Changes

In 1928 the 6th Congress of the Comintern in Moscow resolved that the black population of the American South was a subject nation, thus capable of engendering a "[[national movement|national revolutionary movement]]," and ordered the CPUSA to give high priority to mobilizing blacks.  In ''Toward Soviet America'' [[William Z. Foster]] wrote, "the right of self-determination will apply to Negroes in the American Soviet system. In the so-called Black Belt of the South, where the Negroes are in the majority, they will have the fullest right to govern themselves."<ref>[http://www.archive.org/stream/towardsovietamer00fostrich#page/304/mode/2up ''Toward Soviet America''], William Z. Foster, Coward-McCann, New York, 1932, p. 304.</ref>  The party made the 1931 Scottsboro lynching case its favorite publicity issue, making the maltreatment of African Americans a matter of international concern for the first time, and locked it into the American radical-liberal political agenda. The [[communist front]] organization, the [[International Labor Defense]] (ILD), solicited and raised a considerable amount of money for the defense of the "[[Scottsboro  Boys]]" but the full amount was not used for the Scottsboro defendants.<ref>[http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/who.frank.marshall.davis.pdf Who Was Frank Marshall Davis?], by Herbert Romerstein, USASurvival, p. 8.</ref> Several prominent African-American intellectuals and celebrities, such as [[Paul Robeson]], [[Langston Hughes]], [[Richard Wright]] and [[Frank Marshall Davis]] became radicalized at this time as a result of the Scottsboro case, and the official Moscow directed position of the CPUSA to overthrow state and federal governments had an appeal because of maltreatment in the courts and the ever present threat of lynching.

In 1928 the 6th Congress of the Comintern in Moscow resolved that the black population of the American South was a subject nation, thus capable of engendering a "[[national movement|national revolutionary movement]]," and ordered the CPUSA to give high priority to mobilizing blacks.  In ''Toward Soviet America'' [[William Z. Foster]] wrote, "the right of self-determination will apply to Negroes in the American Soviet system. In the so-called Black Belt of the South, where the Negroes are in the majority, they will have the fullest right to govern themselves."<ref>[http://www.archive.org/stream/towardsovietamer00fostrich#page/304/mode/2up ''Toward Soviet America''], William Z. Foster, Coward-McCann, New York, 1932, p. 304.</ref>  The party made the 1931 Scottsboro lynching case its favorite publicity issue, making the maltreatment of African Americans a matter of international concern for the first time, and locked it into the American radical-liberal political agenda. The [[communist front]] organization, the [[International Labor Defense]] (ILD), solicited and raised a considerable amount of money for the defense of the "[[Scottsboro  Boys]]" but the full amount was not used for the Scottsboro defendants.<ref>[http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/who.frank.marshall.davis.pdf Who Was Frank Marshall Davis?], by Herbert Romerstein, USASurvival, p. 8.</ref> Several prominent African-American intellectuals and celebrities, such as [[Paul Robeson]], [[Langston Hughes]], [[Richard Wright]] and [[Frank Marshall Davis]] became radicalized at this time as a result of the Scottsboro case, and the official Moscow directed position of the CPUSA to overthrow state and federal governments had an appeal because of maltreatment in the courts and the ever present threat of lynching.

After 1930 the Party strongly supported creation of a Negro Soviet Socialist Republic, weeded out racism among its white members and tried to enlist a large black membership.  It enlisted only a small black membership, which tried to take over the [[Civil Rights Movement]]. Only one major figure in the Civil Rights Movement was a Communist, Stanley Levison (1912-1979), who was a top advisor to [[Martin Luther King]].<ref>See "Levison, Stanley (1912-1979)" in [http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/kingpapers/article/levison_stanley_1912_1979/ ''King Encyclopedia'' online]</ref>  

After 1930 the Party strongly supported creation of a Negro Soviet Socialist Republic, weeded out racism among its white members and tried to enlist a large black membership.  It enlisted only a small black membership, which tried to take over the [[Civil Rights Movement]]. Only one major figure in the Civil Rights Movement was a Communist, [[Stanley Levison]] (1912-1979), who was a top advisor to [[Martin Luther King]].<ref>See "Levison, Stanley (1912-1979)" in [http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/kingpapers/article/levison_stanley_1912_1979/ ''King Encyclopedia'' online]</ref>  

[[File:Stanley Levison and King.jpg|thumb|Clockwise from bottom left, at a 1966 S.C.L.C. meeting in Atlanta: Stanley Levison, Jones, Cleveland Robinson, James Bevel, King, and Andrew Young (back to camera).]]

[[File:Stanley Levison and King.jpg|thumb|Clockwise from bottom left, at a 1966 S.C.L.C. meeting in Atlanta: [[Stanley Levison]], Jones, Cleveland Robinson, James Bevel, King, and Andrew Young (back to camera).]]

Benjamin J. Davis, Jr. (1903-64) came from a middle class Georgia family and was a black graduate of Amherst College and Harvard Law School. As a lawyer in Atlanta Davis was radicalized when he represented Angelo Herndon in the 1930s during Georgia's prosecution of Herndon. Davis joined the American Communist Party and became an organizer rather than an intellectual revolutionary.  Moving to New York City, Davis served as editor of the party newspaper the ''[[Daily Worker]]'' during 1936-43, and was elected to the New York City Council in 1943 and reelected in 1945.  During World War II, Davis followed the party line of defeating fascism before attacking domestic discrimination. On the New York City Council, he found it difficult to reconcile his party membership with elective office. He gained political strength as a [[Democrat]], but his Communist connections brought increasing unpopularity. Convicted of violating the Smith Act, he served three years in prison. Davis remained active in Communist affairs until his death in 1964, balancing party allegiance and political activism.

Benjamin J. Davis, Jr. (1903-64) came from a middle class Georgia family and was a black graduate of Amherst College and Harvard Law School. As a lawyer in Atlanta Davis was radicalized when he represented Angelo Herndon in the 1930s during Georgia's prosecution of Herndon. Davis joined the American Communist Party and became an organizer rather than an intellectual revolutionary.  Moving to New York City, Davis served as editor of the party newspaper the ''[[Daily Worker]]'' during 1936-43, and was elected to the New York City Council in 1943 and reelected in 1945.  During World War II, Davis followed the party line of defeating fascism before attacking domestic discrimination. On the New York City Council, he found it difficult to reconcile his party membership with elective office. He gained political strength as a [[Democrat]], but his Communist connections brought increasing unpopularity. Convicted of violating the Smith Act, he served three years in prison. Davis remained active in Communist affairs until his death in 1964, balancing party allegiance and political activism.