0030-8684</ref>

===1940s===

===1940s===

Los Angeles before the war already had a well-established aerospace presence that it could quickly build upon. Factors contributing to the aircraft industry's growth before 1941 included a technology-based economic and industrial infrastructure, large numbers of skilled and semi-skilled workers, a strong financial center to provide capital, effective business support organizations, and a beneficial affiliation with the California Institute of Technology.<ref>Joseph E. Libby, "To Build Wings for the Angels: Los Angeles and its Aircraft Industry, 1890-1936." ''Business and Economic History'' 1992 21: 22-25. 0894-6825</ref> As soon as national mobilization began in spring 1940, aircraft companies built gigantic plants that paid high wages and drew workers from across the country, including blacks who could get high paying jobs in integrated settings for the first time.   

Los Angeles before the war already had a well-established aerospace presence that it could quickly build upon. Factors contributing to the aircraft industry's growth before 1941 included a technology-based economic and industrial infrastructure, large numbers of skilled and semi-skilled workers, a strong financial center to provide capital, effective business support organizations, and a beneficial affiliation with the California Institute of Technology.<ref>Joseph E. Libby, "To Build Wings for the Angels: Los Angeles and its Aircraft Industry, 1890-1936." ''Business and Economic History'' 1992 21: 22-25. 0894-6825</ref> As soon as national mobilization began in spring 1940, aircraft companies built gigantic plants that paid high wages and drew workers from across the country, including blacks who could get high paying jobs in integrated settings for the first time.   

====Mayor Bowron====

====Mayor Bowron====

Fletcher Bowron  (1887-1968) was the mayor 1938-1953 who led LA from depression through war to postwar reconversion, as the great war industries—aircraft especially—were a magnet for hundreds of thousands of workers.  Bowron swept into office in a landslide after Mayor Frank Shaw was ousted in a recall election in 1938 because of vice and corruption.<ref>Shaw, a Democrats, was elected in 1933; Bowron was a Republican. Daniel Hurewitz, "Goody-Goodies, Sissies, and Long-Hairs: The Dangerous Figures in 1930s Los Angeles Political Culture." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2006 33(1): 26-50</ref>  Bowron's repeated election victories reflected the image of a devoted reformer and efficiency expert; he built a shifting coalition of union members, businessmen, Protestant clergy, and liberals of various stripes.  He helped move the Japanese to relocation camps, and clamped down on the Latino "Zoot Suit" troublemakers, while reducing policy misbehavior. After the war he distanced himself from the labor unions in order to promote rapid growth of business enterprise.  More conservative voters rejected his advocacy of public housing; the recall election of 1953 removed him from office.<ref>Tom Sitton, ''Los Angeles Transformed: Fletcher Bowron's Urban Reform Revival, 1938-1953,'' (2005)</ref>

Fletcher Bowron  (1887–1968) was the mayor 1938-1953 who led LA from depression through war to postwar reconversion, as the great war industries—aircraft especially—were a magnet for hundreds of thousands of workers.  Bowron swept into office in a landslide after Mayor Frank Shaw was ousted in a recall election in 1938 because of vice and corruption.<ref>Shaw, a Democrats, was elected in 1933; Bowron was a Republican. Daniel Hurewitz, "Goody-Goodies, Sissies, and Long-Hairs: The Dangerous Figures in 1930s Los Angeles Political Culture." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2006 33(1): 26-50</ref>  Bowron's repeated election victories reflected the image of a devoted reformer and efficiency expert; he built a shifting coalition of union members, businessmen, Protestant clergy, and liberals of various stripes.  He helped move the Japanese to relocation camps, and clamped down on the Latino "Zoot Suit" troublemakers, while reducing policy misbehavior. After the war he distanced himself from the labor unions in order to promote rapid growth of business enterprise.  More conservative voters rejected his advocacy of public housing; the recall election of 1953 removed him from office.<ref>Tom Sitton, ''Los Angeles Transformed: Fletcher Bowron's Urban Reform Revival, 1938-1953,'' (2005)</ref>

====Japanese relocation====

====Japanese relocation====

The Japanese population—especially the older members, who were born in Japan and were not U.S. citizens—had celebrated Japanese military victories over China before Pearl Harbor. They became highly suspect. They, and their children (who were U.S. citizens) were all removed from the coast to inland relocation centers. They returned in 1944–45.

The Japanese population—especially the older members, who were born in Japan and were not U.S. citizens—had celebrated Japanese military victories over China before Pearl Harbor. They became highly suspect. They, and their children (who were U.S. citizens) were all removed from the coast to inland relocation centers. They returned in 1944–45.

===1970s===

===1970s===

Elected to an unprecedented fifth term as mayor of Los Angeles in 1989, Tom Bradley (1917-1998) was mayor for 20 years, 1973–1993, with an electoral base among blacks, Jews, Hollywood, liberals, Latinos, and big corporations. Bradley lost to conservative Democrat [[Sam Yorty]] in 1969, but unseated Yorty in 1973. Bradley enjoyed high popularity in spite of his failure to redress the problems of gang warfare, drug abuse, poor housing, unemployment, and poor schools. His success came from his skillful low-key organizing tactics and his high-profile use of symbolic politics. The latter has allowed well-organized groups to maintain control of city government and make the mayor their pawn.<ref>John M. Allswang, "Tom Bradley of Los Angeles". ''Southern California Quarterly'' 1992 74(1): 55-105; James A. Regalado, "Organized Labor and Los Angeles City Politics: An Assessment in the Bradley Years, 1973-1989" ''Urban Affairs Quarterly'' 1991 27(1): 87-108. 0042-0816;  Byran Jackson, "Black Political Power in the City of Angels: An Analysis of Mayor Tom Bradley's Electoral Success," ''National Political Science Review'' 1990 2: 169-175. 0896-629x</ref>

Elected to an unprecedented fifth term as mayor of Los Angeles in 1989, Tom Bradley (1917–1998) was mayor for 20 years, 1973–1993, with an electoral base among blacks, Jews, Hollywood, liberals, Latinos, and big corporations. Bradley lost to conservative Democrat [[Sam Yorty]] in 1969, but unseated Yorty in 1973. Bradley enjoyed high popularity in spite of his failure to redress the problems of gang warfare, drug abuse, poor housing, unemployment, and poor schools. His success came from his skillful low-key organizing tactics and his high-profile use of symbolic politics. The latter has allowed well-organized groups to maintain control of city government and make the mayor their pawn.<ref>John M. Allswang, "Tom Bradley of Los Angeles". ''Southern California Quarterly'' 1992 74(1): 55-105; James A. Regalado, "Organized Labor and Los Angeles City Politics: An Assessment in the Bradley Years, 1973-1989" ''Urban Affairs Quarterly'' 1991 27(1): 87-108. 0042-0816;  Byran Jackson, "Black Political Power in the City of Angels: An Analysis of Mayor Tom Bradley's Electoral Success," ''National Political Science Review'' 1990 2: 169-175. 0896-629x</ref>

===1980===

===1980===

* Scott, Allen J. and Soja, Edward W., eds. ''The City: Los Angeles and Urban Theory at the End of the Twentieth Century.'' (1996). 483 pp.

* Scott, Allen J. and Soja, Edward W., eds. ''The City: Los Angeles and Urban Theory at the End of the Twentieth Century.'' (1996). 483 pp.

===History===

===History===

* Bollens, John C. and Geyer, Grant B. ''Yorty: Politics of a Constant Candidate.'' (1973). 245 pp. Mayor 1961-73

* Bollens, John C. and Geyer, Grant B. ''Yorty: Politics of a Constant Candidate.'' (1973). 245 pp. Mayor 1961–73

* Fogelson, Robert M. ''The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930'' (1967), focus on planning, infrastructure, water, and business

* Fogelson, Robert M. ''The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930'' (1967), focus on planning, infrastructure, water, and business

* Friedricks, William. ''Henry E. Huntington and the Creation of Southern California'' (1992), on Henry Edwards Huntington (1850-1927), railroad executive and collector, who helped build LA and Southern California through the Southern Pacific railroad and also trolleys.  

* Friedricks, William. ''Henry E. Huntington and the Creation of Southern California'' (1992), on Henry Edwards Huntington (1850–1927), railroad executive and collector, who helped build LA and Southern California through the Southern Pacific railroad and also trolleys.  

* Garcia, Matt. ''A World of Its Own: Race, Labor, and Citrus in  the Making of Greater Los Angeles, 1900-1970.'' (2001). 330 pp.

* Garcia, Matt. ''A World of Its Own: Race, Labor, and Citrus in  the Making of Greater Los Angeles, 1900-1970.'' (2001). 330 pp.

* Hart, Jack R. ''The Information Empire: The Rise of the Los Angeles Times and The Times Mirror Corporation.'' (1981). 410 pp.

* Hart, Jack R. ''The Information Empire: The Rise of the Los Angeles Times and The Times Mirror Corporation.'' (1981). 410 pp.

* Waldinger, Roger and Bozorgmehr, Mehdi, eds. ''Ethnic Los Angeles.'' (1996). 497 pp. studies by sociologists

* Waldinger, Roger and Bozorgmehr, Mehdi, eds. ''Ethnic Los Angeles.'' (1996). 497 pp. studies by sociologists

* Weber, Francis J. ''Magnificat: The Life and Times of Timothy Cardinal Manning.'' (1999). 729 pp. The Catholic archbishop from 1970 to 1985.

* Weber, Francis J. ''Magnificat: The Life and Times of Timothy Cardinal Manning.'' (1999). 729 pp. The Catholic archbishop from 1970 to 1985.

* Weber, Francis J. ''His Eminence of Los Angeles: James Francis Cardinal McIntyre.'' (1997). 707 pp.&nbsp;Catholic archbishop from from 1948 to 1970.

* Weber, Francis J. ''His Eminence of Los Angeles: James Francis Cardinal McIntyre.'' (1997). 707 pp.&nbsp;Catholic archbishop from 1948 to 1970.

* Weber, Francis J. ''Century of Fulfillment: The Roman Catholic Church in Southern California, 1840-1947.'' (1990). 536 pp.

* Weber, Francis J. ''Century of Fulfillment: The Roman Catholic Church in Southern California, 1840-1947.'' (1990). 536 pp.