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Samuel Fuller was a deacon when he left for America on the Mayflower in 1620, and he intended to become a fisherman when he arrived, but by 1629 he was working in a medical capacity despite his lack of formal qualifications. In ''New English Canaan'' (1637), Thomas Morton condemned Fuller's lack of education, his inappropriate appearance, his seemingly disreputable method of diagnosis, and his possibly injurious treatment of patients. However, Fuller was trusted, dedicated, and had studied the available texts; his dress may have been idiosyncratic but was not outlandish; Morton's report of his diagnostic methods has been discredited; and his treatments were those of many formally trained physicians in similar cases. Morton's charges probably stemmed more from his desire to discredit the colony than from anything about Fuller himself.<ref>Norman Gevitz, "Samuel Fuller of Plymouth Plantation: a 'Skillful Physician' or 'Quacksalver'?" ''Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences'' 1992 47(1): 29-48. Issn: 0022-5045</ref>

Samuel Fuller was a deacon when he left for America on the Mayflower in 1620, and he intended to become a fisherman when he arrived, but by 1629 he was working in a medical capacity despite his lack of formal qualifications. In ''New English Canaan'' (1637), Thomas Morton condemned Fuller's lack of education, his inappropriate appearance, his seemingly disreputable method of diagnosis, and his possibly injurious treatment of patients. However, Fuller was trusted, dedicated, and had studied the available texts; his dress may have been idiosyncratic but was not outlandish; Morton's report of his diagnostic methods has been discredited; and his treatments were those of many formally trained physicians in similar cases. Morton's charges probably stemmed more from his desire to discredit the colony than from anything about Fuller himself.<ref>Norman Gevitz, "Samuel Fuller of Plymouth Plantation: a 'Skillful Physician' or 'Quacksalver'?" ''Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences'' 1992 47(1): 29-48. Issn: 0022-5045</ref>

Separatists in late-16th- and 17th-century London, Amsterdam, and Plymouth Colony were embroiled in controversy over the bounds of decent womanly apparel, speech, and actions. George Johnson criticized his sister-in-law Thomasine Johnson for pride and immodesty in her attire and demeanor. George's criticisms reflected Separatist beliefs in "visible sainthood," which located morality in the soul and linked it with the body's appearance and conduct. The controversy that swirled around Thomasine Johnson and her apparel raged from 1594 to 1599, when Francis Johnson excommunicated George and their father, John, over this issue. The controversy continued to agitate Separatist congregations in Amsterdam and Plymouth Colony well into the 17th century, when William Bradford included the story in his 1648 ''Dialogue.'',<ref>Finch (2005)</ref>  

Separatists in late-16th- and 17th century London, Amsterdam, and Plymouth Colony were embroiled in controversy over the bounds of decent womanly apparel, speech, and actions. George Johnson criticized his sister-in-law Thomasine Johnson for pride and immodesty in her attire and demeanor. George's criticisms reflected Separatist beliefs in "visible sainthood," which located morality in the soul and linked it with the body's appearance and conduct. The controversy that swirled around Thomasine Johnson and her apparel raged from 1594 to 1599, when Francis Johnson excommunicated George and their father, John, over this issue. The controversy continued to agitate Separatist congregations in Amsterdam and Plymouth Colony well into the 17th century, when William Bradford included the story in his 1648 ''Dialogue.'',<ref>Finch (2005)</ref>  

Donegan (2002) examines William Bradford's classic account ''Of Plymouth Plantation'' (1630–48) to show how coloniality emerged from times of catastrophe and bodily unsettlement. Bradford used the suffering body "as a vehicle for talking about what it meant to be colonial." The body, which had been a way to understand and give meaning to the material world, was shaken by colonial dislocation and became a site of fragmentation and confusion while still serving as a central mediator between interior and exterior.<ref>Kathleen Donegan, "'As Dying, Yet Behold We Live': Catastrophe and Interiority in Bradford's of Plymouth Plantation." ''Early American Literature'' 2002 37(1): 9-37. Issn: 0012-8163  Fulltext: at Project Muse, Swetswise and Ebsco</ref>

Donegan (2002) examines William Bradford's classic account ''Of Plymouth Plantation'' (1630–48) to show how coloniality emerged from times of catastrophe and bodily unsettlement. Bradford used the suffering body "as a vehicle for talking about what it meant to be colonial." The body, which had been a way to understand and give meaning to the material world, was shaken by colonial dislocation and became a site of fragmentation and confusion while still serving as a central mediator between interior and exterior.<ref>Kathleen Donegan, "'As Dying, Yet Behold We Live': Catastrophe and Interiority in Bradford's of Plymouth Plantation." ''Early American Literature'' 2002 37(1): 9-37. Issn: 0012-8163  Fulltext: at Project Muse, Swetswise and Ebsco</ref>

One of the enduring symbols of the landing of the Pilgrims is Plymouth Rock, a large granite outcropping of rock that was near their landing site at Plymouth, and which would have certainly been a significant landmark in the area.  However, none of the contemporary accounts of the actual landing makes any mention that the Rock was the specific place of landing.  The Pilgrims chose the site for their landing not for the rock, but for a small brook nearby that was a source of fresh water and fish.<ref>Philbrick (2006) pp 75, 78-79</ref>

One of the enduring symbols of the landing of the Pilgrims is Plymouth Rock, a large granite outcropping of rock that was near their landing site at Plymouth, and which would have certainly been a significant landmark in the area.  However, none of the contemporary accounts of the actual landing makes any mention that the Rock was the specific place of landing.  The Pilgrims chose the site for their landing not for the rock, but for a small brook nearby that was a source of fresh water and fish.<ref>Philbrick (2006) pp 75, 78-79</ref>

The first identification of Plymouth Rock as the actual landing site was in 1741 by 90-year old Thomas Faunce, himself the son of a settler who had arrived in Plymouth in 1623, three years after the supposed event.  The rock was later covered by a solid-fill pier.  In 1774, an attempt was made to excavate the Rock, but it broke in two.  The severed piece was placed in the Town Square at the center of Plymouth.  In 1880, the intact half of the rock was excavated from the pier, and the broken piece was reattached to it.  Over the years, souvenir hunters have removed chunks from the rock, but the remains are now protected as part of the complex of living museums that includes the ''[[Mayflower II]]'', a recreation of the original ship, Plimoth Plantation, an historical reenactment of the original 1620 settlement, and the Wampanoag Homesite, which recreates a 17th-century Indian village.<ref>Philbrick (2006) pp 351-356</ref>

The first identification of Plymouth Rock as the actual landing site was in 1741 by 90-year old Thomas Faunce, himself the son of a settler who had arrived in Plymouth in 1623, three years after the supposed event.  The rock was later covered by a solid-fill pier.  In 1774, an attempt was made to excavate the Rock, but it broke in two.  The severed piece was placed in the Town Square at the center of Plymouth.  In 1880, the intact half of the rock was excavated from the pier, and the broken piece was reattached to it.  Over the years, souvenir hunters have removed chunks from the rock, but the remains are now protected as part of the complex of living museums that includes the ''[[Mayflower II]]'', a recreation of the original ship, Plimoth Plantation, an historical reenactment of the original 1620 settlement, and the Wampanoag Homesite, which recreates a 17th century Indian village.<ref>Philbrick (2006) pp 351-356</ref>

==See also==

==See also==