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===Marxists===
===Marxists===
Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref> In addition, the Bolsheviks specifically modeled their revolution and the creation of the USSR after the French Revolution, and even planned a statuary line depicting various figures from the French Revolution, called Monumental Propaganda, to put into context the role of their revolution.
[[Karl Marx]] had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref> In addition, the Bolsheviks specifically modeled their revolution and the creation of the USSR after the French Revolution, and even planned a statuary line depicting various figures from the French Revolution, called Monumental Propaganda, to put into context the role of their revolution.
The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy. Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [https://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [https://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.
The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy. Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [https://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [https://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.