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Ethnic Russians and native Russian speakers residing in [[Ukraine]], [[Belarus]], the [[Baltic states]], [[Moldova]] and numerous other exclaves and territories of [[Eastern Europe]], [[Asia]] and throughout the Russian [[diaspora]] generally [[Identity politics|identify with]] being part of the Ruski Mir and [[Russian Orthodox]] faith and not with the [[woke]], [[moral]]ly squalid and debauched [[Western Civilization]].
Ethnic Russians and native Russian speakers residing in [[Ukraine]], [[Belarus]], the [[Baltic states]], [[Moldova]] and numerous other exclaves and territories of [[Eastern Europe]], [[Asia]] and throughout the Russian [[diaspora]] generally [[Identity politics|identify with]] being part of the Ruski Mir and [[Russian Orthodox]] faith and not with the [[woke]], [[moral]]ly squalid and debauched [[Western Civilization]].
Historically, the Russky Mir has cast off outside efforts to establish a [[globalism|global]] [[hegemon]] or [[one world government]], be it the [[Mongolian Empire]], the [[Napoleon]]ic empire, the [[Third Reich]]. or the [[Collective west|American hegemon]].
Historically, the Russky Mir has cast off outside efforts to establish a [[globalism|global]] [[hegemon]] or [[one world government]], be it the [[Mongolian Empire]], the [[Napoleon]]ic empire, the [[Third Reich]]. or the [[Collective west|American hegemon]]. Writing in ''[[Responsible Statecraft]]'', Dr. Anna Matveeva at King's College London posited,
{{quotebox-float|After its emergence from the [[Soviet]] collapse, the new [[Russia]] grappled with the complex issue of developing a national identity that could embrace the radical contradictions of Russia's past and foster integration with the West while maintaining Russian distinctiveness.
The [[Ukraine War]] has significantly changed public attitudes toward this question, and led to a consolidation of most of the Russian population behind a set of national ideas. This has contributed to the resilience that Russia has shown in the [[war]], and helped to frustrate [[Western alliance|Western]] hopes that [[economic]] pressure and heavy casualties would undermine support for the war and for [[President Vladimir Putin]]. To judge by the evidence to date, there is very little [[hope]] of these Western goals being [[achievement|achieved]] in the future. ...
This new sense of national identity is not only rooted in the war. It also stems from economic dynamism. The Russian [[economy]], the most [[Russian sanctions|heavily sanctioned globally]], experienced sustained growth for three consecutive years. The nation is also experiencing something of a [[cultural]] [[renaissance]].
While the public was initially shocked by the [[Cancel culture|cancellation of Russian culture]] in the West in 2022, perceiving it as [[collective]] [[punishment]], this has become the new normal. Consequently, attention has shifted toward [[domestic]] resources and the Russian [[public]]. Numerous new [[theater]]s, plays, [[music]] concerts, [[art]] galleries, and [[cultural]] venues have opened in major cities, catering to the growing demand for these offerings.
Russia today is therefore a different country from the one that entered the war, with a greater sense of [[social]] cohesion and confidence in its own viability as a [[nation]]. In the long run, this may lead to profound changes in Russia’s identity.<ref>[https://responsiblestatecraft.org/russian-identity/ Why Russians haven't risen up to stop the Ukraine war], ''Inspired in part by state [[propaganda]], many in Russia have developed an anti-Western identity], Anna Matveeva. ''[[Responsible Statecrafts]]'', Dec 25, 2025. responsiblestatecraft.org</ref>
==References==
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[[Category:Russia]]
[[Category:Russia]]