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Barre advocated a form of scientific socialism based on the Qur'an and Marxism-Leninism, with heavy influences of Somali nationalism.

Barre advocated a form of scientific socialism based on the Qur'an and Marxism–Leninism, with heavy influences of Somali nationalism.

Kingsley, Charles. A Vet in Somalia. United States: Xlibris UK, 2012, p.232

Kingsley, Charles. A Vet in Somalia. United States: Xlibris UK, 2012, p.232

Between 1987 and 1989, the regime of Somali dictator Siad Barre massacred an estimated 200,000 members of the Isaaq tribe, the largest tribal group Somalia's northwest (present-day Somaliland). At the time, some Isaaqs supported Somaliland independence. To eliminate this threat to his dictatorship, Barre attempted to exterminate the entire tribe, including men, women, and children. Experts now say there are more than 200 mass graves in Somaliland, most of them in the so-called Valley of Death.

Between 1987 and 1989, the regime of Somali dictator Siad Barre massacred an estimated 200,000 members of the Isaaq tribe, the largest tribal group Somalia's northwest (present-day Somaliland). At the time, some Isaaqs supported Somaliland independence. To eliminate this threat to his dictatorship, Barre attempted to exterminate the entire tribe, including men, women, and children. Experts now say there are more than 200 mass graves in Somaliland, most of them in the so-called Valley of Death.

Since the genocide, there have been few consequences for the perpetrators, including Somalia's political leadership and military. There have been no apologies, no internationally-supported truth and reconciliation commission, and no criminal trials. Somaliland has little funding to investigate—let alone prosecute—the perpetrators, some of whom continue to serve in Somalia's government or have close ties to leadership.

Since the genocide, there have been few consequences for the perpetrators, including Somalia's political leadership and military. There have been no apologies, no internationally supported truth and reconciliation commission, and no criminal trials. Somaliland has little funding to investigate—let alone prosecute—the perpetrators, some of whom continue to serve in Somalia's government or have close ties to leadership.

[https://www.republicofsomaliland.com/somaliland-genocide]

[https://www.republicofsomaliland.com/somaliland-genocide]

In the Valley of Death: Somaliland’s Forgotten Genocide.

In the Valley of Death: Somaliland's Forgotten Genocide.

The Nation. Oct 22, 2018.

The Nation. Oct 22, 2018.

Antisemitism of Ilhan Omar - Rootsmetal.

Antisemitism of Ilhan Omar - Rootsmetal.

[...]

[...]

Here’s where things get interesting. Much of the state propaganda against and persecution of the Isaaqs was rooted in the conspiracy that they are not actually of Arab descent, but that they are Jews (this is not true. The Isaaqs are predominantly Muslim). The conspiracy is so pervasive that in 2001 the government of Saudi Arabia gifted the Isaaq clan with a certificate confirming their Arab lineage.

Here's where things get interesting. Much of the state propaganda against and persecution of the Isaaqs was rooted in the conspiracy that they are not actually of Arab descent, but that they are Jews (this is not true. The Isaaqs are predominantly Muslim). The conspiracy is so pervasive that in 2001 the government of Saudi Arabia gifted the Isaaq clan with a certificate confirming their Arab lineage.

But it gets even more interesting. The only country to ever speak up against the Isaaq genocide at the United Nations was the State of Israel, when, in 1990, Israel’s then Acting Permanent Representative to the United Nations submitted a letter to the Security Council in support of the Isaaq people.  

But it gets even more interesting. The only country to ever speak up against the Isaaq genocide at the United Nations was the State of Israel, when, in 1990, Israel's then Acting Permanent Representative to the United Nations submitted a letter to the Security Council in support of the Isaaq people.  

In the early 1980s, rebels began a campaign to depose Barre. This culminated in the Somali Civil War. Barre was overthrown in 1991, which then allegedly prompted the Omar family to flee Somalia.  

In the early 1980s, rebels began a campaign to depose Barre. This culminated in the Somali Civil War. Barre was overthrown in 1991, which then allegedly prompted the Omar family to flee Somalia.  

Ilhan Omar and her family spent four years in a refugee camp, before receiving asylum to the United States in 1995.

Ilhan Omar and her family spent four years in a refugee camp, before receiving asylum to the United States in 1995.

Several other members of Omar’s family, including her grandfather, worked for the Barre regime.

Several other members of Omar's family, including her grandfather, worked for the Barre regime.

[https://www.rootsmetals.com/blogs/news/the-antisemitism-of-ilhan-omar]

[https://www.rootsmetals.com/blogs/news/the-antisemitism-of-ilhan-omar]

2022.

2022.

coilcool875.

coilcool875.

Saudi government gifts Isaaq clan certificate verifying their arab lineage

Saudi government gifts Isaaq clan certificate verifying their Arab lineage

[https://www.reddit.com/r/Somaliland/comments/zul490/saudi_government_gifts_isaaq_clan_certificate/]

[https://www.reddit.com/r/Somaliland/comments/zul490/saudi_government_gifts_isaaq_clan_certificate/]

Somalia Genocide and Famine Warning.

Somalia Genocide and Famine Warning.

The Isaaq Genocide of 1988 - 1991 is notable. Following a rebellion in the mid-1980s in Somaliland, the dictator Siad Barre launched a genocide against the Isaaq tribe, one of the largest in Somalia. The genocide, led by Barre's son-in-law Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, killed an estimated 200,000 people. The Isaaq Genocide was carried out with massive aerial and artillery bombardments and death squads. The genocide included mass rape and forced displacement. Barre’s forces destroyed Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital. The Isaaq Genocide was the deadliest in Somalia’s modern history, but it is largely unrecognized to this day.

The Isaaq Genocide of 1988 - 1991 is notable. Following a rebellion in the mid-1980s in Somaliland, the dictator Siad Barre launched a genocide against the Isaaq tribe, one of the largest in Somalia. The genocide, led by Barre's son-in-law Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, killed an estimated 200,000 people. The Isaaq Genocide was carried out with massive aerial and artillery bombardments and death squads. The genocide included mass rape and forced displacement. Barre's forces destroyed Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital. The Isaaq Genocide was the deadliest in Somalia's modern history, but it is largely unrecognized to this day.

[https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/somalia-genocide-and-famine-warning]

[https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/somalia-genocide-and-famine-warning]

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Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, Lemkin Institute Statement on the Isaaq Genocide (1987-1989), Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention. United States of America. Retrieved from [https://coilink.org/20.500.12592/dmgtx2 ]on 05 Aug 2025. COI: 20.500.12592/dmgtx2.

Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, Lemkin Institute Statement on the Isaaq Genocide (1987–1989), Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention. United States of America. Retrieved from [https://coilink.org/20.500.12592/dmgtx2 ] on 05 Aug 2025. COI: 20.500.12592/dmgtx2.

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The Sound of Bones. (uoalumni).

The Sound of Bones. (uoalumni).

Mohamed Siad Barre was a brutal Somalian dictator who, in 1988, authorized the bombing of his own country to wipe out the Issaq tribe and quell opposition to his authoritarian rule. His soldiers killed between 50,000 and 100,000 civilians, causing the world’s largest refugee crisis. Air force raids destroyed 90 percent of Somalia’s second-largest city, Hargiesa, giving it the nickname “The Dresden of Africa.” Tribal members fleeing to neighboring Ethiopia were gunned down by fighter jets.

Mohamed Siad Barre was a brutal Somalian dictator who, in 1988, authorized the bombing of his own country to wipe out the Issaq tribe and quell opposition to his authoritarian rule. His soldiers killed between 50,000 and 100,000 civilians, causing the world's largest refugee crisis. Air force raids destroyed 90 percent of Somalia's second-largest city, Hargiesa, giving it the nickname “The Dresden of Africa.” Tribal members fleeing to neighboring Ethiopia were gunned down by fighter jets.

And thirty years after the Isaaq genocide, with a little help from a University of Oregon instructor and a popular television show, Winsome Lee, BS ’12 (philosophy), arrived in Somaliland to recover the bodies Barre’s troops left behind.

And thirty years after the Isaaq genocide, with a little help from a University of Oregon instructor and a popular television show, Winsome Lee, BS ’12 (philosophy), arrived in Somaliland to recover the bodies Barre’s troops left behind.

Submitted to the University of Regensburg, Department of Psychology, for Habilitation October 2001.

Submitted to the University of Regensburg, Department of Psychology, for Habilitation October 2001.

[...]

[...]

‘You Isaaq, you are so arrogant,’ were Barre’s words to a Somali woman (who wants to stay anonymous) as reported to me during my fieldwork on 30th November 1998; she met the dictator when she pleaded for her imprisoned family members. She confirmed that she believes that the dictator, - himself without formal education, but gifted with a sharp mind, - must have suffered personal humiliation at the hands of Isaaq colleagues who were more educated than him.  

‘You Isaaq, you are so arrogant,’ were Barre's words to a Somali woman (who wants to stay anonymous) as reported to me during my fieldwork on 30 November 1998; she met the dictator when she pleaded for her imprisoned family members. She confirmed that she believes that the dictator, - himself without formal education, but gifted with a sharp mind, - must have suffered personal humiliation at the hands of Isaaq colleagues who were more educated than him.  

The ‘Morgan Report,’ an official top secret report on ‘implemented and recommended measures’ for a ‘final solution’ to Somalia’s ‘Isaaq problem’ was written by General Mohammed Sidi Hersi ‘Morgan,’ Siad Barre’s Majerteen son-in-law, on 23rd January 1987. Morgan writes that the Isaaq and their supporters must be ‘subjected to a campaign of obliteration,’ in order to prevent that they ‘raise their heads again.’  

The ‘Morgan Report,’ an official top secret report on ‘implemented and recommended measures’ for a ‘final solution’ to Somalia's ‘Isaaq problem’ was written by General Mohammed Sidi Hersi ‘Morgan,’ Siad Barre's Majerteen son-in-law, on 23 January 1987. Morgan writes that the Isaaq and their supporters must be ‘subjected to a campaign of obliteration,’ in order to prevent that they ‘raise their heads again.’  

He continues: ‘today, we possess the right remedy for the virus in the [body of the] Somali State.’ Among other ‘remedies’ he proposes: ‘Rendering uninhabitable the territory between the army and the enemy, which can be done by destroying the water tanks and the villages lying across the territory used by them for infiltration,’ and ‘Removing from the membership of the armed forces and the civil service all those who are open to suspicion of aiding the enemy - especially those holding sensitive posts.’   

He continues: ‘today, we possess the right remedy for the virus in the [body of the] Somali State.’ Among other ‘remedies’ he proposes: ‘Rendering uninhabitable the territory between the army and the enemy, which can be done by destroying the water tanks and the villages lying across the territory used by them for infiltration,’ and ‘Removing from the membership of the armed forces and the civil service all those who are open to suspicion of aiding the enemy - especially those holding sensitive posts.’   

Members of the Isaaq clan became potential suspects everywhere, in the South they lost their jobs, they were detained, some executed...

Members of the Isaaq clan became potential suspects everywhere, in the South they lost their jobs, they were detained, some executed...

Subsequently the dictator ordered the military to run riot against the Isaaq population with quasi-genocidal results.

Subsequently, the dictator ordered the military to run riot against the Isaaq population with quasi-genocidal results.

[https://www.humiliationstudies.org/documents/evelin/HumiliationBook2.pdf]

[https://www.humiliationstudies.org/documents/evelin/HumiliationBook2.pdf]

Even Bathist autocrat [[Saddam Hussein]] would eventually begin portraying himself as a devout Muslim, claiming to be a descendant of the Pro_phet, inscribing the words Allahu Akbar' on the Iraqi flag, and bizarrely putting on display in Baghdad's newly built Umm al-Ma'arik Mosque a 605-page Qur'an allegedly written with his own blood.

Even Bathist autocrat [[Saddam Hussein]] would eventually begin portraying himself as a devout Muslim, claiming to be a descendant of the Pro_phet, inscribing the words Allahu Akbar' on the Iraqi flag, and bizarrely putting on display in Baghdad's newly built Umm al-Ma'arik Mosque a 605-page Qur'an allegedly written with his own blood.

Perhaps not surprisingly, these transformations appeared to many as insincere, and could not appease the Islamic opposition determined to replace their regimes with an Islamic state. As it became increasingly obvious that the post-colonial rulers were unable to solve their countries' social and political problems, old slogans of Westernization, development, and modernization lost their appeal and Islamic opposition movements, with their visions of social justice and theocratic statehood, grew stronger.' Many took inspiration from Khomeini's victory in the [[Iran]]ian Revolution of 1978-1979.  

Perhaps not surprisingly, these transformations appeared to many as insincere, and could not appease the Islamic opposition determined to replace their regimes with an Islamic state. As it became increasingly obvious that the post-colonial rulers were unable to solve their countries' social and political problems, old slogans of Westernization, development, and modernization lost their appeal and Islamic opposition movements, with their visions of social justice and theocratic statehood, grew stronger.' Many took inspiration from Khomeini's victory in the [[Iran]]ian Revolution of 1978–1979.  

In 1979, the Afghan mujahidin began their jihad against the socialist regime in Kabul and its Soviet protectors. The same year, Wahhabi militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca, demanding that the house of Saud abdicate.  

In 1979, the Afghan mujahidin began their jihad against the socialist regime in Kabul and its Soviet protectors. The same year, Wahhabi militants seized the Grand Mosque of Mecca, demanding that the house of Saud abdicate.  

In 1981, Islamists assassinated Sadat at a parade in Cairo. Across the Muslim world, the old ruling elites were challenged by a new wave of Islamic opposition groups, among them Sudan's National Islamic Front (1976), Nigeria's Izala (Removal) Society (1978), Indonesia's new Dar al-Islam offshoots (197os), Tunisia's Islamic Tendency Movement (1981), Algeria's Islamic Salvation Front (1989), and Lebanon's Shia Amal (Hope) Movement (1974) and its rival and eventual successor Hizb Allah (Party of Allah; also Hezbollah) (1985). The rise of these move-ments went along with internal turmoil and civil war, from the Syrian Hama Uprising (1982) to the Algerian Civil War (1991-2002). In many ways, this wave of Islamic unrest marked the beginning of the end of the traditional post-colonial state in the Muslim world. To see it as an era of Islamic resurgence would, however, be too simplistic. The victories of Islamic movements since the 1970s are only an episode in the long history of their struggle against the colonial and post-colonial order. The 197os saw no revival of political Islam; what they did see, though, was a revival in Western scholarly interest in political Islam.  

In 1981, Islamists assassinated Sadat at a parade in Cairo. Across the Muslim world, the old ruling elites were challenged by a new wave of Islamic opposition groups, among them Sudan's National Islamic Front (1976), Nigeria's Izala (Removal) Society (1978), Indonesia's new Dar al-Islam offshoots (197os), Tunisia's Islamic Tendency Movement (1981), Algeria's Islamic Salvation Front (1989), and Lebanon's Shia Amal (Hope) Movement (1974) and its rival and eventual successor Hizb Allah (Party of Allah; also Hezbollah) (1985). The rise of these move-ments went along with internal turmoil and civil war, from the Syrian Hama Uprising (1982) to the Algerian Civil War (1991–2002). In many ways, this wave of Islamic unrest marked the beginning of the end of the traditional post-colonial state in the Muslim world. To see it as an era of Islamic resurgence would, however, be too simplistic. The victories of Islamic movements since the 1970s are only an episode in the long history of their struggle against the colonial and post-colonial order. The 197os saw no revival of political Islam; what they did see, though, was a revival in Western scholarly interest in political Islam.  

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By admin -July 18, 2019.

By admin -July 18, 2019.

On July 17th, 1989, presidential military forces, known as red berets, led by a Colonel Ibrahim Ali Barre, Canjeh, cordoned off an area in the Medina district of Mogadishu. The residents of the area where questioned, made to produce identification documents and those who hailed from Somaliland were forced on to army trucks.

On July 17, 1989, presidential military forces, known as red berets, led by a Colonel Ibrahim Ali Barre, Canjeh, cordoned off an area in the Medina district of Mogadishu. The residents of the area where questioned, made to produce identification documents and those who hailed from Somaliland were forced on to army trucks.

These civilians who were selected on community basis came, predominantly, from the Isaaq community, however, other northerners from the Samaroon and Dhulbahante communities were are also included, just because of their accents and demeanour...

These civilians who were selected on community basis came, predominantly, from the Isaaq community, however, other northerners from the Samaroon and Dhulbahante communities were are also included, just because of their accents and demeanour...

Stories from the survivors of atrocities against the Isaaq clan were shared through the efforts of Laney student Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh, who dared to be a “voice for the voiceless.”

Stories from the survivors of atrocities against the Isaaq clan were shared through the efforts of Laney student Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh, who dared to be a “voice for the voiceless.”

Somalia’s dictator, Mohamed Siad Barre, specifically targeted Isaaq clan civilians. Approximately 200,000 Isaaq clan members were murdered before the collapse of his regime — from 1969 to 1991 — and 226 mass graves have been uncovered, according to the Somaliland Times..

Somalia's dictator, Mohamed Siad Barre, specifically targeted Isaaq clan civilians. Approximately 200,000 Isaaq clan members were murdered before the collapse of his regime — from 1969 to 1991 — and 226 mass graves have been uncovered, according to the Somaliland Times..

[https://peraltacitizen.com/2018/05/29/a-somali-voice-for-the-voiceless/]

[https://peraltacitizen.com/2018/05/29/a-somali-voice-for-the-voiceless/]

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Ilhan Omar’s Father and the Isaaq Genocide: The Truth Revealed.

Ilhan Omar's Father and the Isaaq Genocide: The Truth Revealed.

Staff.

Staff.

July 25, 2025

July 25, 2025

Between 1987 and 1989, the Somali military in which Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father, served as a senior officer executed a brutal and systematic campaign of genocide targeting the Isaaq people of the modern day Republic of Somaliland.

Between 1987 and 1989, the Somali military in which Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father, served as a senior officer executed a brutal and systematic campaign of genocide targeting the Isaaq people of the modern day Republic of Somaliland.

This dark chapter in Africa’s history, which was known as the Isaaq Genocide, was a merciless military campaign that resulted in the killing of over 200,000 Isaaq civilians. It also involved widespread forced displacement, scorched‑earth destruction of the second and third largest cities (Hargeisa and Burao), aerial bombardement of almost every other single city, town and village in Somaliland, and two decades of large‑scale red-terror style tactics against the civilian population of Somaliland.

This dark chapter in Africa's history, which was known as the Isaaq Genocide, was a merciless military campaign that resulted in the killing of over 200,000 Isaaq civilians. It also involved widespread forced displacement, scorched‑earth destruction of the second and third largest cities (Hargeisa and Burao), aerial bombardment of almost every other single city, town and village in Somaliland, and two decades of large‑scale red-terror style tactics against the civilian population of Somaliland.

It was carried out through relentless aerial bombardments – planes repeatedly strafed fleeing refugees – summary executions, burning of entire villages, deportations, land‑mining of water sources and homes, Holodomor style government enforced man-made famines (the Dabadheer Drought) and the use of paramilitary units such as the Somali Armed Forces’ “Dabar Goynta Isaaqa” (The Isaaq Exterminators), composed exclusively of non-ethnically Isaaq soldiers, to enact mass killings under Somalia’s military direction.

It was carried out through relentless aerial bombardments – planes repeatedly strafed fleeing refugees – summary executions, burning of entire villages, deportations, land‑mining of water sources and homes, Holodomor style government enforced man-made famines (the Dabadheer Drought) and the use of paramilitary units such as the Somali Armed Forces’ “Dabar Goynta Isaaqa” (The Isaaq Exterminators), composed exclusively of non-ethnically Isaaq soldiers, to enact mass killings under Somalia's military direction.

War-damaged houses in Hargeysa, a major city in northern Somalia, 1991.

War-damaged houses in Hargeysa, a major city in northern Somalia, 1991.

Across the country civilians were forced from their homes into dehumanising conditions, including many kept in dungeons, underground prisons and pits. Even famous Isaaqs such as Somaliland’s most renowned poet ‘Hadraawi’ did not escape this torture and years of detention under the most brutal and unsanitary conditions imaginable. Even in Mogadishu, deep inside neighbouring Somalia – and almosr 1,500KM from Somaliland’s capital of Hargeisa – Isaaq civilians were being killed in their homes, in the city and on Mogadishu’s beaches. The Jazeera massacre of 1989 is a particularly brutal example that is etched in history.  

Across the country civilians were forced from their homes into dehumanising conditions, including many kept in dungeons, underground prisons and pits. Even famous Isaaqs such as Somaliland’s most renowned poet ‘Hadraawi’ did not escape this torture and years of detention under the most brutal and unsanitary conditions imaginable. Even in Mogadishu, deep inside neighbouring Somalia – and almosr 1,500KM from Somaliland’s capital of Hargeisa – Isaaq civilians were being killed in their homes, in the city and on Mogadishu’s beaches. The Jazeera massacre of 1989 is a particularly brutal example that is etched in history.  

At the heart of this brutal military regime was Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father. His rank, authority, membership of the regime Daarood clan, and 10+ years of having climbed the hierarchy in Somalia military to the rank of Colonel, placed him squarely in the Somali military’s command hierarchy during and at the height of its Isaaq genocide campaign. Based on his position, loyalty to the regime, and his role in the military, it is virtually certain that he had intimate knowledge of and involvement in the planning, conception, direction and execution of the genocide.  

At the heart of this brutal military regime was Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father. His rank, authority, membership of the regime Daarood clan, and 10+ years of having climbed the hierarchy in Somalia military to the rank of Colonel, placed him squarely in the Somali military's command hierarchy during and at the height of its Isaaq genocide campaign. Based on his position, loyalty to the regime, and his role in the military, it is virtually certain that he had intimate knowledge of and involvement in the planning, conception, direction and execution of the genocide.  

By both legal and historical standards, despite Ilhan Omar’s team’s spin in numerous recent articles which have been placed in left-leaning online publications, the logical conclusion that Ilhan Omar’s father was almost certainly intimately involved in the Isaaq Genocide is unmistakable. It is supported on the balance of probabilities and the totality of circumstantial and inferential evidence available indicates, more critically, that it meets the threshold that this was the case ‘beyond reasonable doubt’.

By both legal and historical standards, despite Ilhan Omar's team's spin in numerous recent articles which have been placed in left-leaning online publications, the logical conclusion that Ilhan Omar's father was almost certainly intimately involved in the Isaaq Genocide is unmistakable. It is supported on the balance of probabilities and the totality of circumstantial and inferential evidence available indicates, more critically, that it meets the threshold that this was the case ‘beyond reasonable doubt’.

What Human Rights Reports Show

What Human Rights Reports Show

Investigations from Africa Watch, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN‑commissioned Mburu Report, articles from the Washington Post and New York Times are clear: the Isaaq Genocide was conceived, planned, and executed using official state machinery. The Somalian military directed attacks such as the scorched‑earth campaign, the mining of grazing areas and waterholes, and mass destruction of homes; entire cities were intentionally razed to eliminate Isaaq presence.

Investigations from Africa Watch, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN‑commissioned Mburu Report, articles from the Washington Post and New York Times are clear: the Isaaq Genocide was conceived, planned, and executed using official state machinery. The Somalian military directed attacks such as the scorched‑earth campaign, the mining of grazing areas and waterholes, and mass destruction of homes; entire cities were intentionally razed to eliminate Isaaq presence.

The numerous reports and newspaper articles detail how the military in which Ilhan Omar’s father was a Colonel, based on government directives such as the notorious “Letter of Death” attributed to General Morgan, advocated a campaign of obliteration and extermination of ethnically Isaaq civilians who form the absolute majority of the population in Somaliland – demonstrating that genocide was national policy, not the act of rogue units. The Somalian military deployed the most heinous an inhumane propaganda to justify and enable their genocide. Ilhan Omar’s father was at one point in charge of propaganda and during his 10+ year tenure with Somalia’s military between 1981 and 1991 – a timeline which coincides with the timeline of when Somalia’s military was perpetrating the Isaaq Genocide – would almost certainly have been involved in conceiving and disseminating Isaaq Genocide propaganda. Propaganda which would have got hundreds of thousands of innocent Somalilanders, ethnic Isaaq civilians, killed.  

The numerous reports and newspaper articles detail how the military in which Ilhan Omar's father was a Colonel, based on government directives such as the notorious “Letter of Death” attributed to General Morgan, advocated a campaign of obliteration and extermination of ethnically Isaaq civilians who form the absolute majority of the population in Somaliland – demonstrating that genocide was national policy, not the act of rogue units. The Somalian military deployed the most heinous an inhumane propaganda to justify and enable their genocide. Ilhan Omar's father was at one point in charge of propaganda and during his 10+ year tenure with Somalia's military between 1981 and 1991 – a timeline which coincides with the timeline of when Somalia's military was perpetrating the Isaaq Genocide – would almost certainly have been involved in conceiving and disseminating Isaaq Genocide propaganda. Propaganda which would have got hundreds of thousands of innocent Somalilanders, ethnic Isaaq civilians, killed.  

Colonels like Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father, would have operated within the command structure of Somalia’s military during the Isaaq Genocide. As a Colonel he would have been overseeing operations in Hargeisa, Oodweyne, Burao, El‑Afweyn, Gebiley, Berbera, Garadag, Erigabo, Sheikh and else where in Somaliland where mass arrests, executions, and infrastructure destruction were used to terrorise, ethnically cleanse and exterminate the Isaaq people of Somaliland.

Colonels like Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father, would have operated within the command structure of Somalia's military during the Isaaq Genocide. As a Colonel he would have been overseeing operations in Hargeisa, Oodweyne, Burao, El‑Afweyn, Gebiley, Berbera, Garadag, Erigabo, Sheikh and else where in Somaliland where mass arrests, executions, and infrastructure destruction were used to terrorise, ethnically cleanse and exterminate the Isaaq people of Somaliland.

Taken together, these findings show that it is extremely likely that Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father, played a direct or enabling role in the genocide. This conclusion aligns with command responsibility in law and meets the legal standard of being demonstrably proven, both on the balance of probability under civil law, and beyond reasonable doubt under criminal law. The idea that a Colonel in Somalia’s military in a brutal dictatorship did not participate in the pervasive and ubiquitous genocidal activities his military was carry out in every city, town and village in the decade in which he was serving in and leading the military, is implausible, illogical and does not stand up to scrutiny. It is high time that Ilhan Omar comes clean about her father’s role in the Isaaq Genocide.

Taken together, these findings show that it is extremely likely that Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father, played a direct or enabling role in the genocide. This conclusion aligns with command responsibility in law and meets the legal standard of being demonstrably proven, both on the balance of probability under civil law, and beyond reasonable doubt under criminal law. The idea that a Colonel in Somalia's military in a brutal dictatorship did not participate in the pervasive and ubiquitous genocidal activities his military was carry out in every city, town and village in the decade in which he was serving in and leading the military, is implausible, illogical and does not stand up to scrutiny. It is high time that Ilhan Omar comes clean about her father's role in the Isaaq Genocide.

What the Isaaq Genocide entailed and the role of Colonels in the genocide

What the Isaaq Genocide entailed and the role of Colonels in the genocide

Contemporaneous reporting from The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Guardian in 1988‑1989 described systematic aerial bombardments, civilian casualties, mass evacuations, and city‑scale destruction. Eyewitnesses at the time compared Hargeisa’s devastation to “the Dresden of Africa,” with over 90 percent of the city destroyed, widespread displacement, and the use of mercenary pilots for bombing runs. These independent accounts support the historical record and reinforce that senior military officers – including Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father – under a strict command and control structure, could not have remained passive much less or uninvolved. Nor is there any evidence of him refusing to carry out or resisting the military orders of genocide which the commander in chief, dictator Siad Barre, had issued. In fact, Ilhan Omar and her family only fled the country when the regime was toppled in January 1991, when his last enclave in the capital of Mogadishu was overrun by the resistance movements. This suggests her Colonel father was loyal to the dictator to the end, and fought alongside him to perpetrate the genocide, only leaving his side when the regime was toppled. A disloyal Colonel also would not have shot up through the ranks, having been promoted in quick succession, having joined as a cadet in 1981 and left as a loyal Colonel by 1991 upon the regime’s fall. This begs the question, why would a brutal dictator elevate and promote a disloyal Colonel? Of course the reality is that he would not have. Therefore her father must have been a loyal and faithful servant, who executed the orders of Genocide to the letter, and was likely handsomely rewarded for this.

Contemporaneous reporting from The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Guardian in 1988‑1989 described systematic aerial bombardments, civilian casualties, mass evacuations, and city‑scale destruction. Eyewitnesses at the time compared Hargeisa's devastation to “the Dresden of Africa,” with over 90 percent of the city destroyed, widespread displacement, and the use of mercenary pilots for bombing runs. These independent accounts support the historical record and reinforce that senior military officers – including Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father – under a strict command and control structure, could not have remained passive much less or uninvolved. Nor is there any evidence of him refusing to carry out or resisting the military orders of genocide which the commander in chief, dictator Siad Barre, had issued. In fact, Ilhan Omar and her family only fled the country when the regime was toppled in January 1991, when his last enclave in the capital of Mogadishu was overrun by the resistance movements. This suggests her Colonel father was loyal to the dictator to the end, and fought alongside him to perpetrate the genocide, only leaving his side when the regime was toppled. A disloyal Colonel also would not have shot up through the ranks, having been promoted in quick succession, having joined as a cadet in 1981 and left as a loyal Colonel by 1991 upon the regime's fall. This begs the question, why would a brutal dictator elevate and promote a disloyal Colonel? Of course the reality is that he would not have. Therefore, her father must have been a loyal and faithful servant, who executed the orders of Genocide to the letter, and was likely handsomely rewarded for this.

While Ilhan Omar’s camp has recently pivoted to portraying her Colonel father as  a “teacher trainer”, this kind of fiction and verbal acrobatics is far removed from reality. The hint of the nature of his job and the rank he held is clear from his title: Colonel. He clearly held senior military responsibilities. In the genocide perpetrated by the Somalian military, Colonels oversaw planning, command, logistics, and ideological enforcement and practical execution of the Genocide. Their commands were clear and their role was clear. In one well publicised example of such military orders to commit genocide, issued by General Mohammed Said Hersi aka ‘General Morgan’ to all military units, was caught on video, and was later reported by Al Jazeera in their later documentary about the Isaaq Genocide titled “Kill All But the Crows”. The military orders were as follows: “Attack and eliminate them all. Destroy water sources, reservoirs. Burn villages, pillage, kill residents allow no life no activity. kill even the wounded. Kill all but the crows”. Deserters, defectors and those who went AWOL would be found and summarily executed (yet of course this does not excuse being complicit in a Genocide). It is therefore inconceivable that Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father, did not carry out or did not authorise key military activities that facilitated, enabled or directly executed genocidal acts. His contributions as a high ranking Colonel likely included:

While Ilhan Omar's camp has recently pivoted to portraying her Colonel father as  a “teacher trainer”, this kind of fiction and verbal acrobatics is far removed from reality. The hint of the nature of his job and the rank he held is clear from his title: Colonel. He clearly held senior military responsibilities. In the genocide perpetrated by the Somalian military, Colonels oversaw planning, command, logistics, and ideological enforcement and practical execution of the Genocide. Their commands were clear and their role was clear. In one well publicised example of such military orders to commit genocide, issued by General Mohammed Said Hersi aka ‘General Morgan’ to all military units, was caught on video, and was later reported by Al Jazeera in their later documentary about the Isaaq Genocide titled “Kill All But the Crows”. The military orders were as follows: “Attack and eliminate them all. Destroy water sources, reservoirs. Burn villages, pillage, kill residents allow no life no activity. kill even the wounded. Kill all but the crows”. Deserters, defectors and those who went AWOL would be found and summarily executed (yet of course this does not excuse being complicit in a Genocide). It is therefore inconceivable that Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father, did not carry out or did not authorise key military activities that facilitated, enabled or directly executed genocidal acts. His contributions as a high ranking Colonel likely included:

Ideological indoctrination, tactical training and direct military orders aligned with anti‑Isaaq policies.

Ideological indoctrination, tactical training and direct military orders aligned with anti‑Isaaq policies.

Enforcement of loyalty and genocide directives among officers and units.

Enforcement of loyalty and genocide directives among officers and units.

These responsibilities parallel documented roles described in human rights investigations and reports on command operations during the genocide, and are reflected in US case law based on the legal cases against Colonel Tuken and General Samantar in relation crimes against humanity of which they were accused and which were proven after being brought by US citizens who are survivors of the Isaaq Genocide Ilhan Omar’s father’s military committed.

These responsibilities parallel documented roles described in human rights investigations and reports on command operations during the genocide, and are reflected in US case law based on the legal cases against Colonel Tuken and General Samantar in relation crimes against humanity of which they were accused and which were proven after being brought by US citizens who are survivors of the Isaaq Genocide Ilhan Omar's father's military committed.

The “Teacher Trainer” Narrative.

The “Teacher Trainer” Narrative.

The portrayal of Ilhan Omar’s father as a mere “teacher trainer” – advanced in diaspora media and sympathetic Western outlets by Ilhan Omar’s PR machine – is contradicted by multiple authoritative obituaries and by Ilhan Omar’s own account referencing his Colonel rank and military service. This [[narrative]] serves to minimise his involvement and sanitise the genocide. But the scale, coordination, and leadership structure of the Somali military confirm that officers of his rank—including Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar’s father—were integral to executing genocidal policy.

The portrayal of Ilhan Omar's father as a mere “teacher trainer” – advanced in diaspora media and sympathetic Western outlets by Ilhan Omar's PR machine – is contradicted by multiple authoritative obituaries and by Ilhan Omar's own account referencing his Colonel rank and military service. This [[narrative]] serves to minimise his involvement and sanitise the genocide. But the scale, coordination, and leadership structure of the Somali military confirm that officers of his rank—including Colonel Nur Omar Mohamed, Ilhan Omar's father—were integral to executing genocidal policy.

Legal Responsibility and U.S. Precedent

Legal Responsibility and U.S. Precedent

Under command responsibility, senior officers are liable when atrocities occur under their command and they fail to prevent or punish the perpetrators. U.S. courts have upheld this principle in landmark cases. The two aforementioned cases were one against General Samantar, where a U.S. federal court awarded damages to Isaaq survivor,  and recognized top Somali officials as legally responsible for genocide, torture, and extrajudicial killings. In a more recent legal case Colonel Tukeh was investigated as part of deportation case, where a U.S. judge determined in a US court that Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali’s involvement in the genocide and therefore warranted immediate deportation from the US. These are irrefutable legal judgments, not opinion pieces. They confirm genocide occurred and that Colonels comparable in rank, role and responsibility to during Ilhan Omar’s father’s Nur Omar Mohamed’s activities in the Somalia military were found culpable under US and international law. Since Ilhan Omar’s father is now deceased, the absence of a legal case with his name attached does not prove his innocence. It simply proves that he was never held accountable for his crimes.

Under command responsibility, senior officers are liable when atrocities occur under their command and they fail to prevent or punish the perpetrators. U.S. courts have upheld this principle in landmark cases. The two aforementioned cases were one against General Samantar, where a U.S. federal court awarded damages to Isaaq survivor,  and recognized top Somali officials as legally responsible for genocide, torture, and extrajudicial killings. In a more recent legal case Colonel Tukeh was investigated as part of deportation case, where a U.S. judge determined in a US court that Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali's involvement in the genocide and therefore warranted immediate deportation from the US. These are irrefutable legal judgments, not opinion pieces. They confirm genocide occurred and that Colonels comparable in rank, role and responsibility to during Ilhan Omar's father's Nur Omar Mohamed's activities in the Somalia military were found culpable under US and international law. Since Ilhan Omar's father is now deceased, the absence of a legal case with his name attached does not prove his innocence. It simply proves that he was never held accountable for his crimes.

Ilhan Omar’s Deafening Silence on the Isaaq Genocide.

Ilhan Omar's Deafening Silence on the Isaaq Genocide.

Despite this overwhelming historical and legal record of the Isaaq Genocide – and the fact that Ilhan Omar will be intimately aware that her father served as a senior Colonel in the military that perpetrated the Isaaq Genocide and everything that entailed – Ilhan Omar has remained silent on this. She has never issued a public condemnation of her father’s actions, nor acknowledged the genocide in any official capacity. In contrast to her vocal advocacy on various other issues of human rights, she has carefully and skilfully avoided addressing grave issue of immense human rights violations by her own father. Her silence on the topic speaks volumes, is deafening, stands in stark contradiction to her professed values.  It exposes her real political focus: virtue signalling, race-baiting and political opportunism in the U.S. while lauding praise on Somalia, the world’s most comprehensively failed state, and covering up her father’s role in its destruction.  

Despite this overwhelming historical and legal record of the Isaaq Genocide – and the fact that Ilhan Omar will be intimately aware that her father served as a senior Colonel in the military that perpetrated the Isaaq Genocide and everything that entailed – Ilhan Omar has remained silent on this. She has never issued a public condemnation of her father's actions, nor acknowledged the genocide in any official capacity. In contrast to her vocal advocacy on various other issues of human rights, she has carefully and skilfully avoided addressing grave issue of immense human rights violations by her own father. Her silence on the topic speaks volumes, is deafening, stands in stark contradiction to her professed values.  It exposes her real political focus: virtue signalling, race-baiting and political opportunism in the U.S. while lauding praise on Somalia, the world's most comprehensively failed state, and covering up her father's role in its destruction.  

Ilhan Omar frequently speaks about [[Gaza]] and Palestine, championing "genocide" recognition and accountability daily, presumably to chase headlines and media attention. Yet she has never once acknowledged the genocide associated with the military commanded by her own father. This glaring omission underscores profound hypocrisy – she condemns atrocities abroad but refuses to address atrocities connected to her own family. Her vote against recognition of the Armenian Genocide further suggests a pattern- a reluctance to support formal acknowledgment of genocide, lest it implicate and shed light on her own father’s former regime. If one considers that the genocide her own father’s military was responsible for remains unaddressed, this may explain her opposition to Armenian recognition as part of a broader attempt to quietly and tacitly lend support to broader genocide denial.

Ilhan Omar frequently speaks about [[Gaza]] and Palestine, championing "genocide" recognition and accountability daily, presumably to chase headlines and media attention. Yet she has never once acknowledged the genocide associated with the military commanded by her own father. This glaring omission underscores profound hypocrisy – she condemns atrocities abroad but refuses to address atrocities connected to her own family. Her vote against recognition of the Armenian Genocide further suggests a pattern- a reluctance to support formal acknowledgment of genocide, lest it implicate and shed light on her own father's former regime. If one considers that the genocide her own father's military was responsible for remains unaddressed, this may explain her opposition to Armenian recognition as part of a broader attempt to quietly and tacitly lend support to broader genocide denial.

A Gilded Childhood and Inherited Privilege & Ethnic Hatred.

A Gilded Childhood and Inherited Privilege & Ethnic Hatred.

Ilhan Omar’s early life was spent Somalia, in an environment she often remarks about gleefully and with fondness, suggesting a sheltered and privileged upbringing. As the daughter of a Colonel in Siad Barre’s military, she likely benefited from the regime’s elite status. Regime officials included Colonels, and their immediate family members like Ilhan Omar, lived gilded lifestyles and were probably in many ways indirect beneficiaries of the Genocide. It is highly plausible that she, even as a child, benefited materially or socially from the outcomes of the genocide: the seizure of Isaaq assets, the redistribution of power and wealth to regime cronies like her Colonel father, and consolidation of power by non-Isaaq elites. In fact, Ilhan Omar is named in that context in the Palgrave Handbook on Left Wing Extremism where serious and unanswered questions are raised about her claim to be a valid refugee. It is increasingly becoming apparent that a more accurate reinterpretation of her personal history is the daughter of a Genocidaire and war criminal, who lived a gilded lifestyle as a child of the regime elite who was potentially a beneficiary of Genocide, but once in the west reinvented herself as a liberal refugee victim.

Ilhan Omar's early life was spent Somalia, in an environment she often remarks about gleefully and with fondness, suggesting a sheltered and privileged upbringing. As the daughter of a Colonel in Siad Barre's military, she likely benefited from the regime's elite status. Regime officials included Colonels, and their immediate family members like Ilhan Omar, lived gilded lifestyles and were probably in many ways indirect beneficiaries of the Genocide. It is highly plausible that she, even as a child, benefited materially or socially from the outcomes of the genocide: the seizure of Isaaq assets, the redistribution of power and wealth to regime cronies like her Colonel father, and consolidation of power by non-Isaaq elites. In fact, Ilhan Omar is named in that context in the Palgrave Handbook on Left Wing Extremism where serious and unanswered questions are raised about her claim to be a valid refugee. It is increasingly becoming apparent that a more accurate reinterpretation of her personal history is the daughter of a Genocidaire and war criminal, who lived a gilded lifestyle as a child of the regime elite who was potentially a beneficiary of Genocide, but once in the west reinvented herself as a liberal refugee victim.

Ilhan Omar presents herself as a champion of justice, minority rights, accountability, and anti-imperialism. Her refusal to recognise or condemn the genocide her father’s military executed is irreconcilable with this public brand. Her silence is not neutral—it is an affront to survivors who endured collective persecution and loss. To inherit privilege built on systemic violence yet actively ignore that historical legacy is an insult to the hundreds of thousands of victims and millions of survivors of the Isaaq Genocide her father’s military committed.

Ilhan Omar presents herself as a champion of justice, minority rights, accountability, and anti-imperialism. Her refusal to recognise or condemn the genocide her father's military executed is irreconcilable with this public brand. Her silence is not neutral—it is an affront to survivors who endured collective persecution and loss. To inherit privilege built on systemic violence yet actively ignore that historical legacy is an insult to the hundreds of thousands of victims and millions of survivors of the Isaaq Genocide her father's military committed.

Why Ilhan Omar Must Now Come Clean

Why Ilhan Omar Must Now Come Clean

Ilhan Omar must publicly acknowledge her father’s role in the Isaaq Genocide, issue a formal condemnation of this atrocity, and actively support international recognition of the Republic of Somaliland. Only through transparency and public moral accountability and redemption can she reconcile her public advocacy with her personal history. Failing to do so makes her an electoral liability to the Democratic Party, as she continuous to bring them into disrepute and cost them votes.

Ilhan Omar must publicly acknowledge her father's role in the Isaaq Genocide, issue a formal condemnation of this atrocity, and actively support international recognition of the Republic of Somaliland. Only through transparency and public moral accountability and redemption can she reconcile her public advocacy with her personal history. Failing to do so makes her an electoral liability to the Democratic Party, as she continuous to bring them into disrepute and cost them votes.

[https://somalilandchronicle.com/2025/07/25/ilhan-omars-father-and-the-isaaq-genocide-the-truth-revealed/]

[https://somalilandchronicle.com/2025/07/25/ilhan-omars-father-and-the-isaaq-genocide-the-truth-revealed/]

This article, “Second Phase of the Isaaq Genocide: The World Must Not Look Away,” written by M. Amin, argues that a second phase of genocide against the Isaaq clan in Somaliland is emerging, perpetrated by the Somali federal government.

This article, “Second Phase of the Isaaq Genocide: The World Must Not Look Away,” written by M. Amin, argues that a second phase of genocide against the Isaaq clan in Somaliland is emerging, perpetrated by the Somali federal government.

It draws parallels to the Isaaq Genocide of the 1980s under Siad Barre and uses Dr. Gregory Stanton’s Ten Stages of Genocide to frame its analysis.

It draws parallels to the Isaaq Genocide of the 1980s under Siad Barre and uses Dr. Gregory Stanton's Ten Stages of Genocide to frame its analysis.

Here’s a breakdown:

Here's a breakdown:

Historical Context:  

Historical Context:  

The article recounts the Isaaq Genocide of the late 1980s, where the Somali government targeted the Isaaq clan, resulting in mass killings and displacement.

The article recounts the Isaaq Genocide of the late 1980s, where the Somali government targeted the Isaaq clan, resulting in mass killings and displacement.

Ten Stages of Genocide:  

Ten Stages of Genocide:  

It uses Stanton’s model to argue that current developments mirror the early stages of genocide.  

It uses Stanton's model to argue that current developments mirror the early stages of genocide.  

These include:

These include:

The article makes specific allegations against the Somali federal government, including:

The article makes specific allegations against the Somali federal government, including:

Supporting militias in the Sool region (Las Anod conflict).

Supporting militias in the Sool region (Las Anod conflict).

Creating a new federal member state (SSC-Khaatumo) to undermine Somaliland’s claims.

Creating a new federal member state (SSC-Khaatumo) to undermine Somaliland's claims.

Using inflammatory rhetoric against Somaliland.

Using inflammatory rhetoric against Somaliland.

Harassing and discriminating against Somalilanders.

Harassing and discriminating against Somalilanders.

Involvement in the murder of Abdinasir Dahable.

Involvement in the murder of Abdinasir Dahable.

Legal Argument: It claims that Somalia’s claim to Somaliland lacks legal basis under international law because the union between British Somaliland and Italian Somalia in 1960 was never formalized by a legally binding treaty.

Legal Argument: It claims that Somalia's claim to Somaliland lacks legal basis under international law because the union between British Somaliland and Italian Somalia in 1960 was never formalized by a legally binding treaty.

Call to Action:  

Call to Action:  

The article urges the international community to recognize Somaliland as an independent state to prevent a second genocide. It argues that recognition would protect the Isaaq population, acknowledge Somaliland’s legal rights, and disrupt genocidal narratives. The author emphasizes that failure to act would make the international community complicit.

The article urges the international community to recognize Somaliland as an independent state to prevent a second genocide. It argues that recognition would protect the Isaaq population, acknowledge Somaliland's legal rights, and disrupt genocidal narratives. The author emphasizes that failure to act would make the international community complicit.

In essence, the article is a strong warning about potential atrocities and a plea for international intervention through recognition of Somaliland’s independence...

In essence, the article is a strong warning about potential atrocities and a plea for international intervention through recognition of Somaliland's independence...

II. The Historic Blueprint: Isaaq Genocide of the 1980s

II. The Historic Blueprint: Isaaq Genocide of the 1980s

Between 1987 and 1989, Barre’s regime deployed the full force of the state to annihilate the Isaaq people. Hargeisa and Burao were bombed. Over 200,000-500,000 people were killed, and 1.6 million were displaced. British declassified documents and US embassy cables confirm that the Barre regime intentionally created the Sool and Awdal regions in 1984–1989 to weaken Isaaq unity and isolate SNM resistance in strategic districts.

Between 1987 and 1989, Barre's regime deployed the full force of the state to annihilate the Isaaq people. Hargeisa and Burao were bombed. Over 200,000-500,000 people were killed, and 1.6 million were displaced. British declassified documents and US embassy cables confirm that the Barre regime intentionally created the Sool and Awdal regions in 1984–1989 to weaken Isaaq unity and isolate SNM resistance in strategic districts.

[https://saxafimedia.com/second-phase-isaaq-genocide-world-look-away/]

[https://saxafimedia.com/second-phase-isaaq-genocide-world-look-away/]

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[[Category:racism]]

[[Category:Racism]]

[[Category:Africa]]

[[Category:Africa]]

[[Category:genocide]]

[[Category:Genocide]]

[[Category:Islamism]]

[[Category:Islamism]]