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During the war a bitter struggle was waged between two anti-Nazi forces, the Chetniks and the Communsit partisans under Tito. The defeat of the royalist and Serb nationalist forces, known collectively as the Chetniks, resulted from chronic disunity as well as their lacking appeal to non-Serbs. By contrast, their great rivals, Tito's Communists and the partisan movement they led, realized that they had to appear as a broader patriotic movement in order to acquire and retain the support of non-communist followers, all the while focused on establishing communist rule in postwar Yugoslavia. The Chetniks and their nominal leader, Mihailović, had been the first to take up the insurgency against the Axis occupiers. But they never developed either an effective central command structure or an ideological appeal that could transcend the boundaries of nationality, and thereby attract non-Serbs to their cause in significant numbers, even though they enjoyed official legitimacy for much of the war. In some regions there was a high degree of passive and sometimes even active cooperation of Chetnik forces—and others as well—with the Axis occupiers and their regional satrapies, such as "Serbian Residual State."  The facts and
 
During the war a bitter struggle was waged between two anti-Nazi forces, the Chetniks and the Communsit partisans under Tito. The defeat of the royalist and Serb nationalist forces, known collectively as the Chetniks, resulted from chronic disunity as well as their lacking appeal to non-Serbs. By contrast, their great rivals, Tito's Communists and the partisan movement they led, realized that they had to appear as a broader patriotic movement in order to acquire and retain the support of non-communist followers, all the while focused on establishing communist rule in postwar Yugoslavia. The Chetniks and their nominal leader, Mihailović, had been the first to take up the insurgency against the Axis occupiers. But they never developed either an effective central command structure or an ideological appeal that could transcend the boundaries of nationality, and thereby attract non-Serbs to their cause in significant numbers, even though they enjoyed official legitimacy for much of the war. In some regions there was a high degree of passive and sometimes even active cooperation of Chetnik forces—and others as well—with the Axis occupiers and their regional satrapies, such as "Serbian Residual State."  The facts and
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perception of resistance and collaboration proved decisive not only to the military and diplomatic course of the war but also to the history of postwar Yugoslavia.<ref>Walter R. Roberts, ''Tito, Mihailović, and the allies, 1941-1945‎,'' (1987) [http://books.google.com/books?id=43CbLU8FgFsC&dq=intitle:Mihailovi%C4%87&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0 excerpt and text search]</ref>
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perception of resistance and collaboration proved decisive not only to the military and diplomatic course of the war but also to the history of postwar Yugoslavia.<ref>Walter R. Roberts, ''Tito, Mihailović, and the allies, 1941-1945‎,'' (1987) [https://books.google.com/books?id=43CbLU8FgFsC&dq=intitle:Mihailovi%C4%87&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0 excerpt and text search]</ref>
 
   
 
   
 
All parties assumed—falsely—that sooner or later the Allies would invade.  Many optimistic plans were based on the assumption of Western Allied support, and on its magical power to put everything right. Historians are unsure why there was such universal faith among all parties in Allied invasion or intervention. Was it Nazi disinformation? Faulty intelligence? [[Wishful thinking]]? Or a combination of all three? Meanwhile, there was an exiled royal government in London sponsored by Churchill.  
 
All parties assumed—falsely—that sooner or later the Allies would invade.  Many optimistic plans were based on the assumption of Western Allied support, and on its magical power to put everything right. Historians are unsure why there was such universal faith among all parties in Allied invasion or intervention. Was it Nazi disinformation? Faulty intelligence? [[Wishful thinking]]? Or a combination of all three? Meanwhile, there was an exiled royal government in London sponsored by Churchill.  
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* Gapinski, James H. ''The Economic Structure and Failure of Yugoslavia.'' (1993). 212 pp.
 
* Gapinski, James H. ''The Economic Structure and Failure of Yugoslavia.'' (1993). 212 pp.
 
* Hehn, Paul N. ''The German Struggle Against Yugoslav Guerrillas in World War II: German Counter-Insurgency in Yugoslavia, 1941-1943.'' (1979). 153 pp.
 
* Hehn, Paul N. ''The German Struggle Against Yugoslav Guerrillas in World War II: German Counter-Insurgency in Yugoslavia, 1941-1943.'' (1979). 153 pp.
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*  Jelavich, Barbara. ''History of the Balkans: Twentieth century‎'' (1983)  476 pages [http://books.google.com/books?id=Hd-or3qtqrsC&dq=intitle:history+intitle:balkans+inauthor:jelavich&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0&as_pt=ALLTYPES excerpt and text search]  
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*  Jelavich, Barbara. ''History of the Balkans: Twentieth century‎'' (1983)  476 pages [https://books.google.com/books?id=Hd-or3qtqrsC&dq=intitle:history+intitle:balkans+inauthor:jelavich&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0&as_pt=ALLTYPES excerpt and text search]  
 
* Judah, Timothy. ''The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia.'' (1997). 347 pp.
 
* Judah, Timothy. ''The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia.'' (1997). 347 pp.
 
* Lane, Ann. ''Britain, the Cold War and Yugoslav Unity, 1941-1949.'' (1996). 220 pp.
 
* Lane, Ann. ''Britain, the Cold War and Yugoslav Unity, 1941-1949.'' (1996). 220 pp.
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