Changes

When Landrieu defeated Fitzmorris with a vow to carry on the [[liberal]] legacies of his predecessors, including deLesseps Story Morrison, Sr., (service: 1946-1961), and then Mayor Schiro, Republicans sensed a rare opportunity in the Crescent City. Early polls showed Toledano a distinct underdog in the race, but he soon picked up the support of many Fitzmorris leaders. He ran a strong campaign within the limitations of the $70,000 that was raised. Toledano noted that blacks had voted overwhelmingly in the runoff pimary for Landrieu, who would later serve in the Jimmy Carter administration as secretary of housing and urban development, but he mostly stressed the "need-for-a-change" theme always available for nearly any southern Republican seeking office at that time.

When Landrieu defeated Fitzmorris with a vow to carry on the [[liberal]] legacies of his predecessors, including deLesseps Story Morrison, Sr., (service: 1946-1961), and then Mayor Schiro, Republicans sensed a rare opportunity in the Crescent City. Early polls showed Toledano a distinct underdog in the race, but he soon picked up the support of many Fitzmorris leaders. He ran a strong campaign within the limitations of the $70,000 that was raised. Toledano noted that blacks had voted overwhelmingly in the runoff pimary for Landrieu, who would later serve in the Jimmy Carter administration as secretary of housing and urban development, but he mostly stressed the "need-for-a-change" theme always available for nearly any southern Republican seeking office at that time.

The 1970 mayoral race concluded with the highest turnout until that time in the history of the city, some 70 percent of registrants. Black participation in the general election surpassed what it had been in the Landrieu-Fitzmorris runoff. It was estimated that 80 percent of blacks cast ballots, and 98 percent supported Landrieu, the father of the state's current Democratic U.S. Senator Mary Landrieu and former Lieutenant Governor and current Mayor Mitch Landrieu. Indeed, the Landrieus built a political dynasty, with their strength also demonstrated statewide.

The 1970 mayoral race concluded with the highest turnout until that time in the history of the city, some 70 percent of registrants. Black participation in the general election surpassed what it had been in the Landrieu-Fitzmorris runoff. It was estimated that 80 percent of blacks cast ballots, and 98 percent supported Landrieu, the father of the state's current Democratic U.S. Senator [[Mary Landrieu]] and former Lieutenant Governor and current Mayor Mitch Landrieu. Indeed, the Landrieus built a political dynasty, with their strength also demonstrated statewide.

Moon Landrieu received 94,332 (59 percent) votes, compared to 65,558 (41 percent) for Toledano. The Republican won 60 percent of the votes of whites. Two shifts in the voting behavior of whites in New Orleans, soon to become a distinct minority of the city's population, occurred between the Democratic runoff and the general election. A number of upper and middle income precincts in the Uptown University area and in Algiers, switched from Landrieu to Toledano, mostly those which had voted Republican for president in the past. The 25 white precincts with the highest socio-economic status switched from Landrieu to Toledano. The other white voter change occurred in the mid-city area, where numerous middle-to-lower economic status precincts which had favored Fitzmorris in the runoff remained with the Democratic nominee in the general election. Otherwise, the Toledano vote pattern was similar to that for Fitzmorris.

Moon Landrieu received 94,332 (59 percent) votes, compared to 65,558 (41 percent) for Toledano. The Republican won 60 percent of the votes of whites. Two shifts in the voting behavior of whites in New Orleans, soon to become a distinct minority of the city's population, occurred between the Democratic runoff and the general election. A number of upper and middle income precincts in the Uptown University area and in Algiers, switched from Landrieu to Toledano, mostly those which had voted Republican for president in the past. The 25 white precincts with the highest socio-economic status switched from Landrieu to Toledano. The other white voter change occurred in the mid-city area, where numerous middle-to-lower economic status precincts which had favored Fitzmorris in the runoff remained with the Democratic nominee in the general election. Otherwise, the Toledano vote pattern was similar to that for Fitzmorris.

Toledano's vote was patterned more on that of the 1968 [[George Wallace]] support in New Orleans than the tabulation for the Republican ticket of [[Richard M. Nixon]] and [[Spiro T. Agnew]]. Nixon had won 26.7 percent in Orleans Parish, compared to 32.7 percent for Wallace, and 40.6 percent for Vice President [[Hubert Humphrey]]. In the runoff, Landrieu scored well with former Nixon supporters, but he lost to Toledano a number of white precincts which Nixon had carried less than two years earlier. Three Louisiana political scientists who analyzed the New Orleans mayoral returns concluded that Republicans could not become competitive unless they appealed to "the more moderate instincts of the upper and upper-middle socio-economic status white voters . . . as well as the black voters." Of course, the racial composition of New Orleans changed drastically in the coming decade, and the white vote was significant thereafter only as a swing bloc vote between two black candidates. The political scientists underestimated the attrition of the white population from New Orleans. In 1978, New Orleans elected its first black mayor, and all the mayors from that time until 2010 had been African American.

Toledano's vote was patterned more on that of the 1968 [[George Wallace]] support in New Orleans than the tabulation for the Republican ticket of [[Richard M. Nixon]] and [[Spiro T. Agnew]]. Nixon had won 26.7 percent in Orleans Parish, compared to 32.7 percent for Wallace, and 40.6 percent for Vice President [[Hubert Humphrey]]. In the runoff, Landrieu scored well with former Nixon supporters, but he lost to Toledano a number of white precincts which Nixon had carried less than two years earlier. Three Louisiana political scientists who analyzed the New Orleans mayoral returns concluded that Republicans could not become competitive unless they appealed to "the more moderate instincts of the upper and upper-middle socio-economic status white voters . . . as well as the black voters." Of course, the racial composition of New Orleans changed drastically in the coming decade, and the white vote was significant thereafter only as a swing bloc vote between two black candidates. The political scientists underestimated the attrition of the white population from New Orleans. In 1978, New Orleans elected its first black mayor, and all the mayors from that time until 2010 had been African American.

==Challenging J. Bennett Johnston and John McKeithen==

==Challenging J. Bennett Johnston and John McKeithen==