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[[Image:Andrew carnegie.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Andrew Carnegie]]

[[Image:Andrew carnegie.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Andrew Carnegie]]

'''Andrew Carnegie''' (1835-1919) was a Scottish-American industrialist and founder of the [[Steel industry|steel industry in the United States]]. He sold all his steel interests in 1901 to [[J.P. Morgan]] (who merged thm into [[U.S. Steel]].  Carnegie became for some years the richest man in the world. He gave away his fortune to a series of philanthropies in America, Scotland and the British Empire, promoting libraries, higher education, science, and world peace.  Rejecting the "robber baron" epithet hurled by radicals, he opposed imperialism and was one of the most visible leaders of the [[Efficiency Movement]] in the [[Gilded Age]] and during the [[Progressive Era]] was a major proponent of philanthropy through the "Gospel of Wealth."  

'''Andrew Carnegie''' (1835-1919) was a Scottish-American industrialist and founder of the [[Steel industry|steel industry in the United States]]. He sold all his steel interests in 1901 to [[J.P. Morgan]] (who merged them into [[U.S. Steel]].  Carnegie became for some years the richest man in the world. He gave away his fortune to a series of philanthropies in America, Scotland and the British Empire, promoting libraries, higher education, science, and world peace.  Rejecting the "robber baron" epithet hurled by radicals, he opposed imperialism and was one of the most visible leaders of the [[Efficiency Movement]] in the [[Gilded Age]] and during the [[Progressive Era]] was a major proponent of philanthropy through the "Gospel of Wealth."  

==Early career==

==Early career==

==Civil War work==

==Civil War work==

In 1861, at the beginning of the Civil War, he went with Scott, then Assistant Secretary of War, to Washington to organize the military telegraph department. They set up railroad and telegraph conections essential to the defense of Washington. Carnegie was appointed Superintendent of the Military Railways and the Union Government's telegraph lines in the East. Carnegie helped open the rail lines into Washington that the rebels had cut; he rode the locomotive that pulled the first brigade of Union troops to reach Washington. Shortly after this, following the defeat of Union forces at Bull Run, he personally supervised the transportation of the defeated forces. Carnegie was "the first casualty of the war" when he gained a scar on his cheek from working with telegraph wire. He would tell the story of that scar for years to come. Under his organization, the telegraph service rendered efficient service to the Union cause and significantly assisted in the eventual victory.

In 1861, at the beginning of the Civil War, he went with Scott, then Assistant Secretary of War, to Washington to organize the military telegraph department. They set up railroad and telegraph connections essential to the defense of Washington. Carnegie was appointed Superintendent of the Military Railways and the Union Government's telegraph lines in the East. Carnegie helped open the rail lines into Washington that the rebels had cut; he rode the locomotive that pulled the first brigade of Union troops to reach Washington. Shortly after this, following the defeat of Union forces at Bull Run, he personally supervised the transportation of the defeated forces. Carnegie was "the first casualty of the war" when he gained a scar on his cheek from working with telegraph wire. He would tell the story of that scar for years to come. Under his organization, the telegraph service rendered efficient service to the Union cause and significantly assisted in the eventual victory.

Defeat of the Confederacy required vast supplies of munitions, as well as railroads (and telegraph lines) to deliver the goods. The demand for iron products, such as armor for gunboats, cannon and shells, as well as a hundred other industrial products, made Pittsburgh a center of war industry, with its railroads and telegraphs also essential.

Defeat of the Confederacy required vast supplies of munitions, as well as railroads (and telegraph lines) to deliver the goods. The demand for iron products, such as armor for gunboats, cannon and shells, as well as a hundred other industrial products, made Pittsburgh a center of war industry, with its railroads and telegraphs also essential.

Carnegie originally was favorable toward the union in the 1870s and 1880s because it did not threaten profitability and helped guarantee steady production. It became the largest labor union in the country.  In 1886 he published a series of articles in the ''Forum'' magazine that revealed liberal position on labor policies and benevolence toward his workers. Scholars have since argued that Carnegie's anti-union position during the Homestead affair either represents a reversal of his earlier position or the insincerity of his professed convictions. However, a consideration of Homestead within the context of industry-wide developments in the relationship between labor unions and steel production indicates that a new emphasis on unskilled labor (a result of new technology and changes in market demand) undermined the strength of the union. The Homestead lockout did not therefore represent a shift in Carnegie's position toward labor unions; rather it was the result of a downturn in the steel market and changes in methods of production.<ref> Jonathan Rees, "Homestead in Context: Andrew Carnegie and the Decline of the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers." ''Pennsylvania History'' 1997 64(4): 509-533. Issn: 0031-4528 </ref>

Carnegie originally was favorable toward the union in the 1870s and 1880s because it did not threaten profitability and helped guarantee steady production. It became the largest labor union in the country.  In 1886 he published a series of articles in the ''Forum'' magazine that revealed liberal position on labor policies and benevolence toward his workers. Scholars have since argued that Carnegie's anti-union position during the Homestead affair either represents a reversal of his earlier position or the insincerity of his professed convictions. However, a consideration of Homestead within the context of industry-wide developments in the relationship between labor unions and steel production indicates that a new emphasis on unskilled labor (a result of new technology and changes in market demand) undermined the strength of the union. The Homestead lockout did not therefore represent a shift in Carnegie's position toward labor unions; rather it was the result of a downturn in the steel market and changes in methods of production.<ref> Jonathan Rees, "Homestead in Context: Andrew Carnegie and the Decline of the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers." ''Pennsylvania History'' 1997 64(4): 509-533. Issn: 0031-4528 </ref>

Krause (1992) argues the "Battle for Homestead" represented a struggle between two competing, contradictory, and irreconcilable versions of [[Republicanism, U.S.|American Republicanism]]. One was Carnegie's belief in the inalianable right to private property and the right to accumulate capital and manage enterprise.  Individual entrepreneurship was the republican way to wealth for the individual and for society as a whole. In opposition was the version personified by labour reformer Thomas 'Beeswax' Taylor, which saw in the ideology of republicanism the guarantee of the workers' right to dignity and security as a group. The strikers' republicanism viewed labor as the inalienable property of the individual worker, rejected the "law" of supply and demand and sought the group action by uinions to assert the rights.  They were not socialists and did not want government ownership, but they did want to control the work patterns on the factory floor regardless of the owner and his foremen. The unions were still thinking in terms of iron, when their expertise was decisive.  In the age of steel the white collar engineer made the critical decisions, not blue collar workers. The union defeat in 1892 did not simply mark the end of the steelworkers' union's power, it more importantly destroyed the hopes of realizing the aims of radical republicanism. After 1900 [[Samuel Gompers]] and the [[AFL]] unions worked inside the owners' model of republicanism and sought higher wages, while the rejected republicanism vision was incorporated into the Socialism of [[Eugene Debs]], who argued the workers should have full control by nationalizing industry and having a labor party run the government.

Krause (1992) argues the "Battle for Homestead" represented a struggle between two competing, contradictory, and irreconcilable versions of [[Republicanism, U.S.|American Republicanism]]. One was Carnegie's belief in the inalienable right to private property and the right to accumulate capital and manage enterprise.  Individual entrepreneurship was the republican way to wealth for the individual and for society as a whole. In opposition was the version personified by labour reformer Thomas 'Beeswax' Taylor, which saw in the ideology of republicanism the guarantee of the workers' right to dignity and security as a group. The strikers' republicanism viewed labor as the inalienable property of the individual worker, rejected the "law" of supply and demand and sought the group action by unions to assert the rights.  They were not socialists and did not want government ownership, but they did want to control the work patterns on the factory floor regardless of the owner and his foremen. The unions were still thinking in terms of iron, when their expertise was decisive.  In the age of steel the white collar engineer made the critical decisions, not blue collar workers. The union defeat in 1892 did not simply mark the end of the steelworkers' union's power, it more importantly destroyed the hopes of realizing the aims of radical republicanism. After 1900 [[Samuel Gompers]] and the [[AFL]] unions worked inside the owners' model of republicanism and sought higher wages, while the rejected republicanism vision was incorporated into the Socialism of [[Eugene Debs]], who argued the workers should have full control by nationalizing industry and having a labor party run the government.

==Philanthropy==

==Philanthropy==

'The man who dies thus rich, dies disgraced,' declared Carnegie, a doctrine that received its fullest expression in his book ''[[The Gospel of Wealth]]'' (1900). In his view, plutocracy such as his could exist alongside democracy, but men who acquired great wealth must return it to the community to preserve individual initiative. Thus the wealthy were but a trustee and an agent for their poorer brethren, albeit of the better and aspiring sort. His "scientific philanthropy" was to be carefully targeted according to a list of seven priorities. These were headed by his over-riding concerns—universities and free libraries—with churches in seventh place (an indication of his hostility to organized religion). The main instrument was the Carnegie Corporation formed in 1911; it was a scientifically designed organization with regular, firmly-stated, policies; it served  as a model that replaced the paternalistic basis of American philanthropy based on the personal tastes, local connections, and whims of the philanthopist.

'The man who dies thus rich, dies disgraced,' declared Carnegie, a doctrine that received its fullest expression in his book ''[[The Gospel of Wealth]]'' (1900). In his view, plutocracy such as his could exist alongside democracy, but men who acquired great wealth must return it to the community to preserve individual initiative. Thus the wealthy were but a trustee and an agent for their poorer brethren, albeit of the better and aspiring sort. His "scientific philanthropy" was to be carefully targeted according to a list of seven priorities. These were headed by his over-riding concerns—universities and free libraries—with churches in seventh place (an indication of his hostility to organized religion). The main instrument was the Carnegie Corporation formed in 1911; it was a scientifically designed organization with regular, firmly-stated, policies; it served  as a model that replaced the paternalistic basis of American philanthropy based on the personal tastes, local connections, and whims of the philanthropist.

In spite of his espousal of Herbert Spencer's philosophy and portions of the social Darwinism of the period, Carnegie remained deeply committed to many of the Chartist ideals of his boyhood. He rejected Spencer's attacks on philanthropy. In 1868 when, at the age of 33, his personal income had already reached $50,000 annually, he had written himself a note vowing to quit business shortly and never earn more than he was then earning, for "the amassing of wealth is one of the worst species of idolatry." He did not keep this resolution, but as his fortune grew so did his concern for reconciling great wealth with social and political democracy. Out of this concern came his own solution in his famous "Gospel of Wealth," first published in the North American Review in 1889. Here Carnegie stated his doctrine concerning the responsibility of the man of wealth to society. He must use the fortune he has earned to provide greater opportunity for all and to increase man's knowledge of himself and of his universe.

In spite of his espousal of Herbert Spencer's philosophy and portions of the social Darwinism of the period, Carnegie remained deeply committed to many of the Chartist ideals of his boyhood. He rejected Spencer's attacks on philanthropy. In 1868 when, at the age of 33, his personal income had already reached $50,000 annually, he had written himself a note vowing to quit business shortly and never earn more than he was then earning, for "the amassing of wealth is one of the worst species of idolatry." He did not keep this resolution, but as his fortune grew so did his concern for reconciling great wealth with social and political democracy. Out of this concern came his own solution in his famous "Gospel of Wealth," first published in the North American Review in 1889. Here Carnegie stated his doctrine concerning the responsibility of the man of wealth to society. He must use the fortune he has earned to provide greater opportunity for all and to increase man's knowledge of himself and of his universe.