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The [[Mainstream media]] often cites the Chilean Secret Police (DINA) report on the estimate by the Argentinian Army's 601st Intelligence Battalion (''Batallón de Inteligencia 601'') of 22,000 disappeared between 1975 and mid-1978, implying they were all killed. However, it was later established that during this period at least 12,000 "disappeared" were in fact detainees held under National Executive Power (''Poder Ejecutivo Nacional'' or PEN), and kept in detention camps throughout Argentina before eventually being freed under diplomatic pressure.<ref>''"Durante la vigencia del estado de sitio entre noviembre de 1974 y octubre de 1983, los organismos de derechos humanos denunciaron la existencia de 12 mil presos politicos legales en las distintas cárceles de 'maxima seguridad' a lo largo de todo el territorio de Argentina."'' [https://web.archive.org/web/20130905061527/http://elortiba.org/pdf/Memoria-de-ex-presas-y-presos-politicos.pdf]</ref>
 
The [[Mainstream media]] often cites the Chilean Secret Police (DINA) report on the estimate by the Argentinian Army's 601st Intelligence Battalion (''Batallón de Inteligencia 601'') of 22,000 disappeared between 1975 and mid-1978, implying they were all killed. However, it was later established that during this period at least 12,000 "disappeared" were in fact detainees held under National Executive Power (''Poder Ejecutivo Nacional'' or PEN), and kept in detention camps throughout Argentina before eventually being freed under diplomatic pressure.<ref>''"Durante la vigencia del estado de sitio entre noviembre de 1974 y octubre de 1983, los organismos de derechos humanos denunciaron la existencia de 12 mil presos politicos legales en las distintas cárceles de 'maxima seguridad' a lo largo de todo el territorio de Argentina."'' [https://web.archive.org/web/20130905061527/http://elortiba.org/pdf/Memoria-de-ex-presas-y-presos-politicos.pdf]</ref>
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This unexpected Argentinian military defeat during the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982 hastened the fall of the unpopular military junta that had lost the propaganda war, turning Argentina into a pariah state, and in mid-1982 Lieutenant-General Reynaldo Bignone (head of the interim government) restored basic civil liberties and retracted its ban on left-wing political parties. The Argentinian military dictatorship ended when [[Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín]]'s UCR (Unión Cívica Radical or Radical Civic Union) civilian government took control of the country on December 10th 1983.
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This unexpected Argentinian military defeat during the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982 hastened the fall of the unpopular military junta that had lost the propaganda war, turning Argentina into a pariah state, and in mid-1982 Lieutenant-General Reynaldo Bignone (head of the interim government) restored basic civil liberties and retracted its ban on left-wing political parties. The Argentinian military dictatorship ended when [[Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín]]'s UCR (Unión Cívica Radical or Radical Civic Union) civilian government took control of the country on December 10, 1983.
    
Many people, 7,158<ref>"The justification for the Dirty War was the armed actions of the Montoneros and the ERP. From 1969 to 1979, there were 239 kidnappings and 1,020 murders by the guerrillas. During the same period, however, the military kidnapped 7,844 and murdered 7,850." The Psychology of Genocide and Violent Oppression: A Study of Mass Cruelty from Nazi Germany to Rwanda, Richard Morrock, William Marchak, p. 184, McFarland, 2010</ref><ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1621505-hablan-de-30000-desaparecidos-y-saben-que-es-falso Hablan de 30.000 desaparecidos y saben que es falso]</ref><ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1464650-videla-admitio-que-la-dictadura-mato-a-7-u-8-mil-personas Videla admitió la muerte y desaparición de "7 u 8 mil personas"]</ref>-13,000,<ref>[http://edant.clarin.com/diario/2003/10/06/p-00801.htm Una duda histórica: no se sabe cuántos son los desaparecidos]</ref> both Peronist and Marxist guerrillas as well as civilian opponents of the Argentinian military regime were "disappeared". By the end of 1978, 22,000 thousand Argentinians (according to an often-quoted Chilean military intelligence report) had been taken to secret government detention centers where they were killed or eventually freed under international diplomatic pressure.  
 
Many people, 7,158<ref>"The justification for the Dirty War was the armed actions of the Montoneros and the ERP. From 1969 to 1979, there were 239 kidnappings and 1,020 murders by the guerrillas. During the same period, however, the military kidnapped 7,844 and murdered 7,850." The Psychology of Genocide and Violent Oppression: A Study of Mass Cruelty from Nazi Germany to Rwanda, Richard Morrock, William Marchak, p. 184, McFarland, 2010</ref><ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1621505-hablan-de-30000-desaparecidos-y-saben-que-es-falso Hablan de 30.000 desaparecidos y saben que es falso]</ref><ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1464650-videla-admitio-que-la-dictadura-mato-a-7-u-8-mil-personas Videla admitió la muerte y desaparición de "7 u 8 mil personas"]</ref>-13,000,<ref>[http://edant.clarin.com/diario/2003/10/06/p-00801.htm Una duda histórica: no se sabe cuántos son los desaparecidos]</ref> both Peronist and Marxist guerrillas as well as civilian opponents of the Argentinian military regime were "disappeared". By the end of 1978, 22,000 thousand Argentinians (according to an often-quoted Chilean military intelligence report) had been taken to secret government detention centers where they were killed or eventually freed under international diplomatic pressure.  
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Terence Roehrig in his book ''The Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea'' (McFarland & Company, 2001) estimates that of the disappeared, ''"at least 10,000 were involved in various ways with the guerrillas"''. Argentinian Justice Minister Ricardo Gil Lavedra, who formed part of the 1985 tribunal for the [[Trial of the Juntas]], later went on record saying, ''"I sincerely believe that the majority of the victims of the illegal repression were guerrilla militants"''.<ref>Amar al Enemigo, Javier Vigo Leguizamón, p. 68, Ediciones Pasco, 2001</ref>
 
Terence Roehrig in his book ''The Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea'' (McFarland & Company, 2001) estimates that of the disappeared, ''"at least 10,000 were involved in various ways with the guerrillas"''. Argentinian Justice Minister Ricardo Gil Lavedra, who formed part of the 1985 tribunal for the [[Trial of the Juntas]], later went on record saying, ''"I sincerely believe that the majority of the victims of the illegal repression were guerrilla militants"''.<ref>Amar al Enemigo, Javier Vigo Leguizamón, p. 68, Ediciones Pasco, 2001</ref>
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The Montoneros in a statement issued in 1984 acknowledged having lost 5,000 guerrillas killed<ref>"Firmenich alleged that some 5,000 Montoneros had fallen during the period of repression." Yearbook on International Communist Affairs Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, pg. 48, Stanford University, 1985</ref>, and the Marxist–Leninist People's Revolutionary Army (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo or ERP) in 2007 admitted the deaths of some 5,000 of their own armed fighters<ref>[http://www.cedema.org/ver.php?id=2713 A 32 AÑOS DE LA CAÍDA EN COMBATE DEL COMANDANTE MARIO ROBERTO SANTUCHO Y DE LA DIRECCIÓN HITÓRICA DEL PRT-ERP]</ref>. Mario Firmenich, the commander of the Montoneros, in a radio interview in late 2001 from Spain said that, ''"In a country that experienced a civil war, everybody has blood on their hands"''.<ref>[http://www.lr21.com.uy/mundo/51817-firmenich-dijo-que-no-mato-a-nadie-inutilmente?utm_source=redirects&utm_medium=www.larepublica.com.uy&utm_campaign=301_Redirects Firmenich dijo que no mató "a nadie inútilmente"]</ref>  
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The Montoneros in a statement issued in 1984 acknowledged having lost 5,000 guerrillas killed,<ref>"Firmenich alleged that some 5,000 Montoneros had fallen during the period of repression." Yearbook on International Communist Affairs Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, pg. 48, Stanford University, 1985</ref> and the Marxist–Leninist People's Revolutionary Army (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo or ERP) in 2007 admitted the deaths of some 5,000 of their own armed fighters.<ref>[http://www.cedema.org/ver.php?id=2713 A 32 AÑOS DE LA CAÍDA EN COMBATE DEL COMANDANTE MARIO ROBERTO SANTUCHO Y DE LA DIRECCIÓN HITÓRICA DEL PRT-ERP]</ref> Mario Firmenich, the commander of the Montoneros, in a radio interview in late 2001 from Spain said that, ''"In a country that experienced a civil war, everybody has blood on their hands"''.<ref>[http://www.lr21.com.uy/mundo/51817-firmenich-dijo-que-no-mato-a-nadie-inutilmente?utm_source=redirects&utm_medium=www.larepublica.com.uy&utm_campaign=301_Redirects Firmenich dijo que no mató "a nadie inútilmente"]</ref>  
    
The left-wing guerrillas and their support base, were responsible for causing at least 6,000 casualties among the military, police forces and civilian population, according to a [[National Geographic Magazine]] special article published in the mid-1980s.<ref>National Geographic, Volume 170, p. 247, National Geographic Society, 1986</ref>
 
The left-wing guerrillas and their support base, were responsible for causing at least 6,000 casualties among the military, police forces and civilian population, according to a [[National Geographic Magazine]] special article published in the mid-1980s.<ref>National Geographic, Volume 170, p. 247, National Geographic Society, 1986</ref>
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==Origins==
 
==Origins==
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The origins of the Dirty War have long been debated, with Professor  Patricia Marchak in ''God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s'' and Professor Carlos Marcelo Shäferstein in ''Cien años de subversión en Argentina''<ref>[http://www.lahistoriaparalela.com.ar/2009/06/19/cien-anos-de-subversion-en-argentina/ Cien años de subversión en Argentina]</ref> and historians Alejandro García<ref>La Crisis Argentina, 1966–1976: Notas y Documentos Sobre una época de Violencia Política, Alejandro García, p. 32, EDITUM, 1994</ref> and Antonius C. G. M. Robben arguing the political violence started with the anarchist bombing campaigns and armed uprisings in Buenos Aires and the Patagonia in the 1910s and 1920s. During the Patagonia uprisings in the Santa Cruz province in 1921 and 1922, some 300 anarchist were killed in action or executed by the Argentinian Army.<ref>"Los medios anarquistas hablan de 1500 muertos, la prensa oficial de 300." La Causa Argentina, Juan Archibaldo Lanús (p. 393). Emecé Editores, 1988</ref>During the Buenos Aires uprisings in 1919, some 140 anarchists were killed and several buildings in the capital were burnt down.
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The origins of the Dirty War have long been debated, with Professor  Patricia Marchak in ''God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s'' and Professor Carlos Marcelo Shäferstein in ''Cien años de subversión en Argentina''<ref>[http://www.lahistoriaparalela.com.ar/2009/06/19/cien-anos-de-subversion-en-argentina/ Cien años de subversión en Argentina]</ref> and historians Alejandro García<ref>La Crisis Argentina, 1966–1976: Notas y Documentos Sobre una época de Violencia Política, Alejandro García, p. 32, EDITUM, 1994</ref> and Antonius C. G. M. Robben arguing the political violence started with the anarchist bombing campaigns and armed uprisings in Buenos Aires and the Patagonia in the 1910s and 1920s. During the Patagonia uprisings in the Santa Cruz province in 1921 and 1922, some 300 anarchist were killed in action or executed by the Argentinian Army.<ref>"Los medios anarquistas hablan de 1500 muertos, la prensa oficial de 300." La Causa Argentina, Juan Archibaldo Lanús (p. 393). Emecé Editores, 1988</ref> During the Buenos Aires uprisings in 1919, some 140 anarchists were killed and several buildings in the capital were burnt down.
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Prior to the armed uprisings, several efforts were made to interrupt the celebrations marking 100 years of Argentinian independence on May 25th 1910, including an anarchists handing over a hand-held bomb to a child to take inside a cathedral in Buenos Aires, but the bomb exploded prematurely killing the minor and mutilating another boy.<ref>[BOMBS IN ARGENTINA. BOY BLOWN TO AMOMS]</ref>
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Prior to the armed uprisings, several efforts were made to interrupt the celebrations marking 100 years of Argentinian independence on May 25, 1910, including an anarchists handing over a hand-held bomb to a child to take inside a cathedral in Buenos Aires, but the bomb exploded prematurely killing the minor and mutilating another boy.<ref>[BOMBS IN ARGENTINA. BOY BLOWN TO AMOMS]</ref>
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On June 28th 1910, another anarchist bomb exploded inside the ''Teatro Colón'' (in the Argentinian capital) and 20 theatregoers were gravely wounded, and the Argentinian senate approved soon after the death penalty for those anarchists responsible for deaths.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=Nf9QAAAAIBAJ&sjid=JWYDAAAAIBAJ&pg=3804,6720471&dq=&hl=en FIND BOMB FACTORY. Argentine Capital Stirred by Uncovering Anarchists Lair]</ref>
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On June 28, 1910, another anarchist bomb exploded inside the ''Teatro Colón'' (in the Argentinian capital) and 20 theatregoers were gravely wounded, and the Argentinian senate approved soon after the death penalty for those anarchists responsible for deaths.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=Nf9QAAAAIBAJ&sjid=JWYDAAAAIBAJ&pg=3804,6720471&dq=&hl=en FIND BOMB FACTORY. Argentine Capital Stirred by Uncovering Anarchists Lair]</ref>
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On July 9th 1916, an anarchist armed with a hand-gun tried to kill the Argentinian president, Victorino de la Plaza. The attempted assassination took place while the president attended a military parade in Buenos Aires, during the centennial celebrations marking Argentinian independence from Spain.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=v6dRAAAAIBAJ&sjid=LmgDAAAAIBAJ&pg=4473,3490772&dq=&hl=en EFFORT MADE TO KILL PRESIDENT OF ARGENTINE]</ref>
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On July 9, 1916, an anarchist armed with a hand-gun tried to kill the Argentinian president, Victorino de la Plaza. The attempted assassination took place while the president attended a military parade in Buenos Aires, during the centennial celebrations marking Argentinian independence from Spain.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=v6dRAAAAIBAJ&sjid=LmgDAAAAIBAJ&pg=4473,3490772&dq=&hl=en EFFORT MADE TO KILL PRESIDENT OF ARGENTINE]</ref>
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On February 9th 1918, violent strikes took place in the main Argentinian cities and army units were rushed to the affected areas after anarchists sabotaged train lines and burnt carriages transporting wheat to Buenos Aires for exportation.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=yQteAAAAIBAJ&sjid=7l8NAAAAIBAJ&pg=3282,3532019&dq=&hl=en Anarchy Reigns in Argentina When General Rail Strike Brings Riots]</ref> Argentinian left-wing activists at the time printed and widely distributed, even among conscripts, a newspaper promoting a Communist Revolution in Argentina.<ref>"Los anarquistas simpatizantes de la Revolución Rusa editaban un periódico para los soldados y hacían un activo trabajo en los cuarteles." El Marxismo y la Revolución Argentina, Tomo II, Otto Vargas, p. 152, Editorial Agora, 1999</ref>According to the Buenos Aires police, the anarchists in 1919 held 203 meetings, and two massive street demonstrations in which 429 key figureheads gave speeches.<ref>The Hispanic American Historical Review, 1946, James Alexander Robertson, p. 49, Board of Editors of the Hispanic American Review, 1946</ref>By the end of 1919, Argentina would witness 367 crippling strikes by some 300,000 workers.<ref>The Intelligence War in Latin America, 1914-1922, Jamie Bisher, p. 254, McFarland, 2016 </ref>
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On February 9, 1918, violent strikes took place in the main Argentinian cities and army units were rushed to the affected areas after anarchists sabotaged train lines and burnt carriages transporting wheat to Buenos Aires for exportation.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=yQteAAAAIBAJ&sjid=7l8NAAAAIBAJ&pg=3282,3532019&dq=&hl=en Anarchy Reigns in Argentina When General Rail Strike Brings Riots]</ref> Argentinian left-wing activists at the time printed and widely distributed, even among conscripts, a newspaper promoting a Communist Revolution in Argentina.<ref>"Los anarquistas simpatizantes de la Revolución Rusa editaban un periódico para los soldados y hacían un activo trabajo en los cuarteles." El Marxismo y la Revolución Argentina, Tomo II, Otto Vargas, p. 152, Editorial Agora, 1999</ref> According to the Buenos Aires police, the anarchists in 1919 held 203 meetings, and two massive street demonstrations in which 429 key figureheads gave speeches.<ref>The Hispanic American Historical Review, 1946, James Alexander Robertson, p. 49, Board of Editors of the Hispanic American Review, 1946</ref> By the end of 1919, Argentina would witness 367 crippling strikes by some 300,000 workers.<ref>The Intelligence War in Latin America, 1914-1922, Jamie Bisher, p. 254, McFarland, 2016</ref>
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The first Bolshevik uprising in Argentina took place during the Tragic Week (''Semana Trágica'') in Buenos Aires, which began on January 9th 1919 when striking  metalworkers opened fire on a detachment of the 8th Cavalry Regiment under Captain  Luis A. Cafferata. Shortly later, a group of strikers shoot and kill an Army NCO, Sergeant Ramón Díaz, as he walked down Pueyrredón Street. In nearby Corrientes Street an Argentinian Army platoon commander, Second Lieutenant Agustín Ronzoni and a civilian are also killed by the armed strikers. A rifle platoon under Sergeant Bonifacio Manzo is ambushed and a company of the 7th Infantry Regiment is forced to use Vickers machine-guns to repel the assembled strikers. Placing the city under martial law, President Hipolito Yrigoyen appointed Army Colonel Luis Dellepiane as the commander of government forces, after which disturbances subsided. The 5th and 12th Army Cavalry Regiments reinforced the Buenos Aires garrison on January 12th, and 300 marines and a mountain artillery regiment are also shipped to Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, on the morning of January 13th 1919, anarchists attempted to seize arms and ammunition from a local police station but were forced to retreat after coming under fire from a naval detachment from the Argentinian Navy cruiser ARA 'San Martin'.
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The first Bolshevik uprising in Argentina took place during the Tragic Week (''Semana Trágica'') in Buenos Aires, which began on January 9, 1919 when striking  metalworkers opened fire on a detachment of the 8th Cavalry Regiment under Captain  Luis A. Cafferata. Shortly later, a group of strikers shoot and kill an Army NCO, Sergeant Ramón Díaz, as he walked down Pueyrredón Street. In nearby Corrientes Street an Argentinian Army platoon commander, Second Lieutenant Agustín Ronzoni and a civilian are also killed by the armed strikers. A rifle platoon under Sergeant Bonifacio Manzo is ambushed and a company of the 7th Infantry Regiment is forced to use Vickers machine-guns to repel the assembled strikers. Placing the city under martial law, President Hipolito Yrigoyen appointed Army Colonel Luis Dellepiane as the commander of government forces, after which disturbances subsided. The 5th and 12th Army Cavalry Regiments reinforced the Buenos Aires garrison on January 12, and 300 marines and a mountain artillery regiment are also shipped to Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, on the morning of January 13, 1919, anarchists attempted to seize arms and ammunition from a local police station but were forced to retreat after coming under fire from a naval detachment from the Argentinian Navy cruiser ARA 'San Martin'.
    
The leftist 'Vanguardia' newspaper claimed that over 700 deaths were recorded on Tragic Week, as well as 2,000 injured; with the military crackdown resulting in an estimated 50,000 arrests in the subsequent weeks. Professor Patricia Marchak estimates the real number of workers killed in the uprising and immediate aftermath at more than 100. The conservative 'La Nación' newspaper reported the number of workers killed in the uprising at around 100 and 400 injured.<ref>God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s, Patricia Marchak, p. 47, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999</ref>
 
The leftist 'Vanguardia' newspaper claimed that over 700 deaths were recorded on Tragic Week, as well as 2,000 injured; with the military crackdown resulting in an estimated 50,000 arrests in the subsequent weeks. Professor Patricia Marchak estimates the real number of workers killed in the uprising and immediate aftermath at more than 100. The conservative 'La Nación' newspaper reported the number of workers killed in the uprising at around 100 and 400 injured.<ref>God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s, Patricia Marchak, p. 47, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999</ref>
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The left-wing violence continued throughout the 1920s. On December 24th 1927 two powerful anarchist bombs went off in two US-owned banks in downtown Buenos Aires, killing two employees.<ref>"El 24 de diciembre de 1927 vuelan las casas centrales del Citibank y el Banco de Boston, con el lamentable saldo de dos muertos. Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina: De la ley Sáenz Peña a los Albores del Peronismo ", Tomo III, Felipe Pigna, p. 111, Grupo Editorial Norma, 2006</ref> On May 23rd 1923, the anarchists detonate another bomb inside the Italian consulate in the Argentinian capital, killing 9 and wounding 41, the majority of them Italian-Argentinians.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1913&dat=19280523&id=h4EpAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0mYFAAAAIBAJ&pg=3534,4255127&hl=en Nine Killed, 41 Injured By Bomb In Buenos Aires]</ref> On December 24th 1929, Argentinian president Hipólito Yrigoyen narrowly survived an attempt on his life. The would-be assassin, 44 year-old Italian anarchist Gualterio Marinelli is killed by the return fire from the protecting police detachment.<ref>[https://www.diariouno.com.ar/pais/el-atentado-contra-el-presidente-yrigoyen-12242015_BkOGII-GHX El atentado contra el presidente Yrigoyen]</ref>
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The left-wing violence continued throughout the 1920s. On December 24, 1927 two powerful anarchist bombs went off in two US-owned banks in downtown Buenos Aires, killing two employees.<ref>"El 24 de diciembre de 1927 vuelan las casas centrales del Citibank y el Banco de Boston, con el lamentable saldo de dos muertos. Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina: De la ley Sáenz Peña a los Albores del Peronismo ", Tomo III, Felipe Pigna, p. 111, Grupo Editorial Norma, 2006</ref> On May 23, 1923, the anarchists detonate another bomb inside the Italian consulate in the Argentinian capital, killing 9 and wounding 41, the majority of them Italian-Argentinians.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1913&dat=19280523&id=h4EpAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0mYFAAAAIBAJ&pg=3534,4255127&hl=en Nine Killed, 41 Injured By Bomb In Buenos Aires]</ref> On December 24, 1929, Argentinian president Hipólito Yrigoyen narrowly survived an attempt on his life. The would-be assassin, 44 year-old Italian anarchist Gualterio Marinelli is killed by the return fire from the protecting police detachment.<ref>[https://www.diariouno.com.ar/pais/el-atentado-contra-el-presidente-yrigoyen-12242015_BkOGII-GHX El atentado contra el presidente Yrigoyen]</ref>
    
==President Juan Domingo Perón==  
 
==President Juan Domingo Perón==  
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In 1973, as Juan Perón returned from exile, the [[Ezeiza massacre]] took place, marking the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism.
 
In 1973, as Juan Perón returned from exile, the [[Ezeiza massacre]] took place, marking the end of the alliance between left- and right-wing factions of Peronism.
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By early 1974 President Perón had lost the support of the trade unions and its  militant workers. Perón withdrew his support of the Montoneros shortly before his death on July 1st 1974.
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By early 1974 President Perón had lost the support of the trade unions and its  militant workers. Perón withdrew his support of the Montoneros shortly before his death on July 1, 1974.
    
==President Isabel Martínez de Perón==
 
==President Isabel Martínez de Perón==
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arrest for several years before moving to Spain in 1981.
 
arrest for several years before moving to Spain in 1981.
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According to the International Congress for Victims of Terrorism in 2010, prior to the military takeover in 1976, there were a total of 16,000 victims (including killed, wounded or abducted) of left-wing terrorism in Argentina<ref>[https://archive.li/DFLEb “Todos podíamos odiar, pero lo que queremos es sonreír cada día”]</ref>,including civilians and military personnel.
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According to the International Congress for Victims of Terrorism in 2010, prior to the military takeover in 1976, there were a total of 16,000 victims (including killed, wounded or abducted) of left-wing terrorism in Argentina,<ref>[https://archive.li/DFLEb “Todos podíamos odiar, pero lo que queremos es sonreír cada día”]</ref> including civilians and military personnel.
    
===Left wing terror in the automotive industry===
 
===Left wing terror in the automotive industry===
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Left-wing terrorism in the automotive industry had already started before the presidency of Isabel de Perón: In November 1971, in solidarity with militant car workers, Montoneros guerrillas took over a car manufacturing plant in Caseros, sprayed 38 Fiats with petrol, and then set them alight.<ref>The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics, Gabriela Nouzeilles & Graciela R. Montaldo, p. 382, Duke University Press, 2002</ref>Dr. Oberdan Sallustro, director-general of the Fiat Concord company in Argentina ― which manufactured cars, rolling stock and power generators under license from Fiat of Italy, the parent company ― and an Italian citizen, was kidnapped by ERP guerrillas in Buenos Aires on March 21st 1972 and found murdered on April 10th, after having been held in a ''"people's prison"'' in a working-class suburb of the city. On December 2nd, the bodyguards of a Chrysler Corporation executive were attacked by militants, two were killed and another wounded.<ref>The Problems of U.S. Businesses Operating Abroad in Terrorist Environments, S. W. Purnell, Eleanor Sullivan Wainstein, p. 80, Rand 1981</ref>  
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Left-wing terrorism in the automotive industry had already started before the presidency of Isabel de Perón: In November 1971, in solidarity with militant car workers, Montoneros guerrillas took over a car manufacturing plant in Caseros, sprayed 38 Fiats with petrol, and then set them alight.<ref>The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics, Gabriela Nouzeilles & Graciela R. Montaldo, p. 382, Duke University Press, 2002</ref> Dr. Oberdan Sallustro, director-general of the Fiat Concord company in Argentina ― which manufactured cars, rolling stock and power generators under license from Fiat of Italy, the parent company ― and an Italian citizen, was kidnapped by ERP guerrillas in Buenos Aires on March 21, 1972 and found murdered on April 10, after having been held in a ''"people's prison"'' in a working-class suburb of the city. On December 2, the bodyguards of a Chrysler Corporation executive were attacked by militants, two were killed and another wounded.<ref>The Problems of U.S. Businesses Operating Abroad in Terrorist Environments, S. W. Purnell, Eleanor Sullivan Wainstein, p. 80, Rand 1981</ref>  
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On May 21st 1973, Luis Giovanelli, a Ford Motor Company executive, was killed and a female employee was wounded when machine-gunned by the ERP guerrillas in a kidnapping attempt that netted the guerrillas US$1 million from Ford as ''"protection money"''.<ref>Terrorism, Yonah Alexander, p. 224, Crane Russak, 1977</ref>On May 25th, ERP guerrillas attempted to kill two Ford Motor Company executives but only wounded them.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 57, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref>On June 3rd 1973, militants in Buenos Aires kidnapped Jose Chohelo, a Peugeot representative and later released him for a reported US$200,000.<ref>The Problems of U.S. Businesses Operating Abroad in Terrorist Environments, S. W. Purnell, Eleanor Sullivan Wainstein, p. 75, Rand 1981</ref>  
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On May 21, 1973, Luis Giovanelli, a Ford Motor Company executive, was killed and a female employee was wounded when machine-gunned by the ERP guerrillas in a kidnapping attempt that netted the guerrillas US$1 million from Ford as ''"protection money"''.<ref>Terrorism, Yonah Alexander, p. 224, Crane Russak, 1977</ref> On May 25, ERP guerrillas attempted to kill two Ford Motor Company executives but only wounded them.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 57, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref> On June 3, 1973, militants in Buenos Aires kidnapped Jose Chohelo, a Peugeot representative and later released him for a reported US$200,000.<ref>The Problems of U.S. Businesses Operating Abroad in Terrorist Environments, S. W. Purnell, Eleanor Sullivan Wainstein, p. 75, Rand 1981</ref>  
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On November 22nd 1973, FAP guerrillas ambushed and killed John Swint, the American general manager of a Ford Motor Company subsidiary and three of his bodyguards. On December 29th 1973, the director of Peugeot in Argentina was kidnapped by seven armed leftists. Between June 24–26 1974, seventeen bombs planted by leftist militants exploded in Buenos Aires, damaging offices, warehouses, showrooms including Ford, General Motors and Fiat dealerships, according to the Bangor Daily News.
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On November 22, 1973, FAP guerrillas ambushed and killed John Swint, the American general manager of a Ford Motor Company subsidiary and three of his bodyguards. On December 29, 1973, the director of Peugeot in Argentina was kidnapped by seven armed leftists. Between June 24–26, 1974, seventeen bombs planted by leftist militants exploded in Buenos Aires, damaging offices, warehouses, showrooms including Ford, General Motors and Fiat dealerships, according to the Bangor Daily News.
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On August 27th 1974, during the presidency of Isabel de Perón, FAP guerrillas killed Ricardo Goya, the labour relations manager of the IKA-Renault Motor Company in Córdoba while he was driving to work. On January 8th 1975, Rodolfo Saurnier, manager of an auto parts factory, was kidnapped by Montoneros guerrillas. On 28 July 1975, a bomb of the urban militants exploded at the Peugeot dealership in La Plata. On 9 October 1975 several Molotov cocktails were thrown by militants at Car dealerships in city of Mendoza. On 24 October 1975, Heinrich Franz Metz, production manager of the Mercedes-Benz truck plant in Buenos Aires, was kidnapped by Montoneros guerrillas.
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On August 27, 1974, during the presidency of Isabel de Perón, FAP guerrillas killed Ricardo Goya, the labour relations manager of the IKA-Renault Motor Company in Córdoba while he was driving to work. On January 8, 1975, Rodolfo Saurnier, manager of an auto parts factory, was kidnapped by Montoneros guerrillas. On 28 July 1975, a bomb of the urban militants exploded at the Peugeot dealership in La Plata. On 9 October 1975 several Molotov cocktails were thrown by militants at Car dealerships in city of Mendoza. On 24 October 1975, Heinrich Franz Metz, production manager of the Mercedes-Benz truck plant in Buenos Aires, was kidnapped by Montoneros guerrillas.
    
On 29 October 1975, four Montoneros killed the Fiat-Concord personnel manager. On 16 November, militants broke into the home of a Renault executive in Córdoba and took him hostage. On 26 March 1976, two security guards of a Ford executive were killed by militants firing from a car. On 14 April, militants in Buenos Aires killed an executive of the US Chrysler Corporation. On 4 May, militants assassinated a Fiat executive in a suburb of Buenos Aires.
 
On 29 October 1975, four Montoneros killed the Fiat-Concord personnel manager. On 16 November, militants broke into the home of a Renault executive in Córdoba and took him hostage. On 26 March 1976, two security guards of a Ford executive were killed by militants firing from a car. On 14 April, militants in Buenos Aires killed an executive of the US Chrysler Corporation. On 4 May, militants assassinated a Fiat executive in a suburb of Buenos Aires.
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The ERP publicly remained in the forefront. ERP guerrilla activity took the form of attacks on military outposts, police stations and convoys.
 
The ERP publicly remained in the forefront. ERP guerrilla activity took the form of attacks on military outposts, police stations and convoys.
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In 1971, the left-wing guerrillas killed 57 policemen, and in 1972 the ERP and Montoneros killed another 38 policemen.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, Page 53, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref>Between March and July 1971 the Argentine newspapers reported 316 armed attacks by the ERP.<ref>Masters of war: Latin America and United States Aggression from the Cuban Revolution through the Clinton Years, Clara Nieto, Page 234, Seven Stories Press, 2011</ref>
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In 1971, the left-wing guerrillas killed 57 policemen, and in 1972 the ERP and Montoneros killed another 38 policemen.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, Page 53, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref> Between March and July 1971 the Argentine newspapers reported 316 armed attacks by the ERP.<ref>Masters of war: Latin America and United States Aggression from the Cuban Revolution through the Clinton Years, Clara Nieto, Page 234, Seven Stories Press, 2011</ref>
   −
On January 19th 1974 60–70 ERP guerrillas traveling aboard captured army trucks attacked the 2,000-strong barracks at Azul outside Buenos Aires, killing Corporal Daniel Osvaldo González, the Commanding Officer of the 10th ''Húsares de Pueyrredon'' Armoured Cavalry Regiment (Colonel Camilo Arturo Gay) and his wife (Hilda Irma Casaux). The guerrillas, dressed in captured Argentinian Army uniforms, held the barracks for seven hours.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=ZqhfAAAAIBAJ&sjid=dzIMAAAAIBAJ&pg=3205,4401591&dq= "Argentine Rebels Hold Garrison 7 Hours"]</ref>The guerrillas took the Commanding Officer of the 1st Artillery Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Jorge Roberto Ibarzábal hostage in the surprise attack. He would remain in guerrilla hands for 300 days, before 23-year-old university student Sergio Gustavo Dicovsky executed him at a police roadblock on November 19th 1974.   
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On January 19, 1974 60–70 ERP guerrillas traveling aboard captured army trucks attacked the 2,000-strong barracks at Azul outside Buenos Aires, killing Corporal Daniel Osvaldo González, the Commanding Officer of the 10th ''Húsares de Pueyrredon'' Armoured Cavalry Regiment (Colonel Camilo Arturo Gay) and his wife (Hilda Irma Casaux). The guerrillas, dressed in captured Argentinian Army uniforms, held the barracks for seven hours.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=ZqhfAAAAIBAJ&sjid=dzIMAAAAIBAJ&pg=3205,4401591&dq= "Argentine Rebels Hold Garrison 7 Hours"]</ref> The guerrillas took the Commanding Officer of the 1st Artillery Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Jorge Roberto Ibarzábal hostage in the surprise attack. He would remain in guerrilla hands for 300 days, before 23-year-old university student Sergio Gustavo Dicovsky executed him at a police roadblock on November 19, 1974.   
    
===Cuban involvement===
 
===Cuban involvement===
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During the height of Argentine left-wing terrorism, the Cubans used their embassy in Buenos Aires to maintain direct contact with Argentine guerrillas. In 1973, the Montoneros merged with the Cuban-backed Armed Revolutionary Forces (''Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias'' or FAR) that in 1972 had planted a bomb in the Sheraton hotel in Buenos Aires that killed a Canadian tourist. On February 13th 1974, a clandestine meeting was held in Mendoza, Argentina, and the Junta of Revolutionary Coordination (''Junta de Coordinacion Revolucionaria'' or JCR) was formed. The JCR consisted of four guerrilla groups: the Uruguayan Tupamaros (MLN-T), the Chilean Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR) and the Bolivian Revolutionary Army (ELN). The ERP guerrillas set up a guerrilla warfare training school, an arms factory, and a false documentation center in Argentina. These were all shut down in 1975 by Argentinian security forces. In 1976, ERP guerrillas started receiving training in Cuba on an 1800 hectare (7 square miles) estate near Guanabo as well as at another site in Pinar del Rio.
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During the height of Argentine left-wing terrorism, the Cubans used their embassy in Buenos Aires to maintain direct contact with Argentine guerrillas. In 1973, the Montoneros merged with the Cuban-backed Armed Revolutionary Forces (''Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias'' or FAR) that in 1972 had planted a bomb in the Sheraton hotel in Buenos Aires that killed a Canadian tourist. On February 13, 1974, a clandestine meeting was held in Mendoza, Argentina, and the Junta of Revolutionary Coordination (''Junta de Coordinacion Revolucionaria'' or JCR) was formed. The JCR consisted of four guerrilla groups: the Uruguayan Tupamaros (MLN-T), the Chilean Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR) and the Bolivian Revolutionary Army (ELN). The ERP guerrillas set up a guerrilla warfare training school, an arms factory, and a false documentation center in Argentina. These were all shut down in 1975 by Argentinian security forces. In 1976, ERP guerrillas started receiving training in Cuba on an 1800 hectare (7 square miles) estate near Guanabo as well as at another site in Pinar del Rio.
    
In July 2008, [[Fidel Castro]] admitted that he backed left-wing activists and guerrilla forces in Argentina in order to start an armed revolution: ''"The only place where we didn't promote a revolution was in Mexico. In the rest (of Latin America) we tried, without exception."''<ref>[https://www.pagina12.com.ar/1998/98-07/98-07-04/pag18.htm "Intentamos exportar la revolución a Latinoamérica", reconoció Fidel]</ref>
 
In July 2008, [[Fidel Castro]] admitted that he backed left-wing activists and guerrilla forces in Argentina in order to start an armed revolution: ''"The only place where we didn't promote a revolution was in Mexico. In the rest (of Latin America) we tried, without exception."''<ref>[https://www.pagina12.com.ar/1998/98-07/98-07-04/pag18.htm "Intentamos exportar la revolución a Latinoamérica", reconoció Fidel]</ref>
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In January 1979, the Montoneros leadership publicly announced through its Evita Montonera magazine that it was ready to launch a counteroffensive in Argentina and topple the Military Junta, with the help of the various trade unions and affiliated workers. As a precursor to their final attacks, the Montoneros had targeted the World Cup Football Tournament being held in Argentina in 1978, launching a number of bomb attacks.
 
In January 1979, the Montoneros leadership publicly announced through its Evita Montonera magazine that it was ready to launch a counteroffensive in Argentina and topple the Military Junta, with the help of the various trade unions and affiliated workers. As a precursor to their final attacks, the Montoneros had targeted the World Cup Football Tournament being held in Argentina in 1978, launching a number of bomb attacks.
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The Montoneros commanders had carefully studied the strategy that made possible the Sandinista victory in July 1979 in Nicaragua. Firmenich had even travelled to Managua to study in person the lessons of the Nicaraguan Revolution. As Firmenich declared on the eve of the Sandinista victory: ''"the solution to the crisis experienced in Argentina is to do what is being done in Nicaragua."''<ref>Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography, Donald C. Hodges, University of Texas Press, 2011</ref>The ''comandante'' of the Montoneros commandos (Tropas Especiales de Infantería or TEI) selected to take part in the infiltration in the work factories, Raúl Yager, explained that the purpose of the infiltrations was to assist in promoting open street battles. The conditions were ripe for a revolution, he believed, because the trade union protests had already gained momentum.<ref>"Thus Raúl Yager explained that the purpose of the armed counteroffensive was to assist in promoting a mass insurrection. The conditions were propitious for insurrection, he believed, because the trade union counteroffensive was under way." Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography, Donald C. Hodges, p. 206, University of Texas Press, 2011</ref>
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The Montoneros commanders had carefully studied the strategy that made possible the Sandinista victory in July 1979 in Nicaragua. Firmenich had even travelled to Managua to study in person the lessons of the Nicaraguan Revolution. As Firmenich declared on the eve of the Sandinista victory: ''"the solution to the crisis experienced in Argentina is to do what is being done in Nicaragua."''<ref>Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography, Donald C. Hodges, University of Texas Press, 2011</ref> The ''comandante'' of the Montoneros commandos (Tropas Especiales de Infantería or TEI) selected to take part in the infiltration in the work factories, Raúl Yager, explained that the purpose of the infiltrations was to assist in promoting open street battles. The conditions were ripe for a revolution, he believed, because the trade union protests had already gained momentum.<ref>"Thus Raúl Yager explained that the purpose of the armed counteroffensive was to assist in promoting a mass insurrection. The conditions were propitious for insurrection, he believed, because the trade union counteroffensive was under way." Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography, Donald C. Hodges, p. 206, University of Texas Press, 2011</ref>
    
In late 1979, the Montoneros launched their ''"strategic counteroffensive"'' in Argentina, and the forewarned security forces killed more than one hundred of the exiled Montoneros, who had been sent back to Argentina with false passports after receiving special forces training in PLO camps in Lebanon.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20170619051140/http://elortiba.org/docmon82.html Estremecedor informe de inteligencia militar durante la dictadura]</ref>
 
In late 1979, the Montoneros launched their ''"strategic counteroffensive"'' in Argentina, and the forewarned security forces killed more than one hundred of the exiled Montoneros, who had been sent back to Argentina with false passports after receiving special forces training in PLO camps in Lebanon.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20170619051140/http://elortiba.org/docmon82.html Estremecedor informe de inteligencia militar durante la dictadura]</ref>
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The Montoneros TEI teams that were successfully infiltrated destroyed with bombs the homes of Juan Alemann (Secretary of Housing) on June 21st and Guillermo Walter Klein (Vice Minister of the Economy), after killing the two policemen (Hugo Cardacci and Julio Morenoon) on sentry duty outside, trapping his daughter Marina in the debris on September 27th. The Montoneros also targeted businessman Francisco Soldati and his chauffeur, both shot dead by Montoneros disguised as policemen in downtown Buenos Aires on November 13th.
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The Montoneros TEI teams that were successfully infiltrated destroyed with bombs the homes of Juan Alemann (Secretary of Housing) on June 21 and Guillermo Walter Klein (Vice Minister of the Economy), after killing the two policemen (Hugo Cardacci and Julio Morenoon) on sentry duty outside, trapping his daughter Marina in the debris on September 27. The Montoneros also targeted businessman Francisco Soldati and his chauffeur, both shot dead by Montoneros disguised as policemen in downtown Buenos Aires on November 13.
    
According to France's intelligence service [[Deuxième Bureau]], the explosives technology utilized in these attacks would allow the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings to take place that would result in the deaths of 299 US and French peacekeepers in Lebanon.<ref>''"And according to France's intelligence service Deuxième Bureau, the 1983 bombing in Beirut that killed 299 U.S. and French servicemen was carried out with the explosives technology developed by the Montoneros."'' The War of All the People: The Nexus of Latin American Radicalism and Middle Eastern Terrorism, Jon B. Perdue, Potomac Books, Inc, 2012</ref>
 
According to France's intelligence service [[Deuxième Bureau]], the explosives technology utilized in these attacks would allow the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings to take place that would result in the deaths of 299 US and French peacekeepers in Lebanon.<ref>''"And according to France's intelligence service Deuxième Bureau, the 1983 bombing in Beirut that killed 299 U.S. and French servicemen was carried out with the explosives technology developed by the Montoneros."'' The War of All the People: The Nexus of Latin American Radicalism and Middle Eastern Terrorism, Jon B. Perdue, Potomac Books, Inc, 2012</ref>
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===Church involvement===
 
===Church involvement===
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Some Catholic priests sympathized with and helped the Montoneros. Radical priests, including Father Alberto Carbone, who was eventually indicted in the murder of former President Pedro Aramburu, preached Marxism and presented the early Church fathers as model revolutionaries in an attempt to legitimise the violence.<ref>Argentina: What Went Wrong, Colin M. MacLachlan, p. 136, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006</ref>A Catholic youth leader, Juan Ignacio Isla Casares, with the help of the Montoneros commander Eduardo Pereira Rossi (nom de guerre "El Carlón") was the mastermind behind the ambush and killing of five policemen (Pedro Dettle, Juan Ramón Costa, Carlos Livio Cejas, Cleofás Galeano and Juan Fernández) and the destruction of their patrol car near San Isidro Cathedral in Buenos Aires on October 26th 1975.<ref>30,000 Desaparecidos. Realidad, Mito y Dogma : Hhistoria Verdadera y Manipulación Ideologica, Guillermo Rojas, p. 246, Santiago Apóstol: 2003</ref>
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Some Catholic priests sympathized with and helped the Montoneros. Radical priests, including Father Alberto Carbone, who was eventually indicted in the murder of former President Pedro Aramburu, preached Marxism and presented the early Church fathers as model revolutionaries in an attempt to legitimise the violence.<ref>Argentina: What Went Wrong, Colin M. MacLachlan, p. 136, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006</ref> A Catholic youth leader, Juan Ignacio Isla Casares, with the help of the Montoneros commander Eduardo Pereira Rossi (nom de guerre "El Carlón") was the mastermind behind the ambush and killing of five policemen (Pedro Dettle, Juan Ramón Costa, Carlos Livio Cejas, Cleofás Galeano and Juan Fernández) and the destruction of their patrol car near San Isidro Cathedral in Buenos Aires on October 26, 1975.<ref>30,000 Desaparecidos. Realidad, Mito y Dogma : Hhistoria Verdadera y Manipulación Ideologica, Guillermo Rojas, p. 246, Santiago Apóstol: 2003</ref>
   −
Mario Firmenich, who later became the leader of the Montoneros, was the ex-president of the Catholic Action Youth Group and a former seminarian himself.<ref>Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age, Daniel Chirot, p.281, Free Press, 1994</ref>The Montoneros had ties with the Third World Priest Movement and a Jesuit priest, Father Carlos Mugica.<ref>Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups, Stephen E. Atkins, p.201, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004</ref>The Third World Priest Movement believed that the Church could not remain neutral in the conflict between the Peronist and anti-Peronists and a number of priests participated in the armed struggle alongside the guerrillas.<ref>Masters of War: Latin America & United States Aggression from the Cuban Revolution through the Clinton Years, Clara Nieto & Chris Brandt, p.163, Seven Stories Press, 2003</ref>
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Mario Firmenich, who later became the leader of the Montoneros, was the ex-president of the Catholic Action Youth Group and a former seminarian himself.<ref>Modern Tyrants: The Power and Prevalence of Evil in Our Age, Daniel Chirot, p.281, Free Press, 1994</ref> The Montoneros had ties with the Third World Priest Movement and a Jesuit priest, Father Carlos Mugica.<ref>Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups, Stephen E. Atkins, p.201, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004</ref> The Third World Priest Movement believed that the Church could not remain neutral in the conflict between the Peronist and anti-Peronists and a number of priests participated in the armed struggle alongside the guerrillas.<ref>Masters of War: Latin America & United States Aggression from the Cuban Revolution through the Clinton Years, Clara Nieto & Chris Brandt, p.163, Seven Stories Press, 2003</ref>
    
==Rural guerrilla warfare==
 
==Rural guerrilla warfare==
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A determined effort on the part of the Argentinian left was made at creating a  guerrilla front in Tucumán province. In 1974, Marxist guerrillas led by Roberto Santucho in the form of the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) took control of the remote province of Tucumán and declared it an independent state.<ref>''ERP guerrillas set up a rural front in Tucuman province in a bid to elevate the insurgency into its final phase, actually claiming liberated areas — liberated, that is, from governmental control.'' Annual of Power and Conflict, Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1976</ref>In 1975 the Argentinian Army 5th Mountain Infantry Brigade was ordered to Tucumán to eradicate the insurgents and restore the province to the Argentinian state.
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A determined effort on the part of the Argentinian left was made at creating a  guerrilla front in Tucumán province. In 1974, Marxist guerrillas led by Roberto Santucho in the form of the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) took control of the remote province of Tucumán and declared it an independent state.<ref>''ERP guerrillas set up a rural front in Tucuman province in a bid to elevate the insurgency into its final phase, actually claiming liberated areas — liberated, that is, from governmental control.'' Annual of Power and Conflict, Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1976</ref> In 1975 the Argentinian Army 5th Mountain Infantry Brigade was ordered to Tucumán to eradicate the insurgents and restore the province to the Argentinian state.
   −
The Marxist guerrilla campaign in northern Argentina started with no more than 100 men and women of the ERP's  ''Compañía de Monte Ramón Rosa Jiménez'' (Mountain Company) and ended with about 300 in the mountains of Tucumán (including reinforcements in the form of the elite Montoneros 65-strong Jungle Company that arrived in February 1976 and latter the ERP's ''Decididos de Córdoba'' Urban Company)<ref>Guerrillas & Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 126, Praeger Paperback, 2001</ref>, which the 5th Mountain Brigade and parachute units from 4th Airborne Brigade managed to defeat, but at a cost.
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The Marxist guerrilla campaign in northern Argentina started with no more than 100 men and women of the ERP's  ''Compañía de Monte Ramón Rosa Jiménez'' (Mountain Company) and ended with about 300 in the mountains of Tucumán (including reinforcements in the form of the elite Montoneros 65-strong Jungle Company that arrived in February 1976 and latter the ERP's ''Decididos de Córdoba'' Urban Company),<ref>Guerrillas & Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 126, Praeger Paperback, 2001</ref> which the 5th Mountain Brigade and parachute units from 4th Airborne Brigade managed to defeat, but at a cost.
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The first ERP attack in Tucumán took place on September 6th 1971, when a platoon attacked the Villa Urquiza Prison and freed twelve convicted terrorist, killing five prison guards in their escape.<ref>''El 6 de setiembre, un comando del ERP al mando de Emilio All asalta el penal de Villa Urquiza en Tucumán, y mata a cinco guardiacárceles.'' 30.000 Desaparecidos: Realidad, Mito y Dogma: Historia Verdadera y Manipulación Ideológica, Guillermo Rojas , p. 176, Editorial Santiago Apóstol, 2003</ref>
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The first ERP attack in Tucumán took place on September 6, 1971, when a platoon attacked the Villa Urquiza Prison and freed twelve convicted terrorist, killing five prison guards in their escape.<ref>''El 6 de setiembre, un comando del ERP al mando de Emilio All asalta el penal de Villa Urquiza en Tucumán, y mata a cinco guardiacárceles.'' 30.000 Desaparecidos: Realidad, Mito y Dogma: Historia Verdadera y Manipulación Ideológica, Guillermo Rojas , p. 176, Editorial Santiago Apóstol, 2003</ref>
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Prior to this attack, Montoneros guerrillas operating in the province had shot and killed two policeman (Juan C. Ceballos and Juan Carlos Vallejo) on October 9th 1970.<ref>Los Otros Muertos: Las Víctimas Civiles del Terrorismo Guerrillero de los 70, Carlos Manfroni, Victoria E. Villarruel, Grupo Editorial Argentina, 2014</ref>
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Prior to this attack, Montoneros guerrillas operating in the province had shot and killed two policeman (Juan C. Ceballos and Juan Carlos Vallejo) on October 9, 1970.<ref>Los Otros Muertos: Las Víctimas Civiles del Terrorismo Guerrillero de los 70, Carlos Manfroni, Victoria E. Villarruel, Grupo Editorial Argentina, 2014</ref>
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During a joint operation in Tucumán Province on July 27th 1972, Montoneros and FAR guerrillas stole weapons and uniforms from a police station, killing two policemen in the process.<ref>''27 de julio: un comando unificado de las organizaciones FAR y Montoneros copó una subcomisaría en Tucumán apoderándose de armas y uniformes. En el hecho mueren dos policías por resistirse.'' Golpe o Revolución: La Violencia Legitimada, Argentina, 1966-1973, María Matilde Ollier, p. 67, EDUNTREF, 2005</ref>
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During a joint operation in Tucumán Province on July 27, 1972, Montoneros and FAR guerrillas stole weapons and uniforms from a police station, killing two policemen in the process.<ref>''27 de julio: un comando unificado de las organizaciones FAR y Montoneros copó una subcomisaría en Tucumán apoderándose de armas y uniformes. En el hecho mueren dos policías por resistirse.'' Golpe o Revolución: La Violencia Legitimada, Argentina, 1966-1973, María Matilde Ollier, p. 67, EDUNTREF, 2005</ref>
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On August 5th 1973, ERP guerrillas in the province shot and killed a police inspector, Major Hugo Tomagnini. On October 4th, the Marxist guerrillas struck again in Tucumán, mortally wounding a policeman, Casimiro Reyes Mansilla.
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On August 5, 1973, ERP guerrillas in the province shot and killed a police inspector, Major Hugo Tomagnini. On October 4, the Marxist guerrillas struck again in Tucumán, mortally wounding a policeman, Casimiro Reyes Mansilla.
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On May 22nd 1974, a Police Corporal (Vicente Marcelo Lazarte) succumbs to his wounds, after having been gunned down by ERP guerrillas while on traffic control duties in Tucumán Province.
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On May 22, 1974, a Police Corporal (Vicente Marcelo Lazarte) succumbs to his wounds, after having been gunned down by ERP guerrillas while on traffic control duties in Tucumán Province.
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On September 20th 1974, the ERP guerrillas operating in the province kill another two policemen, Eudoro Ibarra and Héctor Oscar Zaraspe.<ref>Nadie fue: crónica, documentos y testimonios de los últimos meses, los últimos días, las últimas horas de Isabel Perón en el poder, Juan Bautista Yofre, p. 58, Autor, 2006 </ref>
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On September 20, 1974, the ERP guerrillas operating in the province kill another two policemen, Eudoro Ibarra and Héctor Oscar Zaraspe.<ref>Nadie fue: crónica, documentos y testimonios de los últimos meses, los últimos días, las últimas horas de Isabel Perón en el poder, Juan Bautista Yofre, p. 58, Autor, 2006</ref>
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On January 5th 1975, an Army DHC-6 transport plane was downed near the Monteros mountains, shot down by Marxist Guerrillas.<ref>''Fue derribado un helicóptero como mínimo —hay gente que dice que nuestros compañeros abatieron dos helicópteros y un avión— y se produjeron alrededor de 60 muertos y numerosos heridos en el enemigo ...'' A Vencer o Morir: PRT-ERP Documentos, Volumen 2, Daniel De Santis, p. 496, Eudeba, 2000</ref><ref>Allí hubo gran acción en combates como el de Acheral, Pueblo Viejo y Famailla donde se volaron mas de 3400 horas. Como consecuencia de los mismos, se produjo el derribo de un Twin Otter, un Piper L-21B y dos Bell UH-1H." Tecnología Militar, Tomo 24, p. 26, Grupo Editorial Mönch. 2002</ref>All thirteen on board were killed.  
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On January 5, 1975, an Army DHC-6 transport plane was downed near the Monteros mountains, shot down by Marxist Guerrillas.<ref>''Fue derribado un helicóptero como mínimo —hay gente que dice que nuestros compañeros abatieron dos helicópteros y un avión— y se produjeron alrededor de 60 muertos y numerosos heridos en el enemigo ...'' A Vencer o Morir: PRT-ERP Documentos, Volumen 2, Daniel De Santis, p. 496, Eudeba, 2000</ref><ref>Allí hubo gran acción en combates como el de Acheral, Pueblo Viejo y Famailla donde se volaron mas de 3400 horas. Como consecuencia de los mismos, se produjo el derribo de un Twin Otter, un Piper L-21B y dos Bell UH-1H." Tecnología Militar, Tomo 24, p. 26, Grupo Editorial Mönch. 2002</ref> All thirteen on board were killed.  
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On 14th February 1975, Senior Lieutenant Héctor Cáceres from the Army Commando Company supporting the 5th Mountain Infantry Brigade, is killed in an ERP ambush near Pueblo Viejo River. Another Army Commando, Lieutenant Rodolfo Ritcher is badly wounded and left wheelchair bound for life. Two Army helicopter gunships attempt to cut off the guerrilla escape route but are repelled by shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles.<ref>[https://www.contextotucuman.com/nota/125341/capitan-hector-caceres-por-proteger-a-un-companero-murio-a-mano-de-los-criminales-idealistas-del-erp.html Capitán Héctor Cáceres: por proteger a un compañero murió a mano de los criminales “idealistas” del ERP]</ref>
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On 14 February 1975, Senior Lieutenant Héctor Cáceres from the Army Commando Company supporting the 5th Mountain Infantry Brigade, is killed in an ERP ambush near Pueblo Viejo River. Another Army Commando, Lieutenant Rodolfo Ritcher is badly wounded and left wheelchair bound for life. Two Army helicopter gunships attempt to cut off the guerrilla escape route but are repelled by shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles.<ref>[https://www.contextotucuman.com/nota/125341/capitan-hector-caceres-por-proteger-a-un-companero-murio-a-mano-de-los-criminales-idealistas-del-erp.html Capitán Héctor Cáceres: por proteger a un compañero murió a mano de los criminales “idealistas” del ERP]</ref>
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The Argentinian Army 5th Brigade (consisting of the 19th, 20th and 29th Mountain Infantry Regiments and commanded by Brigadier-General Acdel Vilas) received the order to move to Famailla in the foothills of the Monteros mountains on February 8th 1975. While fighting the guerrillas in the jungle, Vilas concentrated on uprooting the ERP civilian support network in the towns, using terror tactics later adopted nationwide, as well as a hearts and mind campaign. The Argentinian security forces used techniques no different from their US and French counterparts in Vietnam and Algeria.
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The Argentinian Army 5th Brigade (consisting of the 19th, 20th and 29th Mountain Infantry Regiments and commanded by Brigadier-General Acdel Vilas) received the order to move to Famailla in the foothills of the Monteros mountains on February 8, 1975. While fighting the guerrillas in the jungle, Vilas concentrated on uprooting the ERP civilian support network in the towns, using terror tactics later adopted nationwide, as well as a hearts and mind campaign. The Argentinian security forces used techniques no different from their US and French counterparts in Vietnam and Algeria.
    
In February 1976, in the Battle of El Cadillal, soldiers of the 14th Airborne Infantry Regiment  engage the 65-strong Montonero Army Mountain Force sent to Tucumán Province as reinforcements, Corporal Héctor Roberto Lazarte and Private Pedro Burguener from the Paratroop Regiment are killed in the fierce action. Nevertheless, the paratroopers kill several Montoneros guerrillas in the army ambush, including Juan Carlos Alsogaray, commander of the mountain company and son of the former Commander in Chief of the Argentinian Army, Lieutenant-General Julio Alzogaray.  
 
In February 1976, in the Battle of El Cadillal, soldiers of the 14th Airborne Infantry Regiment  engage the 65-strong Montonero Army Mountain Force sent to Tucumán Province as reinforcements, Corporal Héctor Roberto Lazarte and Private Pedro Burguener from the Paratroop Regiment are killed in the fierce action. Nevertheless, the paratroopers kill several Montoneros guerrillas in the army ambush, including Juan Carlos Alsogaray, commander of the mountain company and son of the former Commander in Chief of the Argentinian Army, Lieutenant-General Julio Alzogaray.  
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On September 28th 1977 counterinsurgency operations in Tucumán province finally came to an end, with the Argentinian military and police reporting 100 killed and 500 wounded in defeating the guerrillas.
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On September 28, 1977 counterinsurgency operations in Tucumán province finally came to an end, with the Argentinian military and police reporting 100 killed and 500 wounded in defeating the guerrillas.
    
==Urban guerilla warfare==
 
==Urban guerilla warfare==
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The Montonero insurgent leadership made a conscious decision to “militarize” the struggle and attack directly the Argentinian police and military forces in the main cities. The political objectives that originally motivated the envisioned proportionate action were sacrificed in favour of military escalation. The groups that were supposedly to bring national and social liberation to the country developed into mirror images of the Argentinian armed forces with their own military banners and uniforms, and legitimizing political-psychological efforts were considered unproductive niceties.
 
The Montonero insurgent leadership made a conscious decision to “militarize” the struggle and attack directly the Argentinian police and military forces in the main cities. The political objectives that originally motivated the envisioned proportionate action were sacrificed in favour of military escalation. The groups that were supposedly to bring national and social liberation to the country developed into mirror images of the Argentinian armed forces with their own military banners and uniforms, and legitimizing political-psychological efforts were considered unproductive niceties.
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The urban guerrillas operating in Buenos Aires made major headlines on April 5th 1969 when armed members of the Armed Forces of Liberation (''Fuerzas Argentinas de Liberación'' or FAL) attacked the Campo de Mayo Army Barracks and seized 100 automatic rifles from the Elite 1st 'Patricios' Regiment.<ref>[http://jorgenegre.com.ar/web/index.php/2016/01/30/fal-copamiento-regimiento-patricios/FAL: copamiento Regimiento Patricios]</ref>
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The urban guerrillas operating in Buenos Aires made major headlines on April 5, 1969 when armed members of the Armed Forces of Liberation (''Fuerzas Argentinas de Liberación'' or FAL) attacked the Campo de Mayo Army Barracks and seized 100 automatic rifles from the Elite 1st 'Patricios' Regiment.<ref>[http://jorgenegre.com.ar/web/index.php/2016/01/30/fal-copamiento-regimiento-patricios/FAL: copamiento Regimiento Patricios]</ref>
 
    
 
    
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The leftist militants bombed and destroyed numerous buildings in the 1970s in its campaign against the civilian and military authorities; these belonged chiefly to police and military hierarchies. But a number of civilian and non-governmental buildings were targeted as well, such as the Sheraton Hotel in downtown Buenos Aires, which was bombed in 1972 (killing a Canadian woman, Lois Crozier and injuring her husband Gerry Crozier)<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=Z94QAAAAIBAJ&sjid=yosDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7258,1915009&dq=&hl=en Peronists blamed in Hotel bombing]</ref>and the bombing of a crowded theatre in downtown Buenos Aires in 1975<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=wuQeAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0EYEAAAAIBAJ&pg=2828,4751834&dq=&hl=en Isabel Peron cleared of charge]</ref>. In November 1971, in solidarity with striking workers, Montoneros guerrillas seized an Italian car plant in Caseros and set alight and destroyed with gasoline several Fiat 38 vehicles.<ref>The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics, Gabriela Nouzeilles, Graciela Montaldo, p. 382, Duke University Press, 2002 </ref>. In 1971, the leftist guerrillas killed 57 policemen, and in 1972, despite a heightened alert, the ''guerrilleros'' managed to kill another 38 policemen.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 53, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref>  
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The leftist militants bombed and destroyed numerous buildings in the 1970s in its campaign against the civilian and military authorities; these belonged chiefly to police and military hierarchies. But a number of civilian and non-governmental buildings were targeted as well, such as the Sheraton Hotel in downtown Buenos Aires, which was bombed in 1972 (killing a Canadian woman, Lois Crozier and injuring her husband Gerry Crozier)<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=Z94QAAAAIBAJ&sjid=yosDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7258,1915009&dq=&hl=en Peronists blamed in Hotel bombing]</ref> and the bombing of a crowded theatre in downtown Buenos Aires in 1975.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=wuQeAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0EYEAAAAIBAJ&pg=2828,4751834&dq=&hl=en Isabel Peron cleared of charge]</ref> In November 1971, in solidarity with striking workers, Montoneros guerrillas seized an Italian car plant in Caseros and set alight and destroyed with gasoline several Fiat 38 vehicles.<ref>The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics, Gabriela Nouzeilles, Graciela Montaldo, p. 382, Duke University Press, 2002</ref> In 1971, the leftist guerrillas killed 57 policemen, and in 1972, despite a heightened alert, the ''guerrilleros'' managed to kill another 38 policemen.<ref>Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Paul H. Lewis, p. 53, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002</ref>  
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On February 4th 1972, police corporal Conrado Likay Faldi was shot dead in the Bernal suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>[https://adtomator.com/2014/07/07/los-terroristas-desaparecidos-no-merecen-ser-simbolo-patrio-por-nicolas-marquez/ Los terroristas “desaparecidos” no merecen ser símbolo patrio – Por Nicolás Márquez]</ref>On February 14th 1972, FAL guerrillas supporting urban operations in the Barrio Norte suburb of Buenos Aires, delivered a bomb concealed in a flower bouquet to the house of the ex-Justice Minister Jaime Perriaux, killing three policemen (Roque Russo, Rómulo Salvatierra and Néstor Godoy) and mortally wounding another (Oscar Raúl Pereda) of an anti-explosives unit, and wounding eleven others, including neighbors.<ref>Alétheia, Zacharkow de Marquart, Emilce E., Martinez & Maria Angelica, p. 79, Editorial Dunken, 2014</ref>In July 1972 a bomb planted by Montoneros activists in Plaza de San Isidro in Buenos Aires, wounded three policemen and blinded a fireman (Carlos Adrián Ayala) who died of his injuries in hospital.<ref>In Memoriam, Volume 2, p. 398, El Círculo, 1998</ref>On December 28th 1972, Marine Private Julio César Provenzano, operating on behalf of the ERP guerrillas, is killed while plating a bomb in the men's room of the Argentinian Navy Headquarters.12 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1976
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On February 4, 1972, police corporal Conrado Likay Faldi was shot dead in the Bernal suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>[https://adtomator.com/2014/07/07/los-terroristas-desaparecidos-no-merecen-ser-simbolo-patrio-por-nicolas-marquez/ Los terroristas “desaparecidos” no merecen ser símbolo patrio – Por Nicolás Márquez]</ref> On February 14, 1972, FAL guerrillas supporting urban operations in the Barrio Norte suburb of Buenos Aires, delivered a bomb concealed in a flower bouquet to the house of the ex-Justice Minister Jaime Perriaux, killing three policemen (Roque Russo, Rómulo Salvatierra and Néstor Godoy) and mortally wounding another (Oscar Raúl Pereda) of an anti-explosives unit, and wounding eleven others, including neighbors.<ref>Alétheia, Zacharkow de Marquart, Emilce E., Martinez & Maria Angelica, p. 79, Editorial Dunken, 2014</ref> In July 1972 a bomb planted by Montoneros activists in Plaza de San Isidro in Buenos Aires, wounded three policemen and blinded a fireman (Carlos Adrián Ayala) who died of his injuries in hospital.<ref>In Memoriam, Volume 2, p. 398, El Círculo, 1998</ref> On December 28, 1972, Marine Private Julio César Provenzano, operating on behalf of the ERP guerrillas, is killed while plating a bomb in the men's room of the Argentinian Navy Headquarters.12 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1976
 
UNA "TRAVESURA" DE LOS
 
UNA "TRAVESURA" DE LOS
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JÓVENES IDEALISTASzhttps://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1454&dat=19730331&id=MGo0AAAAIBAJ&sjid=8QkEAAAAIBAJ&pg=4256,7005410 Argentine Navy headquarters hit]</ref>
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JÓVENES IDEALISTAS [https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1454&dat=19730331&id=MGo0AAAAIBAJ&sjid=8QkEAAAAIBAJ&pg=4256,7005410 Argentine Navy headquarters hit]</ref>
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On February 1st 1973, First Lieutenant José Maria Naccarato was killed while driving in the city of Resistencia in Chaco Province when a bomb planted in his car detonated.<ref>[http://www.elojodigital.com/contenido/8379-denuncia-por-privacion-ilegitima-de-la-libertad-contra-miembros-de-la-administracion- Denuncia por privación ilegítima de la libertad contra miembros de la Administración Kirchner, acusados de haber pertenecido al grupo terrorista Montoneros]</ref>On March 6th 1973, urban guerrillas shot dead three policemen (1st Corporal Máximo Maydana and Corporals José Sergio Contreras and Luis María Benítez) at a dance hall in the José C. Paz suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>[http://www.mendozatransparente.com.ar/decada-del-70/el631973fueronasesinadoslospoliciasjosesergiocontrerasmaximomaidanayluismariabenitezdejandountotalde16huerfanos El 6/3/1973 fueron asesinados los policías José Sergio Contreras, Máximo Maidana y Luis María Benítez, dejando un total de 16 huérfanos]</ref>Between September 16th and 17th 1974, about 100 Montoneros bombs exploded throughout Argentina against ceremonies commemorating the military revolt which ended Juan Perón's first term as president and foreign companies.
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On February 1, 1973, First Lieutenant José Maria Naccarato was killed while driving in the city of Resistencia in Chaco Province when a bomb planted in his car detonated.<ref>[http://www.elojodigital.com/contenido/8379-denuncia-por-privacion-ilegitima-de-la-libertad-contra-miembros-de-la-administracion- Denuncia por privación ilegítima de la libertad contra miembros de la Administración Kirchner, acusados de haber pertenecido al grupo terrorista Montoneros]</ref> On March 6, 1973, urban guerrillas shot dead three policemen (1st Corporal Máximo Maydana and Corporals José Sergio Contreras and Luis María Benítez) at a dance hall in the José C. Paz suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>[http://www.mendozatransparente.com.ar/decada-del-70/el631973fueronasesinadoslospoliciasjosesergiocontrerasmaximomaidanayluismariabenitezdejandountotalde16huerfanos El 6/3/1973 fueron asesinados los policías José Sergio Contreras, Máximo Maidana y Luis María Benítez, dejando un total de 16 huérfanos]</ref> Between September 16 and 17 1974, about 100 Montoneros bombs exploded throughout Argentina against ceremonies commemorating the military revolt which ended Juan Perón's first term as president and foreign companies.
    
During the month of August 1975, the Argentinian city of Córdoba witnessed a number of armed actions on the part of the local left-wing guerrillas and militants that resulted in the death of at least five policemen (Sergeant Juan Carlos Román, Corporal Rosario del Carmen Moyano and Agents Luis Rodolfo López, Jorge Natividad Luna and Juan Antonio Diaz) and parachute units from the Elite 4th Airborne Infantry Brigade earmarked for deployment in Tucumán Province, were obliged to be called in to stand guard at strategic points around the city for the remainder of the year, after the bombing of the local police headquarters and the police radio communications centre.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=vdJGAAAAIBAJ&sjid=6XsMAAAAIBAJ&pg=3887,3282259&dq= 5 Policemen Dead In Argentina Violence]</ref>
 
During the month of August 1975, the Argentinian city of Córdoba witnessed a number of armed actions on the part of the local left-wing guerrillas and militants that resulted in the death of at least five policemen (Sergeant Juan Carlos Román, Corporal Rosario del Carmen Moyano and Agents Luis Rodolfo López, Jorge Natividad Luna and Juan Antonio Diaz) and parachute units from the Elite 4th Airborne Infantry Brigade earmarked for deployment in Tucumán Province, were obliged to be called in to stand guard at strategic points around the city for the remainder of the year, after the bombing of the local police headquarters and the police radio communications centre.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=vdJGAAAAIBAJ&sjid=6XsMAAAAIBAJ&pg=3887,3282259&dq= 5 Policemen Dead In Argentina Violence]</ref>
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Targets in the bombings included three Ford showrooms; Peugeot and IKA-Renault showrooms; Goodyear and Firestone tire distributors, Riker and Eli pharmaceutical laboratories, Union carbide Battery Company, Bank of Boston and Chase Manhattan Bank branches, Xerox Corporation; and Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola bottling companies. In all, 83 members of the armed forces and policemen were killed in left-wing terror attacks between 1973 and 1974.<ref>State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights, Thomas C. Wright, pg 102, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007</ref>
 
Targets in the bombings included three Ford showrooms; Peugeot and IKA-Renault showrooms; Goodyear and Firestone tire distributors, Riker and Eli pharmaceutical laboratories, Union carbide Battery Company, Bank of Boston and Chase Manhattan Bank branches, Xerox Corporation; and Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola bottling companies. In all, 83 members of the armed forces and policemen were killed in left-wing terror attacks between 1973 and 1974.<ref>State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights, Thomas C. Wright, pg 102, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007</ref>
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On November 13th 1975, three policemen and a leftist were reported killed in shoot-outs in the La Plata suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>Latin America, 1975, Hal Kosut, Chris Hunt, Grace M. Ferrara, p. 41, Facts on File, 1976</ref>On November 16th, about 40 Montoneros guerrillas stormed the police station at Arana, 30 miles south of Buenos Aires. Five policemen and one army captain were wounded in this gun- battle.
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On November 13, 1975, three policemen and a leftist were reported killed in shoot-outs in the La Plata suburb of Buenos Aires.<ref>Latin America, 1975, Hal Kosut, Chris Hunt, Grace M. Ferrara, p. 41, Facts on File, 1976</ref> On November 16, about 40 Montoneros guerrillas stormed the police station at Arana, 30 miles south of Buenos Aires. Five policemen and one army captain were wounded in this gun- battle.
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On December 15th a large Montoneros bomb planted in the Ministry of Defence building in downtown Buenos Aires kills 14 senior officers attending a counterinsurgency meeting.<ref>The Disappeared: Voices From A Secret War, John Simpson, Jana Bennett, p. 95, Robson Books, 1985</ref>
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On December 15 a large Montoneros bomb planted in the Ministry of Defence building in downtown Buenos Aires kills 14 senior officers attending a counterinsurgency meeting.<ref>The Disappeared: Voices From A Secret War, John Simpson, Jana Bennett, p. 95, Robson Books, 1985</ref>
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In December 1975 most 5th Army Brigade units were committed to the border areas of Tucumán with over 5,000 troops deployed in the province. There was however, nothing to prevent infiltrating through this outer ring and the ERP guerrillas were still strong inside Buenos Aires. Mario Santucho's Christmas offensive opened on December 23rd 1975. The operation was dramatic in its impact, with ERP units, supported by local Montoneros guerrillas, mounting a large scale assault against the army's Domingo Viejobueno supply base in the industrial suburb of Monte Chingolo, south of Buenos Aires. The attackers were defeated and driven off with 53 ERP guerrillas and 9 supporting Montoneros militants from the local suburbs killed.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20100513021433/http://www.vocesderesistencia.com.ar/monte-chingolo  Monte Chingolo]</ref>
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In December 1975 most 5th Army Brigade units were committed to the border areas of Tucumán with over 5,000 troops deployed in the province. There was however, nothing to prevent infiltrating through this outer ring and the ERP guerrillas were still strong inside Buenos Aires. Mario Santucho's Christmas offensive opened on December 23, 1975. The operation was dramatic in its impact, with ERP units, supported by local Montoneros guerrillas, mounting a large scale assault against the army's Domingo Viejobueno supply base in the industrial suburb of Monte Chingolo, south of Buenos Aires. The attackers were defeated and driven off with 53 ERP guerrillas and 9 supporting Montoneros militants from the local suburbs killed.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20100513021433/http://www.vocesderesistencia.com.ar/monte-chingolo  Monte Chingolo]</ref>
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Seven army troops and three policemen were reported killed. In this particular battle the ERP and supporting Montoneros militants had about 1,000 leftist militants deployed against 1,000 government forces.<ref>Review of the River Plate: A weekly journal dealing with commercial financial and economic affairs, 30 December 1975, p. 1021</ref>This large-scale operation was made possible not only by the planning of the guerrillas involved, but also by their civilian supporters who provided them safe houses, supplies and getaway vehicles.  
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Seven army troops and three policemen were reported killed. In this particular battle the ERP and supporting Montoneros militants had about 1,000 leftist militants deployed against 1,000 government forces.<ref>Review of the River Plate: A weekly journal dealing with commercial financial and economic affairs, 30 December 1975, p. 1021</ref> This large-scale operation was made possible not only by the planning of the guerrillas involved, but also by their civilian supporters who provided them safe houses, supplies and getaway vehicles.  
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On January 13th 1976, leftists set fire to a Buenos Aires commuter train after forcing passengers to descend at gunpoint.<ref>Peronist Guerrillas Burn Train Near Buenos Aires, ''The New York Times'', 14 January 1976</ref>On January 26th, ERP guerrillas supporting Montoneros operations in the suburb of Barracas in Buenos Aires, shoot and kill a female police traffic officer (21-year-old Silvia Ester Rosboch de Campana).<ref>[https://www.facebook.com/celtyv/posts/10155440262373583/ CELTYV - Por las Víctimas del Terrorismo de Argentina]</ref>On January 29th, during a raid on the Bendix factory in the suburb of Munro in Buenos Aires, Montoneros shoot and kill Alberto Olabarrieta and Jorge Sarlenga of the factory's management, and an off-duty policeman, Juan Carlos Garavaglio, who had tried to intervene. On February 2nd 1976 about fifty Montoneros attacked the Juan Vucetich Police Academy in Buenos Aires in an attempt to capture the helicopter-gunships stationed there,<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=qLsSAAAAIBAJ&sjid=3vgDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6809,70028&dq= "Guerrilla Raid Foiled"]. page 8, ''Spokane Daily Chronicle'' (2 February 1976).</ref>but were repelled in heavy fighting involving police reinforcements. In the week preceding the military coup, the Montoneros killed 13 policemen as part of its renewed offensive aptly named ''Third National Military Campaign''.<ref>Lewis, Paul. (2002). [https://books.google.com/books?id=NtZ3EvNYxjYC&pg=PA125&lpg=PA125 Guerrillas and Generals: the Dirty War in Argentina], p. 125, Greenwood Publishing Group.</ref>On March 15th, a powerful guerrilla bomb exploded next to the Argentine Army Headquarters, smashing windows in the nearby Casa Rosada and wounding 15 military personnel and 6 civilians as well as killing a civilian passerby.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=e_tQAAAAIBAJ&sjid=Jr8MAAAAIBAJ&pg=1543,2038489&dq= Argentine army quarters blasted, The Telegraph Herald, 6 March 1976]</ref>On July 2nd 1976, the Montoneros detonated a powerful bomb in the Argentinian Federal Police Headquarters in Buenos Aires, killing 24 and wounding 66 policemen and employees. During 1976, Videla himself narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in which a time bomb planted in the reviewing stand at the vast Campo de Mayo barracks blew out a meter-wide hole at the exact spot where he had been standing.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946715,00.html "A Monopoly of Force"]. ''Time''. (18 October 1976).</ref>
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On January 13, 1976, leftists set fire to a Buenos Aires commuter train after forcing passengers to descend at gunpoint.<ref>Peronist Guerrillas Burn Train Near Buenos Aires, ''The New York Times'', 14 January 1976</ref> On January 26, ERP guerrillas supporting Montoneros operations in the suburb of Barracas in Buenos Aires, shoot and kill a female police traffic officer (21-year-old Silvia Ester Rosboch de Campana).<ref>[https://www.facebook.com/celtyv/posts/10155440262373583/ CELTYV - Por las Víctimas del Terrorismo de Argentina]</ref> On January 29, during a raid on the Bendix factory in the suburb of Munro in Buenos Aires, Montoneros shoot and kill Alberto Olabarrieta and Jorge Sarlenga of the factory's management, and an off-duty policeman, Juan Carlos Garavaglio, who had tried to intervene. On February 2, 1976 about fifty Montoneros attacked the Juan Vucetich Police Academy in Buenos Aires in an attempt to capture the helicopter-gunships stationed there,<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=qLsSAAAAIBAJ&sjid=3vgDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6809,70028&dq= "Guerrilla Raid Foiled"]. page 8, ''Spokane Daily Chronicle'' (2 February 1976).</ref> but were repelled in heavy fighting involving police reinforcements. In the week preceding the military coup, the Montoneros killed 13 policemen as part of its renewed offensive aptly named ''Third National Military Campaign''.<ref>Lewis, Paul. (2002). [https://books.google.com/books?id=NtZ3EvNYxjYC&pg=PA125&lpg=PA125 Guerrillas and Generals: the Dirty War in Argentina], p. 125, Greenwood Publishing Group.</ref> On March 15, a powerful guerrilla bomb exploded next to the Argentine Army Headquarters, smashing windows in the nearby Casa Rosada and wounding 15 military personnel and 6 civilians as well as killing a civilian passerby.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=e_tQAAAAIBAJ&sjid=Jr8MAAAAIBAJ&pg=1543,2038489&dq= Argentine army quarters blasted, The Telegraph Herald, 6 March 1976]</ref> On July 2, 1976, the Montoneros detonated a powerful bomb in the Argentinian Federal Police Headquarters in Buenos Aires, killing 24 and wounding 66 policemen and employees. During 1976, Videla himself narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in which a time bomb planted in the reviewing stand at the vast Campo de Mayo barracks blew out a meter-wide hole at the exact spot where he had been standing.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,946715,00.html "A Monopoly of Force"]. ''Time''. (18 October 1976).</ref>
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On September 12th 1976, a Montoneros car bomb destroyed a bus carrying police officers in the City of Rosario, killing nine policemen and a married couple: 56-year-old Oscar Walter Ledesma and 42-year-old Irene Ángela Dib. There were at least 50 wounded in the bomb blast.<ref>[http://ar.geocities.com/ciudadanosalerta/terrorismo/12-09-1976.html 12 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1976 UNA "TRAVESURA" DE LOS JÓVENES IDEALISTAS]</ref>On September 29th 1976 fierce fighting took place in the Floresta suburb of Buenos Aires, where one-hundred soldiers and policemen were forced to use bazookas and armored cars against heavily armed guerrillas.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=7k40AAAAIBAJ&sjid=OWcEAAAAIBAJ&pg=1952,5810098&dq= "Troops Clash With Guerrillas"]. ''Sarasota Herald-Tribune'' (29 September 1976).</ref>On October 2nd, Lieutenant-General Jorge Videla narrowly escaped death when a bomb packed in metal tubing supporting a reviewing stand at the Campo de Mayo army barracks exploded only moments after he left.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=KeVVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=4OADAAAAIBAJ&pg=6997,382239&dq= Argentina's chief escapes blasts, Eugene Resister-Guard, 3 October 1976]. Google News.</ref>On October 4th 1976, Buenos Aires police foiled a leftist terror attack against American actress Rita Hayworth and members of the local press, during her widely publicized stay in the Sheraton Hotel.<ref>[https://www.infobae.com/historia-argentina/2019/06/11/documentos-desclasificados-los-frustrados-atentados-guerrilleros-contra-videla-y-rita-hayworth-durante-la-dictadura/ Documentos desclasificados: los frustrados atentados guerrilleros contra Videla y Rita Hayworth durante la dictadura]</ref>On October 17th a bomb blast in an Army Club Cinema in downtown Buenos Aires killed 11 and wounded about 50 officers and attending family members.<ref>The Disappeared: Voices From A Secret War, John Simpson, Jana Bennett, p. 95, Robson Books, 1985</ref>On December 15th, another bomb planted in a Defense Ministry movie hall killed 14 senior officers and injured another 30 military men and accompanying family members.<ref>"Montoneros explode fragmentation bomb in Defense Ministry killing fourteen senior officers and injuring thirty." Argentina, 1943-1987: The National Revolution and Resistance, Donald Clark Hodges, p. 310, University of New Mexico Press, 1988</ref>By the first anniversary of the coup that ousted President [[Isabel Martínez de Perón|Isabel Perón]], 124 soldiers and police had been killed combating left-wing guerrillas and militants<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918823,00.html?iid=chix-sphere|title=Hope from a Clockwork Coup|work=Time|date=11 April 1977}}</ref> in what the military referred to as, "the Dirty War".
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On September 12, 1976, a Montoneros car bomb destroyed a bus carrying police officers in the City of Rosario, killing nine policemen and a married couple: 56-year-old Oscar Walter Ledesma and 42-year-old Irene Ángela Dib. There were at least 50 wounded in the bomb blast.<ref>[http://ar.geocities.com/ciudadanosalerta/terrorismo/12-09-1976.html 12 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1976 UNA "TRAVESURA" DE LOS JÓVENES IDEALISTAS]</ref> On September 29, 1976 fierce fighting took place in the Floresta suburb of Buenos Aires, where one-hundred soldiers and policemen were forced to use bazookas and armored cars against heavily armed guerrillas.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=7k40AAAAIBAJ&sjid=OWcEAAAAIBAJ&pg=1952,5810098&dq= "Troops Clash With Guerrillas"]. ''Sarasota Herald-Tribune'' (29 September 1976).</ref> On October 2, Lieutenant-General Jorge Videla narrowly escaped death when a bomb packed in metal tubing supporting a reviewing stand at the Campo de Mayo army barracks exploded only moments after he left.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=KeVVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=4OADAAAAIBAJ&pg=6997,382239&dq= Argentina's chief escapes blasts, Eugene Resister-Guard, 3 October 1976]. Google News.</ref> On October 4, 1976, Buenos Aires police foiled a leftist terror attack against American actress Rita Hayworth and members of the local press, during her widely publicized stay in the Sheraton Hotel.<ref>[https://www.infobae.com/historia-argentina/2019/06/11/documentos-desclasificados-los-frustrados-atentados-guerrilleros-contra-videla-y-rita-hayworth-durante-la-dictadura/ Documentos desclasificados: los frustrados atentados guerrilleros contra Videla y Rita Hayworth durante la dictadura]</ref> On October 17 a bomb blast in an Army Club Cinema in downtown Buenos Aires killed 11 and wounded about 50 officers and attending family members.<ref>The Disappeared: Voices From A Secret War, John Simpson, Jana Bennett, p. 95, Robson Books, 1985</ref> On December 15, another bomb planted in a Defense Ministry movie hall killed 14 senior officers and injured another 30 military men and accompanying family members.<ref>"Montoneros explode fragmentation bomb in Defense Ministry killing fourteen senior officers and injuring thirty." Argentina, 1943-1987: The National Revolution and Resistance, Donald Clark Hodges, p. 310, University of New Mexico Press, 1988</ref> By the first anniversary of the coup that ousted President [[Isabel Martínez de Perón|Isabel Perón]], 124 soldiers and police had been killed combating left-wing guerrillas and militants<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918823,00.html?iid=chix-sphere|title=Hope from a Clockwork Coup|work=Time|date=11 April 1977}}</ref> in what the military referred to as, "the Dirty War".
    
During 1977, in just Buenos Aires alone, 36 police were reported killed combating left-wing guerrillas and militants.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=3V8zAAAAIBAJ&sjid=SSMIAAAAIBAJ&pg=2624,506767&dq= Buenos Aires police at war with leftists]</ref>
 
During 1977, in just Buenos Aires alone, 36 police were reported killed combating left-wing guerrillas and militants.<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=3V8zAAAAIBAJ&sjid=SSMIAAAAIBAJ&pg=2624,506767&dq= Buenos Aires police at war with leftists]</ref>
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==Victims==
 
==Victims==
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Leftists were viewed with suspicion and tens of thousands were detained at one point: union leaders who agitated for wage increases and militancy in the US and European-owned car plants in Argentina, students who were members of the ''Unión de Estudiantes Secundarios'' (Union of High School Students or UES) that supplied the People's Revolutionary Army with fighters in Tucumán province<ref>[http://www.offnews.info/verArticulo.php?contenidoID=51345 La Mentira Oficial sobre la Noche de los Lápices]</ref>, left-wing journalists like [[Rodolfo Jorge Walsh]] that were not fearful of the dictatorship, human-rights lawyers who defended left-wing guerrillas and militants, young communists, socialists, nuns and priests that had ties with the [[Third World Priest Movement]]. And family members or friends of any of them; people that provided the left-wing guerrillas and militants with safe houses and financial support.
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Leftists were viewed with suspicion and tens of thousands were detained at one point: union leaders who agitated for wage increases and militancy in the US and European-owned car plants in Argentina, students who were members of the ''Unión de Estudiantes Secundarios'' (Union of High School Students or UES) that supplied the People's Revolutionary Army with fighters in Tucumán province,<ref>[http://www.offnews.info/verArticulo.php?contenidoID=51345 La Mentira Oficial sobre la Noche de los Lápices]</ref> left-wing journalists like [[Rodolfo Jorge Walsh]] that were not fearful of the dictatorship, human-rights lawyers who defended left-wing guerrillas and militants, young communists, socialists, nuns and priests that had ties with the [[Third World Priest Movement]]. And family members or friends of any of them; people that provided the left-wing guerrillas and militants with safe houses and financial support.
    
===Children of the Disappeared===
 
===Children of the Disappeared===
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With the return of democracy, human rights groups in Argentina started searching for the grandchildren stolen from detained female guerrillas and civilian supporters and adopted in the military community. At the time, the ''Asociación Abuelas de Plaza de Plaza de Mayo'' claimed that 172 children disappeared together with their parents or were born at the numerous detention camps and had not been returned to their families.<ref>''La Asociación de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, organización creada por las abuelas de los niños desaparecidos, había registrado 172 niños detenidos junto con sus padres o nacidos durante el cautiverio de sus madres, que no habían sido devueltos a sus familias legítimas.'' Restitución de Niños, Asociación de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, p. 60, Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires SEM, 1997</ref>
 
With the return of democracy, human rights groups in Argentina started searching for the grandchildren stolen from detained female guerrillas and civilian supporters and adopted in the military community. At the time, the ''Asociación Abuelas de Plaza de Plaza de Mayo'' claimed that 172 children disappeared together with their parents or were born at the numerous detention camps and had not been returned to their families.<ref>''La Asociación de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, organización creada por las abuelas de los niños desaparecidos, había registrado 172 niños detenidos junto con sus padres o nacidos durante el cautiverio de sus madres, que no habían sido devueltos a sus familias legítimas.'' Restitución de Niños, Asociación de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, p. 60, Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires SEM, 1997</ref>
   −
The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo now claim that 500 grandchildren were adopted by military families. 121 were admittedly located and reunited with their biological families by late 2016 with the announcement that Gustavo Menna, son of Domingo ''Mingo'' Menna, and Ana María ''La Aní'' Lanzillotto (both ERP militants) had been discovered.<ref>[http://www.buenosairesherald.com/article/222555/the-story-behind-the-121st-grandchild%E2%80%99s-kidnapping  The story behind the 121st grandchild’s kidnapping]</ref> On April 13th 2000, the grandmothers received a tip off that the birth certificate of Rosa Roisinblit's infant grandson, born in detention, had been falsified and the child given to an Air Force civil employee and his wife. Following the anonymous phone call, he was located and agreed to a DNA blood test, confirming his true identity. Rodolfo Fernando, grandson of Roisinblit, is the first known newborn of missing children returned to his family through the work of the grandmothers. Roisinblit's daughter, 25-year-old Patricia Julia Roisinblit de Perez, who was a  Montoneros member, was kidnapped along with her husband, 24-year-old José Martínas Pérez Rojo, on October 6th 1978.
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The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo now claim that 500 grandchildren were adopted by military families. 121 were admittedly located and reunited with their biological families by late 2016 with the announcement that Gustavo Menna, son of Domingo ''Mingo'' Menna, and Ana María ''La Aní'' Lanzillotto (both ERP militants) had been discovered.<ref>[http://www.buenosairesherald.com/article/222555/the-story-behind-the-121st-grandchild%E2%80%99s-kidnapping  The story behind the 121st grandchild’s kidnapping]</ref> On April 13, 2000, the grandmothers received a tip off that the birth certificate of Rosa Roisinblit's infant grandson, born in detention, had been falsified and the child given to an Air Force civil employee and his wife. Following the anonymous phone call, he was located and agreed to a DNA blood test, confirming his true identity. Rodolfo Fernando, grandson of Roisinblit, is the first known newborn of missing children returned to his family through the work of the grandmothers. Roisinblit's daughter, 25-year-old Patricia Julia Roisinblit de Perez, who was a  Montoneros member, was kidnapped along with her husband, 24-year-old José Martínas Pérez Rojo, on October 6, 1978.
    
The case of Maria Eugenia Sampallo (born some time in 1978) also received considerable attention. Sampallo sued the couple who adopted her illegally as a baby after her parents disappeared, both admittedly Montoneros. Her grandmother spent 24 years looking for her. The case was filed in 2001, after DNA tests indicated that Osvaldo Rivas and Maria Cristina Gomez were not her biological parents. They, along with Army Captain Enrique Berthier, who furnished the couple with the baby, were sentenced respectively to 8, 7 and 10 years in prison for kidnapping during the Kirchner government.
 
The case of Maria Eugenia Sampallo (born some time in 1978) also received considerable attention. Sampallo sued the couple who adopted her illegally as a baby after her parents disappeared, both admittedly Montoneros. Her grandmother spent 24 years looking for her. The case was filed in 2001, after DNA tests indicated that Osvaldo Rivas and Maria Cristina Gomez were not her biological parents. They, along with Army Captain Enrique Berthier, who furnished the couple with the baby, were sentenced respectively to 8, 7 and 10 years in prison for kidnapping during the Kirchner government.
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===The PEN Disappeared held in detention camps===
 
===The PEN Disappeared held in detention camps===
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By the time of the coup on March 24th 1976, the number of disappeared held under ''Poder Ejecutivo Nacional'' (PEN) stood at least 5,182.  Some 18,000 disappeared in the form of PEN detainees were imprisoned in Argentina by the end of 1977 and it is estimated that some 3,000-4,000 deaths occurred in the Navy Engineering School (ESMA).<ref>''It is estimated that approximately 3,000–4,000 missing persons passed through this camp, of which only a few survived.'' Cultural Heritage , Dallen J. Timothy, Gyan P. Nyaupane, p. 220, Routledge, 2009</ref>These disappeared were held incommunicado and reportedly tortured. Some, like senator Hipolito Solari Yrigoyen and socialist leader professor Alfredo Bravo, were ''detenidos-desaparecidos''. Alicia Partnoy, a poet and member of the Peronist Youth that had links with the ''Montoneros'', also counts as one of the victims who had disappeared but later "reappeared." On November 10th 1977, Colonel Ricardo Flouret and Captain Eduardo Andujar, representing the interior ministry, explained to [[Amnesty International]] that many of the disappeared were in fact guerrillas who had gone underground or fled the country.<ref>Spanish and Latin American Transitions to Democracy, Carlos Horacio Waisman, Raanan Rein, p. 195, Sussex Academic Press, 2005</ref>
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By the time of the coup on March 24, 1976, the number of disappeared held under ''Poder Ejecutivo Nacional'' (PEN) stood at least 5,182.  Some 18,000 disappeared in the form of PEN detainees were imprisoned in Argentina by the end of 1977 and it is estimated that some 3,000-4,000 deaths occurred in the Navy Engineering School (ESMA).<ref>''It is estimated that approximately 3,000–4,000 missing persons passed through this camp, of which only a few survived.'' Cultural Heritage , Dallen J. Timothy, Gyan P. Nyaupane, p. 220, Routledge, 2009</ref> These disappeared were held incommunicado and reportedly tortured. Some, like senator Hipolito Solari Yrigoyen and socialist leader professor Alfredo Bravo, were ''detenidos-desaparecidos''. Alicia Partnoy, a poet and member of the Peronist Youth that had links with the ''Montoneros'', also counts as one of the victims who had disappeared but later "reappeared." On November 10, 1977, Colonel Ricardo Flouret and Captain Eduardo Andujar, representing the interior ministry, explained to [[Amnesty International]] that many of the disappeared were in fact guerrillas who had gone underground or fled the country.<ref>Spanish and Latin American Transitions to Democracy, Carlos Horacio Waisman, Raanan Rein, p. 195, Sussex Academic Press, 2005</ref>
    
By refusing to acknowledge the existence of what was later established to be at least 340 detention camps throughout the country they also denied the existence of their occupants, some 30,000 Argentines are estimated to have passed through the camps. The total number of people who were detained for long periods was 8,625. Among them was future President Carlos Menem, who between 1976 and 1981 had been a political prisoner.
 
By refusing to acknowledge the existence of what was later established to be at least 340 detention camps throughout the country they also denied the existence of their occupants, some 30,000 Argentines are estimated to have passed through the camps. The total number of people who were detained for long periods was 8,625. Among them was future President Carlos Menem, who between 1976 and 1981 had been a political prisoner.
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US President Jimmy Carter offered to accept 3,000 PEN detainees, as long as they had no terrorist background.<ref>Iain Guest, Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights & The United Nations, p. 498, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990</ref>Some 8,600 PEN disappeared were eventually released under international pressure. Of these 4,029 were held in illegal detention centres for less than a year, 2,296 for one to three years, 1,172 for three to five years, 668 for five to seven years, and 431 for seven to nine years.<ref>Sonia Cardenas, Conflict and Compliance: State Responses to International Human Rights Pressure, p. 52,University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007</ref>Of these ''detenidos-desaparecidos'' 157 were killed after being released from detention.
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US President Jimmy Carter offered to accept 3,000 PEN detainees, as long as they had no terrorist background.<ref>Iain Guest, Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights & The United Nations, p. 498, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990</ref> Some 8,600 PEN disappeared were eventually released under international pressure. Of these 4,029 were held in illegal detention centres for less than a year, 2,296 for one to three years, 1,172 for three to five years, 668 for five to seven years, and 431 for seven to nine years.<ref>Sonia Cardenas, Conflict and Compliance: State Responses to International Human Rights Pressure, p. 52,University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007</ref> Of these ''detenidos-desaparecidos'' 157 were killed after being released from detention.
    
===Casualty estimates===
 
===Casualty estimates===
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The New York Times reporter David Vidal wrote on January 5th 1979 that the number of disappeared in Latin America as a whole now numbered 30,000.<ref>"Relatives of Missing Latins Press Drive for Accounting; 30,000 Reported Missing", David Vidal, The New York Times, 5 January 1979</ref>The Christian Science Monitor and The Boston Globe soon followed suit with similar stories, claiming 30,000 people had disappeared under military dictatorships in Latin America and not just Argentina.<ref>Latin America's 'Disappeared' Victims, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 January 1979</ref> <ref>Latin American bishops debating church's role, The Christian Science Monitor, 8 February 1979</ref>The Los Angeles Times repeated the claims of 30,000 Latin Americans and not just Argentinians, disappeared in a new article published in October 1979 and November of that year. <ref>A Voice of 'the Disappeared', Los Angeles Times, 21 October 1979</ref> <ref>Political Prisoners' Plight in Latin America Told, Los Angeles Times, 5 November 1979</ref>The Nunca Más report issued by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP) in 1984, identified 8,961 persons "disappeared" between 1976 and 1983, in a case by case verification, and another list of 1,300 victims seen alive in clandestine detention centres.  
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The New York Times reporter David Vidal wrote on January 5, 1979 that the number of disappeared in Latin America as a whole now numbered 30,000.<ref>"Relatives of Missing Latins Press Drive for Accounting; 30,000 Reported Missing", David Vidal, The New York Times, 5 January 1979</ref> The Christian Science Monitor and The Boston Globe soon followed suit with similar stories, claiming 30,000 people had disappeared under military dictatorships in Latin America and not just Argentina.<ref>Latin America's 'Disappeared' Victims, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 January 1979</ref><ref>Latin American bishops debating church's role, The Christian Science Monitor, 8 February 1979</ref> The Los Angeles Times repeated the claims of 30,000 Latin Americans and not just Argentinians, disappeared in a new article published in October 1979 and November of that year.<ref>A Voice of 'the Disappeared', Los Angeles Times, 21 October 1979</ref><ref>Political Prisoners' Plight in Latin America Told, Los Angeles Times, 5 November 1979</ref> The Nunca Más report issued by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP) in 1984, identified 8,961 persons "disappeared" between 1976 and 1983, in a case by case verification, and another list of 1,300 victims seen alive in clandestine detention centres.  
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In 1977, General Albano Harguindeguy, Interior Minister, admitted that 5,618 people disappeared in the form of PEN detenidos-desaparecidos were being held in detention camps throughout Argentina. According to a secret cable from DINA (Chilean secret police) operating in Buenos Aires, an intercepted report by the Argentine 601st Intelligence Battalion in mid-July 1978, which started counting victims in 1975, estimated that up to 22,000 people were missing in Argentina in 1978 (killed or held in detention camps) – this document was first published by John Dinges in 2004.<ref>[https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB185/index.htm ON 30th ANNIVERSARY OF ARGENTINE COUP NEW DECLASSIFIED DETAILS ON REPRESSION AND
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In 1977, General Albano Harguindeguy, Interior Minister, admitted that 5,618 people disappeared in the form of PEN detenidos-desaparecidos were being held in detention camps throughout Argentina. According to a secret cable from DINA (Chilean secret police) operating in Buenos Aires, an intercepted report by the Argentine 601st Intelligence Battalion in mid-July 1978, which started counting victims in 1975, estimated that up to 22,000 people were missing in Argentina in 1978 (killed or held in detention camps) – this document was first published by John Dinges in 2004.<ref>[https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB185/index.htm ON 30th ANNIVERSARY OF ARGENTINE COUP NEW DECLASSIFIED DETAILS ON REPRESSION AND U.S. SUPPORT FOR MILITARY DICTATORSHIP]</ref>
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U.S. SUPPORT FOR MILITARY DICTATORSHIP]</ref>
     −
The total number of disappeared in the form of PEN prisoners was 8,625 and of these disappeared 157 were killed after being released from detention. Human Rights Groups in Argentina often cite a figure of 30,000 disappeared, Amnesty International estimates 20,000<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1981/07/16/opinion/the-argentine-gulag.html THE ARGENTINE GULAG]</ref>while other observers think 12,000 is a more accurate figure. In 1988, the Asamblea por los Derechos Humanos (APDH or Assembly for Human Rights) published its findings on the disappearances and stated that 12,261 people were killed or disappeared during the Dirty War.<ref>''The Asamblea por los Derechos Humanos (Human Rights Assembly) in Argentina has confirmed the death of 12,261 people during the dictatorship.'' Latin American Dictators of the 20th Century, Javier A. Galván, p. 158, McFarland, 2013</ref>The Montoneros admitted losing 5,000 guerrillas killed, and the ERP admitted 5,000 of their own guerrillas had been killed. By comparison, Argentinian security forces also suffered heavy losses in the form of 523 killed between 1969 and 1975 and another 205 killed between 1976 and 1978. In all, there were 18,331 victims of left-wing terrorism, including 13,000 civilians and close to 5,000 killed, wounded or maimed for life in the military and police forces.<ref>"El 70% de las 18.331 víctimas eran civiles apolíticos, por eso no reclamaron sus derechos al Gobierno. No se conocían, eran sindicalistas, jueces, judíos, católicos, extranjeros... El 30% eran uniformados agredidos en situación de descanso, por lo que son civiles según el derecho internacional." [https://www.abc.es/internacional/abci-victoria-villarruel-entrevista-201112280000_noticia.html «Las víctimas del terror montonero no cuentan en Argentina»]</ref>
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The total number of disappeared in the form of PEN prisoners was 8,625 and of these disappeared 157 were killed after being released from detention. Human Rights Groups in Argentina often cite a figure of 30,000 disappeared, Amnesty International estimates 20,000<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1981/07/16/opinion/the-argentine-gulag.html THE ARGENTINE GULAG]</ref> while other observers think 12,000 is a more accurate figure. In 1988, the Asamblea por los Derechos Humanos (APDH or Assembly for Human Rights) published its findings on the disappearances and stated that 12,261 people were killed or disappeared during the Dirty War.<ref>''The Asamblea por los Derechos Humanos (Human Rights Assembly) in Argentina has confirmed the death of 12,261 people during the dictatorship.'' Latin American Dictators of the 20th Century, Javier A. Galván, p. 158, McFarland, 2013</ref> The Montoneros admitted losing 5,000 guerrillas killed, and the ERP admitted 5,000 of their own guerrillas had been killed. By comparison, Argentinian security forces also suffered heavy losses in the form of 523 killed between 1969 and 1975 and another 205 killed between 1976 and 1978. In all, there were 18,331 victims of left-wing terrorism, including 13,000 civilians and close to 5,000 killed, wounded or maimed for life in the military and police forces.<ref>"El 70% de las 18.331 víctimas eran civiles apolíticos, por eso no reclamaron sus derechos al Gobierno. No se conocían, eran sindicalistas, jueces, judíos, católicos, extranjeros... El 30% eran uniformados agredidos en situación de descanso, por lo que son civiles según el derecho internacional." [https://www.abc.es/internacional/abci-victoria-villarruel-entrevista-201112280000_noticia.html «Las víctimas del terror montonero no cuentan en Argentina»]</ref>
    
There is no agreement on the number of detenidos-desaparecidos. In a 2009 interview with the Buenos Aires daily newspaper Clarín, Graciela Fernández Meijide, who formed part of the 1984 truth commission, claimed that the proven number of Argentinian killed or disappeared was closer to 9,000. Between 1969 and 1979, left-wing guerrillas accounted for 3,249 kidnappings and murders and 5,215 bombings. CONADEP also recorded 458 assassinations (attributed to the Argentinian Anti-Communist Alliance) and about 600 forced disappearances during the period of democratic rule between 1973 and 1976.
 
There is no agreement on the number of detenidos-desaparecidos. In a 2009 interview with the Buenos Aires daily newspaper Clarín, Graciela Fernández Meijide, who formed part of the 1984 truth commission, claimed that the proven number of Argentinian killed or disappeared was closer to 9,000. Between 1969 and 1979, left-wing guerrillas accounted for 3,249 kidnappings and murders and 5,215 bombings. CONADEP also recorded 458 assassinations (attributed to the Argentinian Anti-Communist Alliance) and about 600 forced disappearances during the period of democratic rule between 1973 and 1976.
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In a final report televised on April 28th 1983 as the military prepared their departure, the ruling junta officially declared that the disappeared were all dead but said the military junta had saved the nation by their actions. Human Rights Group, such as the Argentinian League for Human Rights, condemned the junta's final report and claimed at the time, that between 6,000 and 15,000 people had disappeared in Argentina between 1975 and 1979. Some 11,000 Argentinians have applied for and received around US$200,000 each as monetary compensation for the loss of loved ones during the military dictatorship.<ref>''State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights'', Thomas C. Wright, p. 158, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007</ref>In more recent times, journalist Alfonso Daniels put forward the outlandish claim in an article he wrote for the Daily Telegraph that over 30,000 Argentinians disappeared.<ref>[https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/3673470/Argentinas-dirty-war-the-museum-of-horrors.html Argentina's dirty war: the museum of horrors]</ref>
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In a final report televised on April 28, 1983 as the military prepared their departure, the ruling junta officially declared that the disappeared were all dead but said the military junta had saved the nation by their actions. Human Rights Group, such as the Argentinian League for Human Rights, condemned the junta's final report and claimed at the time, that between 6,000 and 15,000 people had disappeared in Argentina between 1975 and 1979. Some 11,000 Argentinians have applied for and received around US$200,000 each as monetary compensation for the loss of loved ones during the military dictatorship.<ref>''State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights'', Thomas C. Wright, p. 158, Rowman & Littlefield, 2007</ref> In more recent times, journalist Alfonso Daniels put forward the outlandish claim in an article he wrote for the Daily Telegraph that over 30,000 Argentinians disappeared.<ref>[https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/3673470/Argentinas-dirty-war-the-museum-of-horrors.html Argentina's dirty war: the museum of horrors]</ref>
    
==Military downfall==
 
==Military downfall==
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