Changes

It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref> Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910. Journal of Urban History 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442 </Ref>  

It was the era of [[Jim Crow]] and by 1880 all public spaces and transportation lines were racially segregated, with inferior facilities for blacks.  As the population surged 1880-1910 blue collar workers moved to the city and entrepreneurs built rental housing for them.  Real estate agents sold property for development of cheaply built rental homes. Unlike other cities, such houses were mixed in with more upscale middle-class homes, making neighbors of skilled and unskilled whites and African Americans. There was little neighborhood segregation by race or class, although the races did mingle socially. Industrial jobs within walking distance made the housing attractive. By 1910 neighborhoods were becoming class and race conscious, and the people who had rented houses on their property to working-class whites and blacks were moving to segregated, middle-class suburbs.<ref> Leeann Bishop Lands,  "Speculators Attention!" Workers and Rental Housing Development in Atlanta, 1880 To 1910. Journal of Urban History 2002 28(5): 546-572. 0096-1442 </Ref>  

The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates, Hoke Smith and Clark Howell, called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods.  There were at least 25 dead (mostly black men), hundreds injured, and thousands of dollars in property damage.<ref> See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]; Gregory Mixon, ''The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in A New South City'' (2005)</ref> After the riot geographical segregation intensified.  One major long-term result was that black and white elites forged an interracial alliance dedicated to the preservation of law and order. The new "Atlanta Plan" did maintain the peace and allowed the city to flourish commercially, while but required black elites to reduce their ties to working-class blacks, renounce militancy, and accept the leadership of moderate white businessmen who endeavored to protect blacks from white demagogues.  This allowed for the emergence of a powerful black middle class, represented in the 1930s by Rev. Martin Luther King, Senior. His famous son Rev. [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] rejected the compromise in the 1950s and sought confrontations with segregationists in Alabama.<ref>David Fort Godshalk, ''Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations'' (2005)</ref>

The segregation did not prevent racial violence, most notably the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906. Racial tensions were intensified by a long and bitter campaign for governor in which both white candidates, Hoke Smith and Clark Howell, called for the complete exclusion of blacks from the political process. Following a series of wild rumors of wanton black attacks on white women, a race riot erupted in the city in which whites attacked blacks on the street. Spurred on by lurid newspaper accounts of black rapists and rumors of black insurrection, roving gangs of white males attacked African Americans wherever they could find them in the downtown area and in nearby black neighborhoods.  There were at least 25 dead (mostly black men), hundreds injured, and thousands of dollars in property damage.<ref> See Mark Bauerlein, ''Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906.'' (2001) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/negrophobia-a-race-riot-in-atlanta-1906-by-mark-bauerlein.jsp online]; Gregory Mixon, ''The Atlanta Riot: Race, Class, and Violence in A New South City'' (2005)</ref> After the riot geographical segregation intensified.  One major long-term result was that black and white elites forged an interracial alliance dedicated to the preservation of law and order. The new "Atlanta Plan" did maintain the peace and allowed the city to flourish commercially, while but required black elites to reduce their ties to working-class blacks, renounce militancy, and accept the leadership of moderate white businessmen who endeavored to protect blacks from white demagogues.  The violence ended as the city boasted Atlanta was  "a city too busy to hate." This allowed for the emergence of a powerful black middle class, represented in the 1930s by Rev. Martin Luther King, Senior. His famous son Rev. [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]] rejected the compromise in the 1950s and sought confrontations with segregationists in Alabama.<ref>David Fort Godshalk, ''Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations'' (2005)</ref>

By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.

By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow.

Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton  Hornsby,  Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407  in JSTOR]</ref>  

Atlanta's public schools desegregated very slowly in the years following the 1954 Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]]. Not until 1961 was any formal plan implemented in Atlanta. Beginning with only a few grades, community leaders hoped that calm would prevail. Governor S. Ernest Vandiver, who had promised during his campaign to preserve segregation forever, attempted to block complete compliance by introducing a "save our schools" package in the legislature. The governor planned to withhold funds from the public schools and provide money to private, segregated institutions. The governor's plans were resisted by the business community, black groups, and, subsequently, the Georgia legislature. Nonetheless, pupil placement procedures and obstacles to school transfers continued to perpetuate racial separation in Atlanta's schools. New federal court orders in the early 1970s led to white flight from the city and little positive response from the Atlanta Board of Education. Ultimately, black leaders conceded the futility of total desegregation (since there were not enough whites "to go around"). In the compromise plan of 1973 African Americans obtained administrative control of the now largely black school system.<ref>Alton  Hornsby,  Jr., "Black Public Education in Atlanta, Georgia, 1954-1973: From Segregation to Segregation." ''Journal of Negro History'' 1991 76(1-4): 21-47. 0022-2992 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717407  in JSTOR]</ref>  

====Conservatives====

====Conservatives====

Perceiving Federal government's sponsorship of the civil rights movement as a fundamental threat to their rights as homeowners, taxpayers, businesspeople, and citizens, a growing number of white Atlantans began to subscribe to an explicit ideology of individualism, privatization, freedom of association, and distrust of the federal government. They denounced the federal courts, in particular, as undemocratic. These conservatives reacted against Democrat [[Lyndon Johnson]] and his [[Great Society]] in the 1960s, voting for Republican [[Richard Nixon]]. In the late 1970s responded favorably, at first, to Democrat [[Jimmy Carter]]. He let them down and they moved to [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980, then started voting Republican for the first time in state and local elections. Most of them now lived in the suburbs; their chief spokesman by the 1980s was Congressman [[Newt Gingrich]], who represented the west suburbs of Atlanta.<ref> See Kevin M. Kruse, ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism'' (2005)</ref>

Perceiving Federal government's sponsorship of the civil rights movement as a fundamental threat to their rights as homeowners, taxpayers, businesspeople, and citizens, a growing number of white Atlantans began to subscribe to an explicit ideology of individualism, privatization, freedom of association, and distrust of the federal government and of affirmative action as a cover for special privileges for blacks. They denounced the federal courts, in particular, as undemocratic. These conservatives reacted against Democrat [[Lyndon Johnson]] and his [[Great Society]] in the 1960s, voting for Republican [[Richard Nixon]]. In the late 1970s responded favorably, at first, to fellow Georgian [[Jimmy Carter]]. He let them down and they moved to [[Ronald Reagan]] in 1980, then started voting Republican for the first time in state and local elections. Most of them now lived in the suburbs; their chief spokesman by the 1980s was Congressman [[Newt Gingrich]], who represented the west suburbs of Atlanta.<ref> See Kevin M. Kruse, ''White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism'' (2005), who exaggerates the role of race in forming a conservative ideology that flourished just as strongly where blacks were few.</ref>

====Emory====

====Emory====