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Gladstone was born on Dec. 29, 1809, at Liverpool, of Scottish parents. The family maintained close ties to Scotland, and Gladstone's ideas and modes of thinking were shaped by Scots, especially the novels of Sir [[Walter Scott]]. His father, Sir John Gladstone, rose from a humble Scottish origin to be Liverpool's foremost citizen after making a huge fortune in commerce during the Napoleonic wars, based on transatlantic corn and tobacco trade with the United States and on the slave-labour sugar plantations they owned in the West Indies. William was the youngest of four sons. He attended Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. A brilliant student, he learned oratory as well as English literature, history and theology. He was proficient at Greek and Latin, passing at French, poor at mathematics, and ignorant of science. At this time, he began the first of 25,000 diary entries that comprise a remarkable personal record continuing to the week of his death. Gladstone's political genius was recognized at an early age; when he was 22 the Duke of Newcastle, a Conservative party activist, provided him a "rotten borough"<ref>A "rotten borough" was a small district controlled politically by a rich landowner. The Duke spent thousands of pounds entertaining the voters, and Gladstone polled 887 votes. Morley (1901) 1:93; Partridge, (2003) p 32</ref> and he entered Parliament. Gladstone's maiden speech as a young Tory was a defense of the rights of West Indian sugar plantation magnates &mdash; slave-owners &mdash; among whom his father was prominent.  

Gladstone was born on Dec. 29, 1809, at Liverpool, of Scottish parents. The family maintained close ties to Scotland, and Gladstone's ideas and modes of thinking were shaped by Scots, especially the novels of Sir [[Walter Scott]]. His father, Sir John Gladstone, rose from a humble Scottish origin to be Liverpool's foremost citizen after making a huge fortune in commerce during the Napoleonic wars, based on transatlantic corn and tobacco trade with the United States and on the slave-labour sugar plantations they owned in the West Indies. William was the youngest of four sons. He attended Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. A brilliant student, he learned oratory as well as English literature, history and theology. He was proficient at Greek and Latin, passing at French, poor at mathematics, and ignorant of science. At this time, he began the first of 25,000 diary entries that comprise a remarkable personal record continuing to the week of his death. Gladstone's political genius was recognized at an early age; when he was 22 the Duke of Newcastle, a Conservative party activist, provided him a "rotten borough"<ref>A "rotten borough" was a small district controlled politically by a rich landowner. The Duke spent thousands of pounds entertaining the voters, and Gladstone polled 887 votes. Morley (1901) 1:93; Partridge, (2003) p 32</ref> and he entered Parliament. Gladstone's maiden speech as a young Tory was a defense of the rights of West Indian sugar plantation magnates &mdash; slave-owners &mdash; among whom his father was prominent.  

===Becoming Scottish===

===Becoming Scottish===

Although a son of Scottish parents, Gladstone was not initially considered a Scot by Englishmen, for he had been born and brought up in England and did not represent Scotland until 1880.  However Gladstone was deeply influence by Scotland.  Of [[Walter Scott]]'s  political admirers, Gladstone was possibly the most ardent, genuine and significant. Scott's poems and novels were among the earliest texts Gladstone read, and were seminal in the formation of his private identity, both individual and familial, including much of his self-concept, his understanding of family, and his sense of home. Scott's works crucially influenced Gladstone's political understanding of the Scottish nation and its people, and his notions of how to best serve their political interests. In 1880, he became the Liberal MP for Midlothian and his election campaigns there gave him a Scottish profile. Consequently he was depicted by cartoonist Tenniel, in ''Punch'', as both a Highlander and "The McGladstone".<ref>Ruth Clayton Windscheffel, "Gladstone and Scott: family, identity and nation," ''Scottish Historical Review'' Volume 86, Number 1: No. 221, April 2007, online at [[Project Muse]]</ref>

Although a son of Scottish parents, Gladstone was not initially considered a Scot by Englishmen, for he had been born and brought up in England and did not represent Scotland until 1880.  However Gladstone was deeply influence by Scotland.  Of [[Walter Scott]]'s  political admirers, Gladstone was possibly the most ardent, genuine and significant. Scott's poems and novels were among the earliest texts Gladstone read, and were seminal in the formation of his private identity, both individual and familial, including much of his self-concept, his understanding of family, and his sense of home. Scott's works crucially influenced Gladstone's political understanding of the Scottish nation and its people, and his notions of how to best serve their political interests. In 1880, he became the Liberal MP for Midlothian and his election campaigns there gave him a Scottish profile. Consequently, he was depicted by cartoonist Tenniel, in ''Punch'', as both a Highlander and "The McGladstone".<ref>Ruth Clayton Windscheffel, "Gladstone and Scott: family, identity and nation," ''Scottish Historical Review'' Volume 86, Number 1: No. 221, April 2007, online at [[Project Muse]]</ref>

===Religion===

===Religion===

Gladstone sprang back into political life in 1876 over his moralistic foreign policy. It was his main concern 1876-1880. Gladstone's campaign to oppose the [[Ottoman Empire]] in the Balkans led the British into a heated debate and drew the party line between Gladstone's Liberals (who denounced the immoral Ottomans) and Disraeli's Conservatives (who supported the Ottoman Empire as an offset to Russian power).  Disraeli had threatened war with Russia on the issue and Gladstone argued he was wrong. Liberal opinion was convulsed by atrocities in the Balkans, in particular the massacre of more than 10,000 Christian Bulgars by Turkish irregulars. Gladstone published a ferocious pamphlet, focusing on the Turks' "abominable and bestial lusts ... at which Hell itself might almost blush" and demanding they withdraw from European soil. The pamphlet sold an astonishing 200,000 copies.<ref>'' Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East'' (1876) [http://books.google.com/books?id=Ev9wkUr1UloC&dq=inauthor:gladstone+inauthor:william&num=100&as_brr=0 online edition]  Disraeli wisecracked, of all the Bulgarian horrors perhaps the pamphlet was greatest.</ref> Gladstone felt a call from God to aid the [[Serbia]]ns and [[Bulgaria]]ns as he stumped the country like some ancient Hebrew prophet denouncing tyranny and oppression. The crowning moment was his "Midlothian campaign" in late 1879. Gladstone in four speeches charged the government with financial incompetency, neglecting domestic legislation, and mismanagement of foreign affairs. By appealing to vast audiences denouncing Disraeli's pro-Turkish foreign policy, Gladstone made himself a moral force in Europe, unified his party, and was carried back to power.   

Gladstone sprang back into political life in 1876 over his moralistic foreign policy. It was his main concern 1876-1880. Gladstone's campaign to oppose the [[Ottoman Empire]] in the Balkans led the British into a heated debate and drew the party line between Gladstone's Liberals (who denounced the immoral Ottomans) and Disraeli's Conservatives (who supported the Ottoman Empire as an offset to Russian power).  Disraeli had threatened war with Russia on the issue and Gladstone argued he was wrong. Liberal opinion was convulsed by atrocities in the Balkans, in particular the massacre of more than 10,000 Christian Bulgars by Turkish irregulars. Gladstone published a ferocious pamphlet, focusing on the Turks' "abominable and bestial lusts ... at which Hell itself might almost blush" and demanding they withdraw from European soil. The pamphlet sold an astonishing 200,000 copies.<ref>'' Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East'' (1876) [http://books.google.com/books?id=Ev9wkUr1UloC&dq=inauthor:gladstone+inauthor:william&num=100&as_brr=0 online edition]  Disraeli wisecracked, of all the Bulgarian horrors perhaps the pamphlet was greatest.</ref> Gladstone felt a call from God to aid the [[Serbia]]ns and [[Bulgaria]]ns as he stumped the country like some ancient Hebrew prophet denouncing tyranny and oppression. The crowning moment was his "Midlothian campaign" in late 1879. Gladstone in four speeches charged the government with financial incompetency, neglecting domestic legislation, and mismanagement of foreign affairs. By appealing to vast audiences denouncing Disraeli's pro-Turkish foreign policy, Gladstone made himself a moral force in Europe, unified his party, and was carried back to power.   

The Liberals were not so naive and idealistic as to reject the imperial heritage; many Liberals such as [[H. H. Asquith]] became active imperialists. Liberal Party policy around 1880 was shaped by Gladstone as he repeatedly attacked Disraelian [[imperialism]]. On the other hand national interest was always paramount, and the Liberals were quick to seek common ground with the Conservatives in regard to the [[Berlin Treaty]], in which the party lost the moral high ground as a critic of imperialism.

The Liberals were not so naive and idealistic as to reject the imperial heritage; many Liberals such as [[H. H. Asquith]] became active imperialists. Liberal Party policy around 1880 was shaped by Gladstone as he repeatedly attacked Disraelian [[imperialism]]. On the other hand, national interest was always paramount, and the Liberals were quick to seek common ground with the Conservatives in regard to the [[Berlin Treaty]], in which the party lost the moral high ground as a critic of imperialism.

The Irish land proposals in Gladstone's first [[Home Rule Bill of 1886]] was an unexpected shock to his supporters and brought down his third government in a matter of months. The bill gave all owners of Irish land a chance to sell to the [[state]] at a price equal to 20 years' purchase of the [[rent]]s and allowing [[tenant]]s to purchase the land. [[Republicanism#Ireland|Irish nationalist]] reaction was mixed, [[Ulster Unionism|Unionist]] opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite.<ref>Graham D. Goodlad, "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886.'' ''Historical Journal'' 1989 32(3): 627-641. Issn: 0018-246x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%28198909%2932%3A3%3C627%3ATLPAGL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1  in Jstor]</ref>   

The Irish land proposals in Gladstone's first [[Home Rule Bill of 1886]] was an unexpected shock to his supporters and brought down his third government in a matter of months. The bill gave all owners of Irish land a chance to sell to the [[state]] at a price equal to 20 years' purchase of the [[rent]]s and allowing [[tenant]]s to purchase the land. [[Republicanism#Ireland|Irish nationalist]] reaction was mixed, [[Ulster Unionism|Unionist]] opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite.<ref>Graham D. Goodlad, "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886.'' ''Historical Journal'' 1989 32(3): 627-641. Issn: 0018-246x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%28198909%2932%3A3%3C627%3ATLPAGL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1  in Jstor]</ref>   

Meanwhile serious confrontations continued between the the local magistrates (who represented the Protestant landowners) and the Irish National League, which replaced the suppressed [[National Land League]], and told tenants to withhold rents from extortionate [[landlord]]s. The Irish question transformed politics in Britain and was not finally settled until the 1920s.

Meanwhile, serious confrontations continued between the local magistrates (who represented the Protestant landowners) and the Irish National League, which replaced the suppressed [[National Land League]], and told tenants to withhold rents from extortionate [[landlord]]s. The Irish question transformed politics in Britain and was not finally settled until the 1920s.

==Retirement and personality==

==Retirement and personality==

In May 1864, Gladstone transformed overnight his standing in the country by declaring in the House of Commons that every man is entitled to a vote who is not disqualified by considerations of personal unfitness.<ref>Asa Briggs, ''The Making of Modern England, 1784-1867: The Age of Improvement'' (1959) p 492</ref> That plea for something like universal suffrage infuriated his chief, the Liberal Prime Minister [[Lord Palmerston]], and cost Gladstone, to his abiding grief, the parliamentary representation of Oxford University. The great world denounced him as an unscrupulous demagogue, but he won wide popular support.  

In May 1864, Gladstone transformed overnight his standing in the country by declaring in the House of Commons that every man is entitled to a vote who is not disqualified by considerations of personal unfitness.<ref>Asa Briggs, ''The Making of Modern England, 1784-1867: The Age of Improvement'' (1959) p 492</ref> That plea for something like universal suffrage infuriated his chief, the Liberal Prime Minister [[Lord Palmerston]], and cost Gladstone, to his abiding grief, the parliamentary representation of Oxford University. The great world denounced him as an unscrupulous demagogue, but he won wide popular support.  

Gladstone was no demagogue; he had convinced himself that the masses who hung upon his words were less exposed than the upper and middle classes to motives of material self-interest; and he started to appeal to the masses accordingly as the highest tribunal. He held that they were entitled to be enfranchised, not because he regarded the franchise as an abstract [[natural right]], but because the respectable way of life of the artisan class proved that it had earned the right to vote and govern as a result of having subjected itself to a rigorous preliminary process of moral self-enfranchisement, through moral self-improvement. He won the confidence of the artisans by appealing not to their self-interest but to their self-respect, and he thereby completed in the political field the work of spiritual emancipation that [[John Wesley]], the founder of [[Methodism]], had begun a century before. Despite his subsequent disillusionment with the masses, Gladstone always ridiculed the blindness and selfishness of the the upper ten thousand and the [[House of Lords]].

Gladstone was no demagogue; he had convinced himself that the masses who hung upon his words were less exposed than the upper and middle classes to motives of material self-interest; and he started to appeal to the masses accordingly as the highest tribunal. He held that they were entitled to be enfranchised, not because he regarded the franchise as an abstract [[natural right]], but because the respectable way of life of the artisan class proved that it had earned the right to vote and govern as a result of having subjected itself to a rigorous preliminary process of moral self-enfranchisement, through moral self-improvement. He won the confidence of the artisans by appealing not to their self-interest but to their self-respect, and he thereby completed in the political field the work of spiritual emancipation that [[John Wesley]], the founder of [[Methodism]], had begun a century before. Despite his subsequent disillusionment with the masses, Gladstone always ridiculed the blindness and selfishness of the upper ten thousand and the [[House of Lords]].

The British working class, however, misunderstood Gladstone. They, too, became disillusioned when he failed to become a champion of their material aspirations, to which he never gave a thought. He was committed to laissez-faire. He preferred to rely on private charity; he gave away during his lifetime the greater part of his private fortune and begged others to do the same.

The British working class, however, misunderstood Gladstone. They, too, became disillusioned when he failed to become a champion of their material aspirations, to which he never gave a thought. He was committed to laissez-faire. He preferred to rely on private charity; he gave away during his lifetime the greater part of his private fortune and begged others to do the same.

==Gladstone on the American affairs==

==Gladstone on the American affairs==

Originally, Gladstone had held a strong prejudice against Americans, calling them ‘a dishonest, unprincipled people’ in 1844. He was especially critical of the money-grabbing Yankee tradesmen and farmers, and shared the prejudiced view of the English upper-class that the Southern planters, with their cultivated life-style , were the closest America came to having gentlemen.

Originally, Gladstone had held a strong prejudice against Americans, calling them ‘a dishonest, unprincipled people’ in 1844. He was especially critical of the money-grabbing Yankee tradesmen and farmers, and shared the prejudiced view of the English upper-class that the Southern planters, with their cultivated life-style, were the closest America came to having gentlemen.

However, he did not believe that a permanent division of the American Union would be in Britain’s best interests, and the violence of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] sickened him. He believed that the North would never be able to restore the Union by force, and was prepared to offer diplomatic recognition to the [[Confederate States of America|Southern Confederacy]] if they prevailed.

However, he did not believe that a permanent division of the American Union would be in Britain’s best interests, and the violence of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] sickened him. He believed that the North would never be able to restore the Union by force, and was prepared to offer diplomatic recognition to the [[Confederate States of America|Southern Confederacy]] if they prevailed.