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| | After wartime service as chief of staff to General [[George Washington]], he became a leading lawyer in [[New York]]. He called for a strong new [[constitution]] to replace the weak national government, and in 1788 he wrote half the ''[[Federalist Papers]]'', which mobilized supporters of the Constitution and continues to be the single most influential interpretation of [[republicanism]] and what the Constitution means. He was a leading intellectual of his time, and the driving force of the [[Washington D.C.|Washington]] Administration that shaped the young nation. | | After wartime service as chief of staff to General [[George Washington]], he became a leading lawyer in [[New York]]. He called for a strong new [[constitution]] to replace the weak national government, and in 1788 he wrote half the ''[[Federalist Papers]]'', which mobilized supporters of the Constitution and continues to be the single most influential interpretation of [[republicanism]] and what the Constitution means. He was a leading intellectual of his time, and the driving force of the [[Washington D.C.|Washington]] Administration that shaped the young nation. |
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| − | Hamilton realized that the basis of [[British]] power was its system of centralized [[tax]] collection and its funded [[national debt]] together with its sophisticated [[banking]] structure and its open market in public securities. For a state to wage [[war]] successfully, it had to tax efficiently and borrow cheaply -- to become a powerful nation, America had to follow the British financial example. Hamilton's conclusion horrified [[Thomas Jefferson]] and his followers -- they saw a deliberate adoption of British methods as an evil corruption -- a betrayal of the values of [[Republicanism]] inherent in the [[American Revolution]]. | + | Hamilton realized that the basis of [[British]] power was its system of centralized [[tax]] collection and its funded [[national debt]] together with its sophisticated [[banking]] structure and its open market in public securities. For a state to wage [[war]] successfully, it had to tax efficiently and borrow cheaply—to become a powerful nation, America had to follow the British financial example. Hamilton's conclusion horrified [[Thomas Jefferson]] and his followers—they saw a deliberate adoption of British methods as an evil corruption—a betrayal of the values of [[Republicanism]] inherent in the [[American Revolution]]. |
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| | Hamilton played a key role in: | | Hamilton played a key role in: |
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| | ==Revolution== | | ==Revolution== |
| − | As a student at King's College (now Columbia University), Hamilton took a major role in the political debates over independence. Hamilton raised a company of artillery and was selected captain. Fighting the British invasion of [[New York City]] in late 1776, he came to the attention of [[George Washington]], commander in chief of the [[Continental Army]]. Washington promoted Hamilton to colonel and made him his senior aide -- in effect the chief of staff (although that title was not in use). Hamilton had a combat command at the [[Battle of Yorktown]] that ended the war in 1781. Hamilton may have alerted General Washington to the existence of the Newburgh Conspiracy, in which disgruntled officers might have become a threat to civilian government. Washington prevented that. | + | As a student at King's College (now Columbia University), Hamilton took a major role in the political debates over independence. Hamilton raised a company of artillery and was selected captain. Fighting the British invasion of [[New York City]] in late 1776, he came to the attention of [[George Washington]], commander in chief of the [[Continental Army]]. Washington promoted Hamilton to colonel and made him his senior aide—in effect the chief of staff (although that title was not in use). Hamilton had a combat command at the [[Battle of Yorktown]] that ended the war in 1781. Hamilton may have alerted General Washington to the existence of the Newburgh Conspiracy, in which disgruntled officers might have become a threat to civilian government. Washington prevented that. |
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| | After the Battle of Yorktown, Hamilton resigned his commission. New York appointed Hamilton to the Congress of the Confederation, for the term beginning in November 1782. | | After the Battle of Yorktown, Hamilton resigned his commission. New York appointed Hamilton to the Congress of the Confederation, for the term beginning in November 1782. |
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| | ==Republicanism== | | ==Republicanism== |
| − | Jefferson repeatedly attacked Hamilton as an enemy of [[American values]] -- and Jeffersonians have echoed the criticism over the centuries. Jefferson said he was an enemy of popular government, did not believe in [[republicanism]], admired the British system too much, and even wanted to set up a [[monarchy]]. Since the 1980s scholars have rescued rescue Hamilton from these interpretations and stressed his republicanism, arguing that Jefferson went too far in his attacks. Historians now portray Hamilton as a moderate, mainstream republican. They point to the ''[[Federalist Papers]]'' as a core statement of American values, and also Washington's "[[Farewell Address]]." One debate in the 1790s was whether true republican citizens should have "confidence" in their elected leaders, which was Hamilton's position, or maintain a "vigilant" scrutiny of them, which was Jefferson's. Hamilton stressed confidence in his vision of republican [[citizenship]] and [[freedom of the press]]. Hamilton's philosophy, argues Martin (2005), is best understood as an energetic, [[elitist]] reformulation of republicanism. | + | Jefferson repeatedly attacked Hamilton as an enemy of [[American values]]—and Jeffersonians have echoed the criticism over the centuries. Jefferson said he was an enemy of popular government, did not believe in [[republicanism]], admired the British system too much, and even wanted to set up a [[monarchy]]. Since the 1980s scholars have rescued rescue Hamilton from these interpretations and stressed his republicanism, arguing that Jefferson went too far in his attacks. Historians now portray Hamilton as a moderate, mainstream republican. They point to the ''[[Federalist Papers]]'' as a core statement of American values, and also Washington's "[[Farewell Address]]." One debate in the 1790s was whether true republican citizens should have "confidence" in their elected leaders, which was Hamilton's position, or maintain a "vigilant" scrutiny of them, which was Jefferson's. Hamilton stressed confidence in his vision of republican [[citizenship]] and [[freedom of the press]]. Hamilton's philosophy, argues Martin (2005), is best understood as an energetic, [[elitist]] reformulation of republicanism. |
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| | Hamilton's conception of human nature shaped his political thought. His predominantly and radically liberal conception of human nature was based on [[John Locke]]'s concept of [[liberty]], [[Thomas Hobbes]]'s concept of power, and [[Nicolò Machiavelli]]'s concept of the 'effectual truth.' It thus stressed the necessary relation between self-interest and republican government and entailed the repudiation of classical republican and Christian political ideals. But Hamilton's love of liberty was nonetheless rooted in a sense of classical nobility and Christian [[philanthropy]] that simultaneously elevated and contradicted his liberalism. The complex relation between liberty, nobility, philanthropy, and power in Hamilton's conception of human nature, in effect, defined his thought and exposed the strengths and weaknesses of his ideology. That complexity formed the spirit of his liberal [[republicanism]].<ref>Michael J. Rosano, "Liberty, Nobility, Philanthropy, and Power in Alexander Hamilton's Conception of Human Nature". ''American Journal of Political Science'' 2003 47(1): 61-74 </ref> | | Hamilton's conception of human nature shaped his political thought. His predominantly and radically liberal conception of human nature was based on [[John Locke]]'s concept of [[liberty]], [[Thomas Hobbes]]'s concept of power, and [[Nicolò Machiavelli]]'s concept of the 'effectual truth.' It thus stressed the necessary relation between self-interest and republican government and entailed the repudiation of classical republican and Christian political ideals. But Hamilton's love of liberty was nonetheless rooted in a sense of classical nobility and Christian [[philanthropy]] that simultaneously elevated and contradicted his liberalism. The complex relation between liberty, nobility, philanthropy, and power in Hamilton's conception of human nature, in effect, defined his thought and exposed the strengths and weaknesses of his ideology. That complexity formed the spirit of his liberal [[republicanism]].<ref>Michael J. Rosano, "Liberty, Nobility, Philanthropy, and Power in Alexander Hamilton's Conception of Human Nature". ''American Journal of Political Science'' 2003 47(1): 61-74 </ref> |
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| | * Fatovic, Clement. "Constitutionalism and Presidential Prerogative: Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian Perspectives." ''American Journal of Political Science'' 2004 48(3): 429-444. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519908 in JSTOR] | | * Fatovic, Clement. "Constitutionalism and Presidential Prerogative: Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian Perspectives." ''American Journal of Political Science'' 2004 48(3): 429-444. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519908 in JSTOR] |
| | * Horton, James Oliver. "Alexander Hamilton: Slavery and Race in a Revolutionary Generation" ''New-York Journal of American History'' 2004 65(3): 16–24. [http://66.102.7.104/search?q=cache:88cftz6zXJYJ:www.alexanderhamiltonexhibition.org/about/Horton%2520-%2520Hamiltsvery_Race.pdf+james+horton+%22alexander+hamilton%22+slavery&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1 online version] | | * Horton, James Oliver. "Alexander Hamilton: Slavery and Race in a Revolutionary Generation" ''New-York Journal of American History'' 2004 65(3): 16–24. [http://66.102.7.104/search?q=cache:88cftz6zXJYJ:www.alexanderhamiltonexhibition.org/about/Horton%2520-%2520Hamiltsvery_Race.pdf+james+horton+%22alexander+hamilton%22+slavery&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1 online version] |
| − | * Mason, Alpheus Thomas. "The Federalist--A Split Personality," ''American Historical Review'' 57 (1952): 625-43 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8762(195204)57%3A3%3C625%3ATFSP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z online at JSTOR] | + | * Mason, Alpheus Thomas. "The Federalist—A Split Personality," ''American Historical Review'' 57 (1952): 625-43 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8762(195204)57%3A3%3C625%3ATFSP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z online at JSTOR] |
| | * Martin, Robert W. T. "Reforming Republicanism: Alexander Hamilton's Theory of Republican Citizenship and Press Liberty." ''Journal of the Early Republic'' 2005 25(1): 21-46. Issn: 0275-1275 [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_the_early_republic/v025/25.1martin.html in Project Muse] | | * Martin, Robert W. T. "Reforming Republicanism: Alexander Hamilton's Theory of Republican Citizenship and Press Liberty." ''Journal of the Early Republic'' 2005 25(1): 21-46. Issn: 0275-1275 [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/journal_of_the_early_republic/v025/25.1martin.html in Project Muse] |
| | * Rossiter, Clinton. ''Alexander Hamilton and the Constitution'' (1964) | | * Rossiter, Clinton. ''Alexander Hamilton and the Constitution'' (1964) |