Changes

In New England, the renewed interest in religion inspired a wave of social activism centered in the colleges where religion had previously been disregarded. President [[Timothy Dwight]] of [[Yale College]] took the lead in chapel sermons and classroom discussions which motivated the students and prepared the way for a renewed religious interest. A revival began in 1802 that resulted in the conversion of a third of the Yale student body. The Awakening spread to other colleges and soon a stream of young college graduates was entering every form of religious work, particularly the Christian ministry and education and home and foreign mission enterprises.  

In New England, the renewed interest in religion inspired a wave of social activism centered in the colleges where religion had previously been disregarded. President [[Timothy Dwight]] of [[Yale College]] took the lead in chapel sermons and classroom discussions which motivated the students and prepared the way for a renewed religious interest. A revival began in 1802 that resulted in the conversion of a third of the Yale student body. The Awakening spread to other colleges and soon a stream of young college graduates was entering every form of religious work, particularly the Christian ministry and education and home and foreign mission enterprises.  

In western New York, the spirit of revival encouraged the emergence of new new denominations, especially the [[Mormons]] and the [[Holiness movement]]. In the west especially&mdash;at Cane Ridge, Kentucky and in Tennessee&mdash;the revival strengthened the Methodists and the Baptists and introduced into America a new form of religious expression&mdash;the Scottish [[camp meeting]].<ref> On Scottish influences see Long (2002) and Elizabeth Semancik, "Backcountry Religious Ways" at [http://xroads.virginia.edu/~ug97/albion/areligio.html] </ref>

In western New York, the spirit of revival encouraged the emergence of new new denominations, especially the [[Mormons]] and the [[Holiness movement]]. In the west especially&mdash;at Cane Ridge, Kentucky and in Tennessee&mdash;the revival strengthened the Methodists and the Baptists and introduced into America a new form of religious expression&mdash;the Scottish [[camp meeting]].<ref>On Scottish influences see Long (2002) and Elizabeth Semancik, "Backcountry Religious Ways" at [http://xroads.virginia.edu/~ug97/albion/areligio.html]</ref>

Guelzo (1997) highlights the key role of [[Charles Grandison Finney]] (1792-1875) by placing him in the tradition of [[Jonathan Edwards]]'s Calvinism.  Finney was not a rebel against the New England theology, he was actually an heir to this tradition and resistant to popular notions of free will that challenged the New England culture. Such a reevaluation questions the view that the Second Great Awakening fits into a "declension" model in American religious history and forces a new understanding of the connection between this movement and American commercial markets.

Guelzo (1997) highlights the key role of [[Charles Grandison Finney]] (1792-1875) by placing him in the tradition of [[Jonathan Edwards]]'s Calvinism.  Finney was not a rebel against the New England theology, he was actually an heir to this tradition and resistant to popular notions of free will that challenged the New England culture. Such a reevaluation questions the view that the Second Great Awakening fits into a "declension" model in American religious history and forces a new understanding of the connection between this movement and American commercial markets.

==Missionaries==

==Missionaries==

The Congregationalists set up missionary societies, to evangelize the West. Their most successful missions were in Hawaii, where they converted most of the natives. Missionaries were preachers and educators, as well as exponents of Yankee culture. Publication and education societies promoted Christian education; most notable among them was the [[American Bible Society]], founded in 1816. Social activism inspired by the revival gave rise to abolition groups as well as the [[Society for the Promotion of Temperance]], and began efforts to reform prisons and care for the handicapped and mentally ill. They believed in the perfectibility of people and were highly moralistic in their endeavors.  From the 1820s through the 1860s, missionaries saw themselves simply as communicators of the gospel who had come to found native churches among the heathen. They did not see themselves as modernizers or transformers of culture; that new role came during the [[Third Great Awakening]]. The first women missionaries from America were products of the equalitarianism of the Second Great Awakening.<ref> Ann White, "Counting the Cost of Faith: America's Early Female Missionaries."  ''Church History.'' Volume: 57. Issue: 1. (1988) pp 19-30  [http://www.questia.com/read/77522678?title=Counting%20the%20Cost%20of%20Faith%3a%20America's%20Early%20Female%20Missionaries online edition] </ref>

The Congregationalists set up missionary societies, to evangelize the West. Their most successful missions were in Hawaii, where they converted most of the natives. Missionaries were preachers and educators, as well as exponents of Yankee culture. Publication and education societies promoted Christian education; most notable among them was the [[American Bible Society]], founded in 1816. Social activism inspired by the revival gave rise to abolition groups as well as the [[Society for the Promotion of Temperance]], and began efforts to reform prisons and care for the handicapped and mentally ill. They believed in the perfectibility of people and were highly moralistic in their endeavors.  From the 1820s through the 1860s, missionaries saw themselves simply as communicators of the gospel who had come to found native churches among the heathen. They did not see themselves as modernizers or transformers of culture; that new role came during the [[Third Great Awakening]]. The first women missionaries from America were products of the equalitarianism of the Second Great Awakening.<ref>Ann White, "Counting the Cost of Faith: America's Early Female Missionaries."  ''Church History.'' Volume: 57. Issue: 1. (1988) pp 19-30  [http://www.questia.com/read/77522678?title=Counting%20the%20Cost%20of%20Faith%3a%20America's%20Early%20Female%20Missionaries online edition]</ref>

===West===

===West===

The great Cane Ridge revival in 1801 in frontier Kentucky set the pattern for western revivals, which more closely resembled the [[First Great Awakening|First Great Awakening]] in New England; the use of camp meetings was inspired by revivals in Scotland.  The camp meeting was a two-day (or longer)  event, half religious and half social as it brought together settlers scattered over a wide area.  Teams of preachers rotated in a continuous stream of sermons, as oxen were roasted and old friends and new mingled.   

The great Cane Ridge revival in 1801 in frontier Kentucky set the pattern for western revivals, which more closely resembled the [[First Great Awakening]] in New England; the use of camp meetings was inspired by revivals in Scotland.  The camp meeting was a two-day (or longer)  event, half religious and half social as it brought together settlers scattered over a wide area.  Teams of preachers rotated in a continuous stream of sermons, as oxen were roasted and old friends and new mingled.   

The converts joined small local congregations which eventually might build a log-cabin building as a church; more often services were held in fields or private homes. Cane Ridge and some other western revivals was multi-denominational, and included Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist and Restorationist or Campbellite preachers (who later formed the Church of Christ and  the Disciples of Christ denominations).  The result was less isolation and individualism, and a greater sense of group identity through the local church.  Later revivals took on much more of an Arminian emphasis that everyone can be saved, but during the initial Kentucky camp meetings Calvinism and predestination still dominated religious beliefs. Eslinger argues that the most important function of the early camp meeting was not that it offered people a form of worship more reflective of the emerging liberal culture, but rather that it "enabled great masses of people to more comfortably relate to that new culture."<ref> Ellen Eslinger, ''Citizens of Zion: The Social Origins of Camp Meeting Revivalism'' (1999), p. xx1</ref>  

The converts joined small local congregations which eventually might build a log-cabin building as a church; more often services were held in fields or private homes. Cane Ridge and some other western revivals was multi-denominational, and included Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist and Restorationist or Campbellite preachers (who later formed the Church of Christ and  the Disciples of Christ denominations).  The result was less isolation and individualism, and a greater sense of group identity through the local church.  Later revivals took on much more of an Arminian emphasis that everyone can be saved, but during the initial Kentucky camp meetings Calvinism and predestination still dominated religious beliefs. Eslinger argues that the most important function of the early camp meeting was not that it offered people a form of worship more reflective of the emerging liberal culture, but rather that it "enabled great masses of people to more comfortably relate to that new culture."<ref>Ellen Eslinger, ''Citizens of Zion: The Social Origins of Camp Meeting Revivalism'' (1999), p. xx1</ref>  

The western revival quickly Christianized large parts of Kentucky, Tennessee and southern Ohio and Indiana.  Each denomination had assets that allowed it to thrive on the frontier. The efficient Methodists had a method (hence their name), which used itinerant [[circuit riders]] assigned to a territory by the bishop.  He rode circuit to different locations recruiting and ministering on a regular schedule.  Baptists used local preachers who their neighbors could see as having a special “call” from God.

The western revival quickly Christianized large parts of Kentucky, Tennessee and southern Ohio and Indiana.  Each denomination had assets that allowed it to thrive on the frontier. The efficient Methodists had a method (hence their name), which used itinerant [[circuit riders]] assigned to a territory by the bishop.  He rode circuit to different locations recruiting and ministering on a regular schedule.  Baptists used local preachers who their neighbors could see as having a special “call” from God.

* [[Barton Stone]]

* [[Barton Stone]]

==America's God ==

==America's God ==

Noll (2002) argues that a distinctive intellectual synthesis unexpectedly emerged in the United States (and remarkably, in no other Protestant culture) by the early 19th century. It was a powerful potent compound of evangelical Protestant religion, liberal [[Republicanism|republican political ideology]], and [[Common Sense Realism|common sense moral reasoning]] and it came to infuse public life. The synthesis had a plausibility, flexibility, and popularity were the key to the remarkable Christianization that took place in both North and South between 1790 and 1865. Noll argues this synthesis was what won evangelicals their right to a public voice in the wake of the [[American Revolution]] and enabled them to build the nation's social and intellectual culture during the first half of the 19th century. He concludes that the unique synthesis, coupled with the active participation of evangelicals in public life, profoundly reshaped Christian theology in America.<ref> Mark Noll, ''America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln'' (2002) </ref>

Noll (2002) argues that a distinctive intellectual synthesis unexpectedly emerged in the United States (and remarkably, in no other Protestant culture) by the early 19th century. It was a powerful potent compound of evangelical Protestant religion, liberal [[Republicanism|republican political ideology]], and [[Common Sense Realism|common sense moral reasoning]] and it came to infuse public life. The synthesis had a plausibility, flexibility, and popularity were the key to the remarkable Christianization that took place in both North and South between 1790 and 1865. Noll argues this synthesis was what won evangelicals their right to a public voice in the wake of the [[American Revolution]] and enabled them to build the nation's social and intellectual culture during the first half of the 19th century. He concludes that the unique synthesis, coupled with the active participation of evangelicals in public life, profoundly reshaped Christian theology in America.<ref>Mark Noll, ''America's God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln'' (2002)</ref>

==Impact on denominations==

==Impact on denominations==

==Impact on individuals==

==Impact on individuals==

The adolescence of poet [[Emily Dickinson]] was marked by the intense religious revivals that made Amherst College and her family's church, The First Congregational Church of Amherst, a major locus of influence in 1845-46 and in 1850, during the second phase of what is now called the Second Great Awakening. Schmidt (2005) traces the impact of these revivals on Dickinson, who was the only member of her family and close circle of friends who did ''not'' convert to Christianity and join her family's church by public profession of faith. Through close readings of poems, her early letters and certain letters by Dickinson family members, Dickinson's work appears as a rebellion against the religious orthodoxy of mid-nineteenth-century Western Massachusetts and presents Dickinson as caught between two counter forces: the Calvinist tradition of examining one's inner life in preparation for religious conversion and the current pressure at revivals to stand up in front of a crowd and deliver a formulaic statement of faith. Her poems read show how Dickinson appropriated the meters and imagery of the hymns she sang at church and the diction of public professions of faith in order to write her own idiosyncratic spiritual autobiography--in the form of lyric poems--that explores her hesitations, doubts and her refusal to join, what she calls in poem F659/J539, "The Province of the Saved."<ref> Schmidt, (2005)</ref>

The adolescence of poet [[Emily Dickinson]] was marked by the intense religious revivals that made Amherst College and her family's church, The First Congregational Church of Amherst, a major locus of influence in 1845-46 and in 1850, during the second phase of what is now called the Second Great Awakening. Schmidt (2005) traces the impact of these revivals on Dickinson, who was the only member of her family and close circle of friends who did ''not'' convert to Christianity and join her family's church by public profession of faith. Through close readings of poems, her early letters and certain letters by Dickinson family members, Dickinson's work appears as a rebellion against the religious orthodoxy of mid-nineteenth-century Western Massachusetts and presents Dickinson as caught between two counter forces: the Calvinist tradition of examining one's inner life in preparation for religious conversion and the current pressure at revivals to stand up in front of a crowd and deliver a formulaic statement of faith. Her poems read show how Dickinson appropriated the meters and imagery of the hymns she sang at church and the diction of public professions of faith in order to write her own idiosyncratic spiritual autobiography—in the form of lyric poems—that explores her hesitations, doubts and her refusal to join, what she calls in poem F659/J539, "The Province of the Saved."<ref>Schmidt, (2005)</ref>

==Opposition==

==Opposition==

Reeves (2005) examines the historical context, spiritual development, and theological arguments of four Protestant critics of Second Great Awakening revivalism who published critiques from the mid-1830s to the late-1840s: Calvin Colton, John Henry Hopkins, John Williamson Nevin, and Horace Bushnell. Historians have begun to give increased attention to the role played by critics of revivalism in the Great Awakening of the eighteenth century, but inadequate attention has been devoted to critics of revivalism in the Second Great Awakening.  Several competitors vied for the right to define revivalism in the Second Great Awakening. ''New Divinity'' revivalists legitimated their revivals by the construction of an Edwardsean tradition of sober revivalism, but their definition of genuine revival was contested not only by ''Frontier,'' ''New Haven,'' and ''New Measures'' revivalists, but also by critics who questioned the underlying theological assumptions of revivalism.

Reeves (2005) examines the historical context, spiritual development, and theological arguments of four Protestant critics of Second Great Awakening revivalism who published critiques from the mid-1830s to the late-1840s: Calvin Colton, John Henry Hopkins, John Williamson Nevin, and Horace Bushnell. Historians have begun to give increased attention to the role played by critics of revivalism in the Great Awakening of the eighteenth century, but inadequate attention has been devoted to critics of revivalism in the Second Great Awakening.  Several competitors vied for the right to define revivalism in the Second Great Awakening. ''New Divinity'' revivalists legitimated their revivals by the construction of an Edwardsean tradition of sober revivalism, but their definition of genuine revival was contested not only by ''Frontier,'' ''New Haven,'' and ''New Measures'' revivalists, but also by critics who questioned the underlying theological assumptions of revivalism.

The counter-revivalists were not merely reactive; they sought to counter revivalism by formulating alternative understandings of Christian theology and spirituality. High Church Episcopalians Calvin Colton and John Henry Hopkins argued for the superiority of the Episcopal Church; Colton praised his church's refusal to meddle in political affairs in the manner of revivalistic reformers, and Hopkins appealed to his church's faithfulness to the pattern established by the "Primitive Church" of the first four centuries against the "novelties" of revivalism. John Williamson Nevin criticized revivalism's subjectivism, countering with a churchly piety, grounded on the objective presence of Christ in the sacraments. Nevin envisioned an alliance between the German Reformed and German Lutheran Churches as a bulwark against Americanized evangelicalism. Horace Bushnell criticized revivalism for its supernaturalistic dualism; as an alternative, Bushnell offered a Romantic revision of the means of grace, in which parents could shape the Christian character of their children through the power of organic connections. The counter-revivalists in this study offered counter-narratives set against prevailing revivalistic norms to offer an alternative understanding of American religious culture and to open up new directions for the future of Christian piety and theology.<ref> Reeves (2005)</ref>

The counter-revivalists were not merely reactive; they sought to counter revivalism by formulating alternative understandings of Christian theology and spirituality. High Church Episcopalians Calvin Colton and John Henry Hopkins argued for the superiority of the Episcopal Church; Colton praised his church's refusal to meddle in political affairs in the manner of revivalistic reformers, and Hopkins appealed to his church's faithfulness to the pattern established by the "Primitive Church" of the first four centuries against the "novelties" of revivalism. John Williamson Nevin criticized revivalism's subjectivism, countering with a churchly piety, grounded on the objective presence of Christ in the sacraments. Nevin envisioned an alliance between the German Reformed and German Lutheran Churches as a bulwark against Americanized evangelicalism. Horace Bushnell criticized revivalism for its supernaturalistic dualism; as an alternative, Bushnell offered a Romantic revision of the means of grace, in which parents could shape the Christian character of their children through the power of organic connections. The counter-revivalists in this study offered counter-narratives set against prevailing revivalistic norms to offer an alternative understanding of American religious culture and to open up new directions for the future of Christian piety and theology.<ref>Reeves (2005)</ref>

==Political Implications==

==Political Implications==

Nord (1984, 1993) has emphasized the use of new communications media by the revivalists, especially high speed printing presses which allowed the production of large numbers of inexpensive Bibles, tracts and magazines.

Nord (1984, 1993) has emphasized the use of new communications media by the revivalists, especially high speed printing presses which allowed the production of large numbers of inexpensive Bibles, tracts and magazines.

The abolitionist movement especially was a product of the Second Great Awakening in the Northeast.  The Congregational and presbyterian churches were especially influential. Men were the leaders but women were more numerous, and over 200 women's antislavery societies were organized. The men gave speeches and wrote pamphlets. The women's groups raised funds, distributed pamphlets, collected signatures to petition Congress, networked with women from the English antislavery movement, and welcomed black women abolitionists.<ref> Beth A. Salerno, ''Sister Societies: Women's Antislavery Organizations in Antebellum America.'' (2005) </ref>

The abolitionist movement especially was a product of the Second Great Awakening in the Northeast.  The Congregational and presbyterian churches were especially influential. Men were the leaders but women were more numerous, and over 200 women's antislavery societies were organized. The men gave speeches and wrote pamphlets. The women's groups raised funds, distributed pamphlets, collected signatures to petition Congress, networked with women from the English antislavery movement, and welcomed black women abolitionists.<ref>Beth A. Salerno, ''Sister Societies: Women's Antislavery Organizations in Antebellum America.'' (2005)</ref>

==See also==

==See also==

* Foster, Charles I. ''An Errand of Mercy: The Evangelical United Front, 1790–1837'' (1960).  

* Foster, Charles I. ''An Errand of Mercy: The Evangelical United Front, 1790–1837'' (1960).  

* Foster, Douglas A. et al, eds. ''The Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement'' (2005) [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0802838987/ref=sib_dp_bod_fc/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&p=S001#reader-link excerpt and text search]

* Foster, Douglas A. et al, eds. ''The Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement'' (2005) [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0802838987/ref=sib_dp_bod_fc/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&p=S001#reader-link excerpt and text search]

* Griffin, Clifford S.  "Religious Benevolence as Social Control, 1815-1860," ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 44, No. 3. (Dec., 1957), pp. 423-444. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0161-391X%28195712%2944%3A3%3C423%3ARBASC1%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y in JSTOR]

* Griffin, Clifford S.  "Religious Benevolence as Social Control, 1815-1860," ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 44, No. 3. (Dec., 1957), pp.&nbsp;423–444. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0161-391X%28195712%2944%3A3%3C423%3ARBASC1%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y in JSTOR]

* Guelzo, Allen C. "An Heir or a Rebel? Charles Grandison Finney and the New England Theology." ''Journal of the Early Republic]] 1997 17(1): 61-94. Issn: 0275-1275  [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0275-1275(199721)17%3A1%3C61%3AAHOARC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S online in Jstor]

* Guelzo, Allen C. "An Heir or a Rebel? Charles Grandison Finney and the New England Theology." ''Journal of the Early Republic]] 1997 17(1): 61-94. Issn: 0275-1275  [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0275-1275(199721)17%3A1%3C61%3AAHOARC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-S online in Jstor]

* Hambrick-Stowe, Charles. ''Charles G. Finney and the Spirit of American Evangelicalism.''  (1996).  

* Hambrick-Stowe, Charles. ''Charles G. Finney and the Spirit of American Evangelicalism.''  (1996).