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| | == The Betrayal == | | == The Betrayal == |
| − | On September 3, 2016, Mouch was one of four men who met to discuss the state of the [[economy]] of the [[United States]]—or rather, what advantage they might gain by colluding in [[politics|political]] rule-making. The other three were [[James Taggart]], Orren Boyle, and Paul Larkin, who had ingratiated himself with Henry Rearden's family. Mouch carefully confined himself to laconic remarks of agreement with whatever any of the other three were saying. This was the meeting in which James Taggart and Orren Boyle each agreed to support a rule-making project that would benefit the other over his competitors: James Taggart wanted the National Alliance of Railroads to promulgate an "Anti-dog-eat-dog Rule" stating that no [[railroad]] shall offer "cutthroat competition" to any railroad in a territory where the other railroad had prior operations, and Orren Boyle wanted an "Equalization of Opportunity Act" to force Henry Rearden to divest himself of certain [[iron]] [[ore]] and [[coal]] [[mine]]s so that he would be in the same predicament, as regards obtaining raw materials, as was Boyle, whose Associated Steel Company did not own any such mines. Paul Lutkin agreed to step in to buy Rearden's iron-ore mines but make sure that Orren Boyle would get all his shipments. | + | On September 3, Mouch was one of four men who met to discuss the state of the [[economy]] of the [[United States]]—or rather, what advantage they might gain by colluding in [[politics|political]] rule-making. The other three were [[James Taggart]], Orren Boyle, and Paul Larkin, who had ingratiated himself with Henry Rearden's family. Mouch carefully confined himself to laconic remarks of agreement with whatever any of the other three were saying. This was the meeting in which James Taggart and Orren Boyle each agreed to support a rule-making project that would benefit the other over his competitors: James Taggart wanted the National Alliance of Railroads to promulgate an "Anti-dog-eat-dog Rule" stating that no [[railroad]] shall offer "cutthroat competition" to any railroad in a territory where the other railroad had prior operations, and Orren Boyle wanted an "Equalization of Opportunity Act" to force Henry Rearden to divest himself of certain [[iron]] [[ore]] and [[coal]] [[mine]]s so that he would be in the same predicament, as regards obtaining raw materials, as was Boyle, whose Associated Steel Company did not own any such mines. Paul Lutkin agreed to step in to buy Rearden's iron-ore mines but make sure that Orren Boyle would get all his shipments. |
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| | As this meeting concluded, James Taggart observed to Mouch, {{cquote|What I like most about you, Mouch, is that you do not talk too much.}} | | As this meeting concluded, James Taggart observed to Mouch, {{cquote|What I like most about you, Mouch, is that you do not talk too much.}} |
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| | == Killing Colorado == | | == Killing Colorado == |
| − | After the John Galt Line opened in [[Colorado]] (July 22, 2017), many businessmen started to relocate to that State, because at the time it had a very limited government. By now, Wesley Mouch had become the Senior Coordinator at the Economic Planning Bureau. In that capacity he heard the complaints, and the pleas for favors, from various unions and trade associations, and from his new friend Orren Boyle, who resented the competition that Henry Rearden posed to him, with his new Metal, essentially a new [[copper]] and [[iron]] alloy. Ever willing to grant such favors as lay within his power, Mouch, in November of 2017, promulgated a series of directives, using a power recently granted his Bureau by the [[United States Congress]], to impose a strict speed limit on trains, to require all trains to have crews of minimum size, to limit sharply the output of Rearden Metal, and to require that Henry Rearden give a "fair share" of his Metal to anyone who asked. The Bureau appointed a "Deputy Director of Distribution" to monitor Henry Rearden's compliance with these last two positions from an on-site office. | + | After the John Galt Line opened in [[Colorado]] (July 22), many businessmen started to relocate to that State, because at the time it had a very limited government. By now, Wesley Mouch had become the Senior Coordinator at the Economic Planning Bureau. In that capacity he heard the complaints, and the pleas for favors, from various unions and trade associations, and from his new friend Orren Boyle, who resented the competition that Henry Rearden posed to him, with his new Metal, essentially a new [[copper]] and [[iron]] alloy. Ever willing to grant such favors as lay within his power, Mouch, in November, promulgated a series of directives, using a power recently granted his Bureau by the [[United States Congress]], to impose a strict speed limit on trains, to require all trains to have crews of minimum size, to limit sharply the output of Rearden Metal, and to require that Henry Rearden give a "fair share" of his Metal to anyone who asked. The Bureau appointed a "Deputy Director of Distribution" to monitor Henry Rearden's compliance with these last two positions from an on-site office. |
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| | The immediate consequence of these directives was the disappearance of [[Ellis Wyatt]], of the Wyatt Oil Company, and the incendiary destruction of the [[shale]] [[oil]] fields that Wyatt had established. These oil well fires, collectively known as Wyatt's Torch, continued to burn for years afterward. The more far-reaching consequence was that the economy of Colorado collapsed, a result about which Mouch seems not to have cared. | | The immediate consequence of these directives was the disappearance of [[Ellis Wyatt]], of the Wyatt Oil Company, and the incendiary destruction of the [[shale]] [[oil]] fields that Wyatt had established. These oil well fires, collectively known as Wyatt's Torch, continued to burn for years afterward. The more far-reaching consequence was that the economy of Colorado collapsed, a result about which Mouch seems not to have cared. |
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| | == Directive 10-289 == | | == Directive 10-289 == |
| − | In April of 2019, [[Mr. Thompson]], the Head of State, personally authorized Mouch to promulgate his latest rule-making scheme: [[Directive 10-289]]. Mouch won this authority mainly by complaining to [[Fred Kinnan]] (head of Amalgamated Labor of America), [[James Taggart]], Orren Boyle, and Clem Weatherby (who now functioned as ''his'' assistant) that he couldn't meet their needs with the authority he had. Directive 10-289 was an effort to freeze all economic inputs and outputs at present levels, to stop the economy from deteriorating any further. He was forced to make two major concessions: | + | In April, [[Mr. Thompson]], the Head of State, personally authorized Mouch to promulgate his latest rule-making scheme: [[Directive 10-289]]. Mouch won this authority mainly by complaining to [[Fred Kinnan]] (head of Amalgamated Labor of America), [[James Taggart]], Orren Boyle, and Clem Weatherby (who now functioned as ''his'' assistant) that he couldn't meet their needs with the authority he had. Directive 10-289 was an effort to freeze all economic inputs and outputs at present levels, to stop the economy from deteriorating any further. He was forced to make two major concessions: |
| | # To permit Fred Kinnan to salt the Unification Board, a new special Board that the Directive established, with Kinnon's own representatives, in exchange for labor peace. | | # To permit Fred Kinnan to salt the Unification Board, a new special Board that the Directive established, with Kinnon's own representatives, in exchange for labor peace. |
| | # To permit James Taggart to raise his freight rates before the Directive went into effect, in exchange for a secret of Henry Rearden's private life that made Rearden an easy target of [[blackmail]], so that he would more readily sign a "gift certificate" placing his new Rearden Metal into the [[public domain]]. | | # To permit James Taggart to raise his freight rates before the Directive went into effect, in exchange for a secret of Henry Rearden's private life that made Rearden an easy target of [[blackmail]], so that he would more readily sign a "gift certificate" placing his new Rearden Metal into the [[public domain]]. |
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| | == Dagny Taggart == | | == Dagny Taggart == |
| − | Directive 10-289 went into effect on May 1, 2019. Whether Wesley Mouch ever noticed that the distribution compliance reports from his Deputy Director of Distribution at Rearden Steel suddenly became less than reliable, the novel never makes clear. | + | Directive 10-289 went into effect on May 1. Whether Wesley Mouch ever noticed that the distribution compliance reports from his Deputy Director of Distribution at Rearden Steel suddenly became less than reliable, the novel never makes clear. |
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| | [[Dagny Taggart]], the sister of James Taggart who served Taggart Transcontinental as its Vice-President of Operations, resigned immediately, or so Mouch gathered. (Jim Taggart never confirmed the resignation officially.) Then on May 28, a major wreck involving the Taggart Comet (the TTRR's flagship coast-to-coast passenger limited train) and an [[United States Army|Army]] ammunition train collapsed the [[Taggart Tunnel]] at a cost of the lives of three hundred passengers (including Kip Chalmers, who had intended to run for the [[United States Senate]] from [[California]]), plus nearly every member of the crews of both trains. The day after that disaster, Dagny Taggart called Wesley Mouch at his office and demanded to speak directly to Clem Weatherby. Mouch, not knowing how to judge that request, passed her through. Afterward, Weatherby informed him that Dagny Taggart had now stated her official policy to deal exclusively with Weatherby in all official matters touching the TTRR. Whether Mouch asked Weatherby why Dagny Taggart had taken that position, the novel does not specifically say. | | [[Dagny Taggart]], the sister of James Taggart who served Taggart Transcontinental as its Vice-President of Operations, resigned immediately, or so Mouch gathered. (Jim Taggart never confirmed the resignation officially.) Then on May 28, a major wreck involving the Taggart Comet (the TTRR's flagship coast-to-coast passenger limited train) and an [[United States Army|Army]] ammunition train collapsed the [[Taggart Tunnel]] at a cost of the lives of three hundred passengers (including Kip Chalmers, who had intended to run for the [[United States Senate]] from [[California]]), plus nearly every member of the crews of both trains. The day after that disaster, Dagny Taggart called Wesley Mouch at his office and demanded to speak directly to Clem Weatherby. Mouch, not knowing how to judge that request, passed her through. Afterward, Weatherby informed him that Dagny Taggart had now stated her official policy to deal exclusively with Weatherby in all official matters touching the TTRR. Whether Mouch asked Weatherby why Dagny Taggart had taken that position, the novel does not specifically say. |
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| | == Railroad Unification Plan == | | == Railroad Unification Plan == |
| − | In June of 2019, Mouch and Fred Kinnan allowed the Unification Board (the Board that the Directive had established to govern all economic matters, including even job placement for new citizens as they came of voting age) to allow the establishment of a Railroad Unification Plan, under which all the nation's railroads would operate as a team, and receive payment according to the track they owned. The Board appointed [[Cuffy Meigs]] as Director of Railroad Unification. | + | In June, Mouch and Fred Kinnan allowed the Unification Board (the Board that the Directive had established to govern all economic matters, including even job placement for new citizens as they came of voting age) to allow the establishment of a Railroad Unification Plan, under which all the nation's railroads would operate as a team, and receive payment according to the track they owned. The Board appointed [[Cuffy Meigs]] as Director of Railroad Unification. |
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| | At the end of June, Dagny Taggart suddenly "returned from the dead." Perhaps Meigs assured Wesley that he could "handle things" at the TTRR, whether Dagny Taggart was present or not. (The other railroads were of no consequence. The president of the Atlantic Southern Railroad, the only railroad that could have offered any serious resistance, committed suicide shortly after the Plan became effective.) | | At the end of June, Dagny Taggart suddenly "returned from the dead." Perhaps Meigs assured Wesley that he could "handle things" at the TTRR, whether Dagny Taggart was present or not. (The other railroads were of no consequence. The president of the Atlantic Southern Railroad, the only railroad that could have offered any serious resistance, committed suicide shortly after the Plan became effective.) |
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| | == Henry Rearden's disappearance == | | == Henry Rearden's disappearance == |
| − | In October of 2019, Mouch and his various Washington friends and associates prepared to promulgate a Steel Unification Plan, along the lines of the Railroad Unification Plan. Mouch knew from previous experience that Henry Rearden, who stood to lose the most from this Plan, would resist. Therefore Mouch and his friends prepared an elaborate plan to make Rearden believe that his mills were about to erupt in labor violence. | + | In October, Mouch and his various Washington friends and associates prepared to promulgate a Steel Unification Plan, along the lines of the Railroad Unification Plan. Mouch knew from previous experience that Henry Rearden, who stood to lose the most from this Plan, would resist. Therefore Mouch and his friends prepared an elaborate plan to make Rearden believe that his mills were about to erupt in labor violence. |
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| | On October 20, the new union representing Rearden Steel's workforce petitioned the Unification Board for a raise in salary. On October 23, the Board, on orders from Fred Kinnan, refused. Then came the editorials saying that Rearden's workers were downtrodden, and that violence could break out at any moment. | | On October 20, the new union representing Rearden Steel's workforce petitioned the Unification Board for a raise in salary. On October 23, the Board, on orders from Fred Kinnan, refused. Then came the editorials saying that Rearden's workers were downtrodden, and that violence could break out at any moment. |
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| | The end result was almost an anticlimax. Henry Rearden vanished from society, leaving behind his mills, his home, his New York apartment, his bank accounts, and indeed everything listed in his name. Furthermore, word of his vanishing reached the mills, and before Mouch or anyone else could stop it, many more workers quit and vanished, including the mills superintendent, the chief metallurgist, the chief engineer, the furnace foreman, Mr. Rearden's personal secretary, and even the [[doctor]] at the mill infirmary. | | The end result was almost an anticlimax. Henry Rearden vanished from society, leaving behind his mills, his home, his New York apartment, his bank accounts, and indeed everything listed in his name. Furthermore, word of his vanishing reached the mills, and before Mouch or anyone else could stop it, many more workers quit and vanished, including the mills superintendent, the chief metallurgist, the chief engineer, the furnace foreman, Mr. Rearden's personal secretary, and even the [[doctor]] at the mill infirmary. |
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| − | Mouch would send two men to run Rearden Steel for the government, and both appointments proved disastrous. The first man, one of Orren Boyle's friends, was obviously in over his head and begged for a transfer within a month. The second man, one of Cuffy Meigs' cronies, literally sold off all the equipment and pocketed the proceeds. After that, conditions continued to deteriorate, until finally, on January 22, 2020, a sixty-year-old worker whose name went unrecorded started a fire that made the mills inoperable. Upon his arrest, this worker said that he had acted "to avenge Hank Rearden." | + | Mouch would send two men to run Rearden Steel for the government, and both appointments proved disastrous. The first man, one of Orren Boyle's friends, was obviously in over his head and begged for a transfer within a month. The second man, one of Cuffy Meigs' cronies, literally sold off all the equipment and pocketed the proceeds. After that, conditions continued to deteriorate, until finally, on January 22, a sixty-year-old worker whose name went unrecorded started a fire that made the mills inoperable. Upon his arrest, this worker said that he had acted "to avenge Hank Rearden." |
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| | == The unraveling == | | == The unraveling == |
| − | Wesley Mouch, now thoroughly out of his depth, could only rely on the consummate deal-making skills of his ultimate boss, [[Mr. Thompson]]. Mr. Thompson prepared to address the nation on November 22, 2019. But fifteen minutes before he was to speak, all the [[radio]] and [[television]] stations were jammed. Then at the appointed hour, a voice spoke through the jamming: a voice identifying itself as that of [[John Galt]], a name that Mouch had known only as part of a slang phrase. The man calling himself John Galt took credit for the economic collapse, and for three hours essentially said that he and all the other "men of the mind" were on [[strike]], and then called for a general strike of anyone else whom he personally had not yet been able to reach. | + | Wesley Mouch, now thoroughly out of his depth, could only rely on the consummate deal-making skills of his ultimate boss, [[Mr. Thompson]]. Mr. Thompson prepared to address the nation on November 22. But fifteen minutes before he was to speak, all the [[radio]] and [[television]] stations were jammed. Then at the appointed hour, a voice spoke through the jamming: a voice identifying itself as that of [[John Galt]], a name that Mouch had known only as part of a slang phrase. The man calling himself John Galt took credit for the economic collapse, and for three hours essentially said that he and all the other "men of the mind" were on [[strike]], and then called for a general strike of anyone else whom he personally had not yet been able to reach. |
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| | That John Galt was who he said he was, neither Mouch nor Mr. Thompson nor anyone else in Legislature or administration could doubt—not after Galt specifically named several of the vanished men in his speech. (Galt also named [[Robert Stadler]], the Director of the [[State Science Institute]], but Mouch never figured out that reference, as unflattering as it apparently was.) | | That John Galt was who he said he was, neither Mouch nor Mr. Thompson nor anyone else in Legislature or administration could doubt—not after Galt specifically named several of the vanished men in his speech. (Galt also named [[Robert Stadler]], the Director of the [[State Science Institute]], but Mouch never figured out that reference, as unflattering as it apparently was.) |