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[[Stefan Halper]], a neoconservative of the Bush Sr. era, colluded with Obama CIA Director [[John Brennan]] and FBI agent [[Peter Strzok]] to set-up Trump advisors [[Carter Page]] and [[George Papadopoulos]] as supposed agents of the [[Russia]] government, to initiate an FBI [[counterintelligence]] investigation and procure a [[FISA]] warrant to surveil the [[2016 Trump campaign]], [[Trump transition]] team, and well into the first year of the [[Trump Administration]].

[[Stefan Halper]], a neoconservative of the Bush Sr. era, colluded with Obama CIA Director [[John Brennan]] and FBI agent [[Peter Strzok]] to set-up Trump advisors [[Carter Page]] and [[George Papadopoulos]] as supposed agents of the [[Russia]] government, to initiate an FBI [[counterintelligence]] investigation and procure a [[FISA]] warrant to surveil the [[2016 Trump campaign]], [[Trump transition]] team, and well into the first year of the [[Trump Administration]].

==Nazi and Trotskyist roots of Neoconservatism: Schachtman and Burnham meet Carl Schmitt==

==Nazi and Trotskyist roots of Neoconservatism: Shachtman and Burnham meet Carl Schmitt==

Neoconservative [[globalism|globalist]] ideas on foreign policy have their roots on the writings of renegade Trotskyists Max Schachtman and James Burnham in the 1940s and 1950s, while on domestic policy they derive their [[authoritarianism]] from the writings of [[Nazism|Nazi]] [[jurisprudence|jurist]] Carl Schmitt during the same period.

Neoconservative [[globalism|globalist]] ideas on foreign policy have their roots on the writings of renegade Trotskyists Max Shachtman and James Burnham in the 1940s and 1950s, while on domestic policy they derive their [[authoritarianism]] from the writings of [[Nazism|Nazi]] [[jurisprudence|jurist]] Carl Schmitt during the same period.

Burnham and Schachtman were American Trotskyists who had clashed with [[Leon Trotsky]] in 1939-40 on the issue of whether the international workers' movement should support the [[Soviet Union]] in the event of a Nazi attack. Trotsky said it should, while Burnham and Schachtman said it should not. Both Burnham and Schachtman abandoned [[Marxism]] in the 1940s (ostensibly) and entered the [[conservative]] movement. In fact, they never really abandoned the idea of "[[Permanent Revolution]]", they just reshaped it to make it look more "conservative": the [[one-world government]], for them, wouldn't come through the USSR or through workers' revolution, but through American [[internationalism|internationalist]] and [[imperialism|imperialist]] foreign policy. Burnham explicitly wrote:  

Burnham and Shachtman were American Trotskyists who had clashed with [[Leon Trotsky]] in 1939-40 on the issue of whether the international workers' movement should support the [[Soviet Union]] in the event of a Nazi attack. Trotsky said it should, while Burnham and Shachtman said it should not. Both Burnham and Shachtman abandoned [[Marxism]] in the 1940s (ostensibly) and entered the [[conservative]] movement. In fact, they never really abandoned the idea of "[[Permanent Revolution]]", they just reshaped it to make it look more "conservative": the [[one-world government]], for them, wouldn't come through the USSR or through workers' revolution, but through American [[internationalism|internationalist]] and [[imperialism|imperialist]] foreign policy. Burnham explicitly wrote:  

<blockquote>A World Federation initiated and led by the United States would be, we have recognized, a World Empire. In this imperial federation, the United States, with a monopoly of atomic weapons, would hold a preponderance of decisive material power over all the rest of the world. In world politics, that is to say, there would not be a balance of power.<ref>James Burnham, ''The Struggle for the World'' (Toronto: Longmans, 1947), 190, 210.</ref></blockquote>

<blockquote>A World Federation initiated and led by the United States would be, we have recognized, a World Empire. In this imperial federation, the United States, with a monopoly of atomic weapons, would hold a preponderance of decisive material power over all the rest of the world. In world politics, that is to say, there would not be a balance of power.<ref>James Burnham, ''The Struggle for the World'' (Toronto: Longmans, 1947), 190, 210.</ref></blockquote>

<blockquote>The contradictions stem from the unresolved problems of a territorial development involving an obligation either to set limits to the invasion and to find other major territories beside those recognizing themselves as such, or else to turn back what has hitherto been a war of national claims into a world-wide civil war.<ref>https://edisciplinas.usp.br/mod/resource/view.php?id=2252381</ref></blockquote>

<blockquote>The contradictions stem from the unresolved problems of a territorial development involving an obligation either to set limits to the invasion and to find other major territories beside those recognizing themselves as such, or else to turn back what has hitherto been a war of national claims into a world-wide civil war.<ref>https://edisciplinas.usp.br/mod/resource/view.php?id=2252381</ref></blockquote>

As a short summary, Neoconservatives take their advocacy for [[globalism]], interventionism, [[perpetual war]], [[police state]] and the trampling of citizens' [[civil rights|rights]] from two Trotskyists (Schachtman and Burnham) and one Nazi (Schmitt).

As a short summary, Neoconservatives take their advocacy for [[globalism]], interventionism, [[perpetual war]], [[police state]] and the trampling of citizens' [[civil rights|rights]] from two Trotskyists (Shachtman and Burnham) and one Nazi (Schmitt).

==See also==

==See also==