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| | ==The Watergate Break-In== | | ==The Watergate Break-In== |
| − | On June 17, 1972, five men (James W. McCord Jr, Frank Sturgis, Virgilio Gonzales, Bernard Barker, and Eugenio Martinez) were caught breaking into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate complex in [[Washington, D.C.]] The burglars included [[James W. McCord]], a former [[CIA]] employee, and several [[Cuba|Cuban]] expatriates with ties to the CIA. The subsequent investigation of the break-in revealed that the intruders were acting on behalf of the [[Committee to Reelect the President]] (often called CRP, and sometimes pronounced and spelled, particularly by Nixon's detractors, as "CREEP"). They, along with accomplices [[E. Howard Hunt]] and [[G. Gordon Liddy]], were convicted of burglary and wiretapping in Jan. 1973. | + | On June 17, 1972, five men (James W. McCord Jr, Frank Sturgis, Virgilio Gonzales, Bernard Barker, and Eugenio Martinez) were caught breaking into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate complex in [[Washington, D.C.]] The burglars included [[James W. McCord]], a former [[CIA]] employee, and several [[Cuba]]n expatriates with ties to the CIA. The subsequent investigation of the break-in revealed that the intruders were acting on behalf of the [[Committee to Reelect the President]] (often called CRP, and sometimes pronounced and spelled, particularly by Nixon's detractors, as "CREEP"). They, along with accomplices [[E. Howard Hunt]] and [[G. Gordon Liddy]], were convicted of burglary and wiretapping in Jan. 1973. |
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| | ==From Burglary to Political Scandal== | | ==From Burglary to Political Scandal== |
| − | Evidence that emerged at the burglary trial suggested that the break-in had the approval of higher-level government officials who were attempting to cover up their involvement. This possibility was aggressively pursued by investigative reporters in the print [[media]], with [[Washington Post]] reporters [[Carl Bernstein]] and [[Bob Woodward]] playing particularly critical roles. Woodward and Bernstein, as well as others, discovered evidence that the break-in was only part of a wider effort of political "dirty tricks" designed to discredit Democratic candidates. They also uncovered the existence of a secret [[slush fund]] used to finance these activities<ref>Bernstein, Carl and Woodward, Bob. ''All The President's Men''</ref>. | + | Evidence that emerged at the burglary trial suggested that the break-in had the approval of higher-level government officials who were attempting to cover up their involvement. This possibility was aggressively pursued by investigative reporters in the print [[media]], with [[Washington Post]] reporters [[Carl Bernstein]] and [[Bob Woodward]] playing particularly critical roles. Woodward and Bernstein, as well as others, discovered evidence that the break-in was only part of a wider effort of political "dirty tricks" designed to discredit Democratic candidates. They also uncovered the existence of a secret [[slush fund]] used to finance these activities.<ref>Bernstein, Carl and Woodward, Bob. ''All The President's Men''</ref> |
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| | == Deep Throat == | | == Deep Throat == |
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| | </blockquote> | | </blockquote> |
| | <blockquote> | | <blockquote> |
| − | In May, 2005, Felt's lawyer, John O'Connor, went public with the news. Felt was quoted as saying: "I don’t think being Deep Throat was anything to be proud of. You should not leak information to anyone." However, he added: "If you know your government is engaging in illegal and/or immoral acts, then you have an obligation to speak out that overrides confidentiality agreements and secrecy laws. It's never wrong to inform on serious criminal acts no matter who is perpetrating them." <ref> [http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKfeltM.htm Mark Felt: Biography] </ref> | + | In May, 2005, Felt's lawyer, John O'Connor, went public with the news. Felt was quoted as saying: "I don’t think being Deep Throat was anything to be proud of. You should not leak information to anyone." However, he added: "If you know your government is engaging in illegal and/or immoral acts, then you have an obligation to speak out that overrides confidentiality agreements and secrecy laws. It's never wrong to inform on serious criminal acts no matter who is perpetrating them." <ref>[http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKfeltM.htm Mark Felt: Biography]</ref> |
| | </blockquote> | | </blockquote> |
| | <blockquote> | | <blockquote> |
| − | Mark Felt, at age 91, finally admitted to that historic, anonymous role in an article in ''Vanity Fair'', 2005. <ref> [http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2005/07/deepthroat200507 "I'm the Guy They Called Deep Throat".] </ref> | + | Mark Felt, at age 91, finally admitted to that historic, anonymous role in an article in ''Vanity Fair'', 2005.<ref>[http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2005/07/deepthroat200507 "I'm the Guy They Called Deep Throat".]</ref> |
| | </blockquote> | | </blockquote> |
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| | In April 1973, with a [[United States Senate|Senate]] investigation underway, several top Nixon aides, including [[H. R. Haldeman]] and [[John D. Ehrlichman]], resigned over the scandal, and White House counsel John Dean III was fired. Dean subsequently testified during televised hearings beginning in May, exposing Nixon's participation in the Watergate cover-up and massive illegalities in Republican fundraising in 1972. | | In April 1973, with a [[United States Senate|Senate]] investigation underway, several top Nixon aides, including [[H. R. Haldeman]] and [[John D. Ehrlichman]], resigned over the scandal, and White House counsel John Dean III was fired. Dean subsequently testified during televised hearings beginning in May, exposing Nixon's participation in the Watergate cover-up and massive illegalities in Republican fundraising in 1972. |
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| − | The hearings also revealed that since 1971 Nixon had recorded conversations and telephone calls in his office. The president, however, refused to turn the tapes over to the Senate Watergate committee, citing executive privilege. In Oct. 1973 Nixon ordered [[Elliot Richardson]], the attorney general, to fire [[Archibald Cox]], the special prosecutor who had subpoenaed the tapes, but Richardson chose to resign instead. Richardson's assistant, William Ruckelshaus, also refused to fire Cox and was himself fired. Finally, it was the solicitor general, Robert Bork, who fired Cox. The incident, which became known as the "[[Saturday Night Massacre]]," led to widespread calls for Nixon's [[impeach|impeachment]]. | + | The hearings also revealed that since 1971 Nixon had recorded conversations and telephone calls in his office. The president, however, refused to turn the tapes over to the Senate Watergate committee, citing executive privilege. In Oct. 1973 Nixon ordered [[Elliot Richardson]], the attorney general, to fire [[Archibald Cox]], the special prosecutor who had subpoenaed the tapes, but Richardson chose to resign instead. Richardson's assistant, William Ruckelshaus, also refused to fire Cox and was himself fired. Finally, it was the solicitor general, Robert Bork, who fired Cox. The incident, which became known as the "[[Saturday Night Massacre]]," led to widespread calls for Nixon's [[impeach]]ment. |
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| | The White House released edited transcripts of the tapes in April 1974, and eventually the tapes themselves, after the Supreme Court rejected Nixon's claim to executive privilege. But the damage was done; President Nixon's behavior—his cover-up of the burglary and refusal to turn over evidence—and the erosion of the public's confidence in his administration, led the House Judiciary Committee to issue three articles of impeachment on July 30, 1974. The document also indicted Nixon for illegal wiretapping, misuse of the CIA, perjury, bribery, obstruction of justice, and other abuses of executive power. | | The White House released edited transcripts of the tapes in April 1974, and eventually the tapes themselves, after the Supreme Court rejected Nixon's claim to executive privilege. But the damage was done; President Nixon's behavior—his cover-up of the burglary and refusal to turn over evidence—and the erosion of the public's confidence in his administration, led the House Judiciary Committee to issue three articles of impeachment on July 30, 1974. The document also indicted Nixon for illegal wiretapping, misuse of the CIA, perjury, bribery, obstruction of justice, and other abuses of executive power. |