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Theodore Roosevelt (view source)

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A strong and vigorous man both personally and in politics, it was through Roosevelt that the world identified America with cowboy values of courage, initiative and hardiness while it watched Roosevelt expand American influence in world affairs.

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Roosevelt enlarged the presidency because he made it a "bully pulpit" for national uplift and inspiration. He preached as much as he politicked. He felt responsible for the well-being and morals of the whole country. He set an example of how a large, strenuous life could be led, and he invited others to renew their energies and apply them to public causes. He strongly endorsed motherhood and criticized women who had careers while neglecting motherhood.<ref> See "Theodore Roosevelt on Motherhood and the Welfare of the State," ''Population and Development Review,'' Vol. 13, No. 1 (Mar., 1987), pp. 141-147 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1972126 online]</ref>

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Roosevelt enlarged the presidency because he made it a "bully pulpit" for national uplift and inspiration. He preached as much as he politicked. He felt responsible for the well-being and morals of the whole country. He set an example of how a large, strenuous life could be led, and he invited others to renew their energies and apply them to public causes. He strongly endorsed motherhood and criticized women who had careers while neglecting motherhood.<ref>See "Theodore Roosevelt on Motherhood and the Welfare of the State," ''Population and Development Review,'' Vol. 13, No. 1 (Mar., 1987), pp. 141-147 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1972126 online]</ref>

In the contest between [[Conservation and environmentalism]], Roosevelt supported the conservation and optimum use of natural resources and opposed the environmentalists of the day, such as [[John Muir]].

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===Education===

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Roosevelt was home schooled by tutors and his parents. He was solid in geography (thanks to his careful observations on all his travels) and very well read in history, strong in biology, French and German, but deficient in mathematics, Latin and Greek. He became one of the outstanding naturalists of the era, specializing in very careful study of birds.<ref> Brands (2001) p. 49–50</ref> He attended [[Harvard]] College, graduating in 1880 "magna cum laude". He lived very ~~well--his~~ annual $4000 allowance was higher than the president of the ~~college--the~~ days of equalitarian houses were decades in the future. His father's sudden death in 1878 was a stunning blow; Roosevelt redoubled his efforts.<ref> His inheritance was worth $8000 a year, about triple what the average doctor or lawyer earned.</ref> In academics he did well in science, philosophy and rhetoric courses, as well as German; but fared poorly in Latin and Greek. Harvard did not have majors, but he took all the advanced biology he could. Classmates considered him an odd ~~bird--he~~ kept snakes in his room and knew all about them. He also dressed in the latest fashions and kept his own horse and buggy. A crack shot, he brought his friends along on hunting parties to the north woods. The perfect gentleman, he was invited into the best clubs.

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Roosevelt was home schooled by tutors and his parents. He was solid in geography (thanks to his careful observations on all his travels) and very well read in history, strong in biology, French and German, but deficient in mathematics, Latin and Greek. He became one of the outstanding naturalists of the era, specializing in very careful study of birds.<ref>Brands (2001) p. 49–50</ref> He attended [[Harvard]] College, graduating in 1880 "magna cum laude". He lived very well—his annual $4000 allowance was higher than the president of the college—the days of equalitarian houses were decades in the future. His father's sudden death in 1878 was a stunning blow; Roosevelt redoubled his efforts.<ref>His inheritance was worth $8000 a year, about triple what the average doctor or lawyer earned.</ref> In academics he did well in science, philosophy and rhetoric courses, as well as German; but fared poorly in Latin and Greek. Harvard did not have majors, but he took all the advanced biology he could. Classmates considered him an odd bird—he kept snakes in his room and knew all about them. He also dressed in the latest fashions and kept his own horse and buggy. A crack shot, he brought his friends along on hunting parties to the north woods. The perfect gentleman, he was invited into the best clubs.

Roosevelt had amazing powers of concentration. He had a photographic memory and developed a life-long habit of devouring books, memorizing every detail. He was an unusually eloquent conversationalist who, throughout his life, sought out the company of the smartest men and women. He could multitask in extraordinary fashion, dictating letters to one secretary and memoranda to another, while browsing through a new book. During his adulthood, a visitor would get a not-so-subtle hint that Roosevelt was losing interest in the conversation when he would pick up a book and begin looking at it now and then as the conversation continued.

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===Domestic policy===

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Roosevelt was the chief leader of the [[Progressive Era|Progressive movement in politics]]~~--which~~ in 21st century terms includes both liberal and conservative values. He tried to move the dominant Republican Party into the Progressive camp. He distrusted wealthy businessmen and dissolved 40 monopolistic corporations as a "trust buster". He did not disagree with trusts and capitalism in principle but was only against their corrupt, illegal practices. His "[[Square Deal]]" promised a fair shake for both the average citizen, including regulation of railroad rates and pure foods and drugs and the businessmen. As an outdoorsman, he promoted the conservation movement, emphasizing efficient use of natural resources.

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Roosevelt was the chief leader of the [[Progressive Era|Progressive movement in politics]]—which in 21st century terms includes both liberal and conservative values. He tried to move the dominant Republican Party into the Progressive camp. He distrusted wealthy businessmen and dissolved 40 monopolistic corporations as a "trust buster". He did not disagree with trusts and capitalism in principle but was only against their corrupt, illegal practices. His "[[Square Deal]]" promised a fair shake for both the average citizen, including regulation of railroad rates and pure foods and drugs and the businessmen. As an outdoorsman, he promoted the conservation movement, emphasizing efficient use of natural resources.

In his last two years in office (1907-1908), Roosevelt moved left, attacking big business and suggesting the courts were biased against labor unions.

====Pure food and drugs====

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Widespread outrage followed publication in 1906 of [[Upton Sinclair]]'s novel, ''The Jungle,'' which detailed the horrible conditions in Chicago’s packinghouses. Roosevelt sent sociologists and social workers to investigate the meat-packing industry in Chicago. Their report to the president was 'revolting,' but since Roosevelt feared the impact on ranchers and European meat importers, he withheld the report from publication. Sinclair was so upset that he provided specific information to newspapers. Roosevelt then had the commissioners put their report in writing and sent it to Congress. This led to a hearing before Congress; witnesses were asked about seeing a dead hog slide partway into a men's privy. Although Sinclair was a Socialist and his main interest was in the stockyard workers, not consumers, the turmoil over tainted meat helped move Congress to enact the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906. The act itself had been drawn up by experts in the Department of Agriculture and remains in effect in the 21st century.<ref> James Harvey Young, "The Pig That Fell into the Privy: Upton Sinclair's 'The Jungle' and the Meat Inspection Amendments of 1906." ''Bulletin of the History of Medicine'' 1985 59(4): 467-480</ref>

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Widespread outrage followed publication in 1906 of [[Upton Sinclair]]'s novel, ''The Jungle,'' which detailed the horrible conditions in Chicago’s packinghouses. Roosevelt sent sociologists and social workers to investigate the meat-packing industry in Chicago. Their report to the president was 'revolting,' but since Roosevelt feared the impact on ranchers and European meat importers, he withheld the report from publication. Sinclair was so upset that he provided specific information to newspapers. Roosevelt then had the commissioners put their report in writing and sent it to Congress. This led to a hearing before Congress; witnesses were asked about seeing a dead hog slide partway into a men's privy. Although Sinclair was a Socialist and his main interest was in the stockyard workers, not consumers, the turmoil over tainted meat helped move Congress to enact the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906. The act itself had been drawn up by experts in the Department of Agriculture and remains in effect in the 21st century.<ref>James Harvey Young, "The Pig That Fell into the Privy: Upton Sinclair's 'The Jungle' and the Meat Inspection Amendments of 1906." ''Bulletin of the History of Medicine'' 1985 59(4): 467-480</ref>

====Coal strike====

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The [[Coal strike of 1902]] was a strike by the [[United Mine Workers of America]] in the anthracite coal fields of eastern Pennsylvania. The strike threatened to shut down the winter fuel supply to all major cities.<ref> Most homes and apartments were heated with anthracite or "hard" coal because it had higher heat value and less smoke than "soft" or bituminous coal.</ref> Roosevelt jumped in and personally negotiated with the mine leaders and financiers. Acting as a neutral party, he set up a fact-finding commission that suspended the strike. The strike never resumed, as the miners received more pay for fewer hours; the owners got a higher price for coal but did not recognize the union as a bargaining agent. It was the first labor episode in which the federal government intervened as a neutral arbitrator and it made Roosevelt's reputation as a peacemaker.

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The [[Coal strike of 1902]] was a strike by the [[United Mine Workers of America]] in the anthracite coal fields of eastern Pennsylvania. The strike threatened to shut down the winter fuel supply to all major cities.<ref>Most homes and apartments were heated with anthracite or "hard" coal because it had higher heat value and less smoke than "soft" or bituminous coal.</ref> Roosevelt jumped in and personally negotiated with the mine leaders and financiers. Acting as a neutral party, he set up a fact-finding commission that suspended the strike. The strike never resumed, as the miners received more pay for fewer hours; the owners got a higher price for coal but did not recognize the union as a bargaining agent. It was the first labor episode in which the federal government intervened as a neutral arbitrator and it made Roosevelt's reputation as a peacemaker.

[[Image:Coal-TR.JPG|thumb|300px|left|Roosevelt teaches the childish coal barons a lesson; 1902 editorial cartoon]]

====Railroad regulation====

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Roosevelt worked closely with Congress to pass important laws (the 1903 Elkins Act and the 1906 Hepburn Act), that regulated railroad rates for the benefit of shippers and consumers, while injuring the railroads (which were assumed to be so rich that they could always pay). The new laws retarded the growth of the South, which the railroads could no longer afford to subsidize.<ref> Albro Martin, "The Troubled Subject of Railroad Regulation in the Gilded Age - a Reappraisal." ''Journal of American History'' 1974 61(2): 339-371 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1903953 in JSTOR]</ref>

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Roosevelt worked closely with Congress to pass important laws (the 1903 Elkins Act and the 1906 Hepburn Act), that regulated railroad rates for the benefit of shippers and consumers, while injuring the railroads (which were assumed to be so rich that they could always pay). The new laws retarded the growth of the South, which the railroads could no longer afford to subsidize.<ref>Albro Martin, "The Troubled Subject of Railroad Regulation in the Gilded Age - a Reappraisal." ''Journal of American History'' 1974 61(2): 339-371 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1903953 in JSTOR]</ref>

====Antitrust====

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Roosevelt expressed an antitrust image within a pro business framework. Critics who have measured Roosevelt's success by the number of antitrust suits he brought or won miss the essentially rhetorical purposes of his involvement with corporate America. His primary emphasis involved the promotion of the proper attitude in corporate leaders and the general public regarding the role of big business in American society. This Roosevelt did in two ways. First, he argued metaphorically for the necessity of corporations and the restraint of muckraking journalists. Second, along with employing metaphors to chastise big business, Roosevelt assumed the role of moral guardian and preached to corporate leaders to adhere to an ethical standard in business. For Roosevelt, corporate America could be effectively regulated only by its leaders' sense of morality and spirit of public service.<ref> Dorsey, Leroy G., "Theodore Roosevelt and Corporate America, 1901-1909: a Reexamination," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(4): 725-739</ref>

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Roosevelt expressed an antitrust image within a pro business framework. Critics who have measured Roosevelt's success by the number of antitrust suits he brought or won miss the essentially rhetorical purposes of his involvement with corporate America. His primary emphasis involved the promotion of the proper attitude in corporate leaders and the general public regarding the role of big business in American society. This Roosevelt did in two ways. First, he argued metaphorically for the necessity of corporations and the restraint of muckraking journalists. Second, along with employing metaphors to chastise big business, Roosevelt assumed the role of moral guardian and preached to corporate leaders to adhere to an ethical standard in business. For Roosevelt, corporate America could be effectively regulated only by its leaders' sense of morality and spirit of public service.<ref>Dorsey, Leroy G., "Theodore Roosevelt and Corporate America, 1901-1909: a Reexamination," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(4): 725-739</ref>

===Moving left===

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Roosevelt moved left in 1907-08, criticizing the courts, promoting labor unions and attacking big business. The Republican leadership in Congress ignored his radical proposals and waited for his successor-Taft-to take over the White House.

====View of the Constitution====

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Roosevelt's administration marked the shift to a more activist conception of the presidency, in peace as well as war<ref>{{cite book|last1=Pyle|first1=Christopher H.|last2=Pious|first2=Richard M.|title=The President, Congress, and the Constitution: Power and Legitimacy in American Politics|date=1984|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-0029253809|pages=~~68-69~~}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/policy-report/2002/11/chapman.pdf |title=TR: No Friend of the Constitution |work=Cato Institute |date=November/December 2002 }}</ref>, and was both internationalist and aggressive in asserting Presidential power.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Dumbrell|first1=John|last2=Barrett|first2=David M.|title=The Making of US Foreign Policy|date=1997|publisher=Manchester University Press|isbn=978-0719048227|pages=~~56-57~~}}</ref> He would write in his Autobiography:

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Roosevelt's administration marked the shift to a more activist conception of the presidency, in peace as well as war,<ref>{{cite book|last1=Pyle|first1=Christopher H.|last2=Pious|first2=Richard M.|title=The President, Congress, and the Constitution: Power and Legitimacy in American Politics|date=1984|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=978-0029253809|pages=68–69}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/serials/files/policy-report/2002/11/chapman.pdf |title=TR: No Friend of the Constitution |work=Cato Institute |date=November/December 2002 }}</ref> and was both internationalist and aggressive in asserting Presidential power.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Dumbrell|first1=John|last2=Barrett|first2=David M.|title=The Making of US Foreign Policy|date=1997|publisher=Manchester University Press|isbn=978-0719048227|pages=56–57}}</ref> He would write in his Autobiography:

<blockquote>I declined to adopt the view that what was imperatively necessary for the Nation could not be done by the President unless he could find some specific authorization to do it. My belief was that it was not only his right but his duty to do anything that the needs of the Nation demanded unless such action was forbidden by the Constitution or by the laws. Under this interpretation of executive power I did and caused to be done many things not previously done by the President and the heads of the departments. I did not usurp power, but I did greatly broaden the use of executive power. In other words, I acted for the public welfare, I acted for the common well-being of all our people, whenever and in whatever manner was necessary, unless prevented by direct constitutional or legislative prohibition.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Roosevelt|first1=Theodore|title=Theodore Roosevelt, an Autobiography|date=1913|publisher=Charles Scribner's sons|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Io4fAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA357|pages=}}</ref></blockquote>

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This view came to be known as the [[Stewardship Theory]]<ref>{{cite book|last1=Dodds|first1=Graham G.|title=Take Up Your Pen: Unilateral Presidential Directives in American Politics|date=May 2, 2013|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|isbn=978-0-8122-4511-0|pages=~~31-33~~}}</ref>, by [[William Howard Taft]]<ref>{{cite book|last1=Taft|first1=William H.|title=Our chief magistrate and his powers|date=1916|publisher=Columbia University Press|url=https://archive.org/details/ourchiefmagistra00taftuoft|pages=~~139-140~~}}</ref>.

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This view came to be known as the [[Stewardship Theory]],<ref>{{cite book|last1=Dodds|first1=Graham G.|title=Take Up Your Pen: Unilateral Presidential Directives in American Politics|date=May 2, 2013|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|isbn=978-0-8122-4511-0|pages=31–33}}</ref> by [[William Howard Taft]].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Taft|first1=William H.|title=Our chief magistrate and his powers|date=1916|publisher=Columbia University Press|url=https://archive.org/details/ourchiefmagistra00taftuoft|pages=139–140}}</ref>

===Foreign Policy===

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Roosevelt's administration was marked by an active approach to foreign policy. He followed four basic principles: 1) promoting broadly defined American interests worldwide, 2) building American military and naval power and control over strategic points (especially the Panama canal and its approaches), 3) cooperation with the British, and 4) there was a social contract between the nation's citizens and its government, such that civilized nations had a right of intervention in cases in which such a contract had been broken. His foreign policy was well suited for the challenges of the world; he anticipated later attitudes and developments well into the 20th century and even the 21st century, as exemplified by [[John McCain]] in 2008.<ref> M. Patrick Cullinane, "Invoking Teddy: the Inspiration of John Mccain's Foreign Policy." ''Diplomacy & Statecraft'' 2008 19(4): 767-786</ref> He combined a credible realist and internationalist approach with great attention to detail and full appreciation of the importance of diplomatic finesse.

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Roosevelt's administration was marked by an active approach to foreign policy. He followed four basic principles: 1) promoting broadly defined American interests worldwide, 2) building American military and naval power and control over strategic points (especially the Panama canal and its approaches), 3) cooperation with the British, and 4) there was a social contract between the nation's citizens and its government, such that civilized nations had a right of intervention in cases in which such a contract had been broken. His foreign policy was well suited for the challenges of the world; he anticipated later attitudes and developments well into the 20th century and even the 21st century, as exemplified by [[John McCain]] in 2008.<ref>M. Patrick Cullinane, "Invoking Teddy: the Inspiration of John Mccain's Foreign Policy." ''Diplomacy & Statecraft'' 2008 19(4): 767-786</ref> He combined a credible realist and internationalist approach with great attention to detail and full appreciation of the importance of diplomatic finesse.

====Civilization and modernization====

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====Britain====

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Typical of his eagerness for closer cooperation with London was Washington's support for Britain in the [[Boer War]], despite public opinion that favored the underdog Boers. the British reciprocated, so that in settling the boundary dispute between Canada (controlled by Britain) and Alaska, the British sold out the Canadians to gain American ~~favor--a~~ stunning shock to the Canadians.

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Typical of his eagerness for closer cooperation with London was Washington's support for Britain in the [[Boer War]], despite public opinion that favored the underdog Boers. the British reciprocated, so that in settling the boundary dispute between Canada (controlled by Britain) and Alaska, the British sold out the Canadians to gain American favor—a stunning shock to the Canadians.

====Mediator====

Balance of power considerations shaped Roosevelt's role as the successful mediator who ended the 1904-05 war between Russia and Japan. Japan had clearly won, but was not allowed to grab too much, thus allowing Russia to keep a certain power base in the region. Roosevelt justified his actions as consistent with American interests and American values. Moral principles in politics and diplomacy, Roosevelt claimed, help make clear the inescapable tension between ideals and reality. The moral problem persists, he thought, because diplomacy involves choices often obscured by faulty perception, controlled by national interests and complicated by multiple purposes and goals.<ref>Greg Russell, "Theodore Roosevelt's Diplomacy and the Quest for Great Power Equilibrium in Asia." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 2008 38(3): 433-455</ref>

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At the time Japan was consolidating its colonial rule over Korea. Roosevelt supported Japan because he viewed Korea as an backward nation fit to be a protectorate of Japan, which he hoped would protect American economic interests in Manchuria, where Japan was largely in control.<ref> Ki-jung Kim, "Theodore Roosevelt's Image of the World and United States Foreign Policy Toward Korea, 1901-1905." ''Korea Journal'' 1995 35(4): 39-53 1</ref>

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At the time Japan was consolidating its colonial rule over Korea. Roosevelt supported Japan because he viewed Korea as an backward nation fit to be a protectorate of Japan, which he hoped would protect American economic interests in Manchuria, where Japan was largely in control.<ref>Ki-jung Kim, "Theodore Roosevelt's Image of the World and United States Foreign Policy Toward Korea, 1901-1905." ''Korea Journal'' 1995 35(4): 39-53 1</ref>

====Roosevelt Corollary ====

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''“Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far.”'' The phrase was initially used by Roosevelt to explain his relations with domestic political leaders; later the phrase was associated with him and came to refer particularly to his foreign policy with Latin America.<ref> [http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/65006/Big-Stick-Policy Big Stick Policy.]</ref>

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''“Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far.”'' The phrase was initially used by Roosevelt to explain his relations with domestic political leaders; later the phrase was associated with him and came to refer particularly to his foreign policy with Latin America.<ref>[http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/65006/Big-Stick-Policy Big Stick Policy.]</ref>

</blockquote>

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Roosevelt felt that the Panama Canal was his most important and historically significant international achievement.

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Inspired by [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]]'s extraordinarily influential book ''The Influence of Sea Power upon History'' (1890), Roosevelt believed that American security and geopolitical power could be secured only through naval supremacy. This was particularly important in the Caribbean because of its proximity to the United States, European interest in the area and its status as a critical juncture of trade routes. Roosevelt was able to maintain US dominance of the Caribbean without resorting to major military action.<ref> James R. Holmes, "Roosevelt's Pursuit of a Temperate Caribbean Policy." ''Naval History'' 2006 20(4): 48-53 in [[EBSCO]]</ref>

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Inspired by [[Alfred Thayer Mahan]]'s extraordinarily influential book ''The Influence of Sea Power upon History'' (1890), Roosevelt believed that American security and geopolitical power could be secured only through naval supremacy. This was particularly important in the Caribbean because of its proximity to the United States, European interest in the area and its status as a critical juncture of trade routes. Roosevelt was able to maintain US dominance of the Caribbean without resorting to major military action.<ref>James R. Holmes, "Roosevelt's Pursuit of a Temperate Caribbean Policy." ''Naval History'' 2006 20(4): 48-53 in [[EBSCO]]</ref>

In particular, Roosevelt understood the strategic significance of the [[Panama Canal]], which opened up the Pacific Coast and Asia to cheap shipping and made it possible for the Navy to move rapidly between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

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A central issue was which route the canal would take; across Nicaragua and Costa Rica or through the Panama region of Columbia. Intense lobbying resulted in the Congressional decision to follow the Panama route. However, the Colombian Senate rejected the terms of the American Hay-Herran Treaty (1903) and tried to extort more money from the Americans. Roosevelt rejected Colombia's devious strategy and blocked Colombia from suppressing an insurrection in Panama against Colombia. With the success of the revolution, the United States initiated a treaty with the now independent Panama and began construction of the canal, which was completed in 1914.<ref> David McCullough, ''The Path Between the Seas: The Creation of the Panama Canal, 1870-1914'' (1978) [http://www.amazon.com/Path-Between-Seas-Creation-1870-1914/dp/0671244094/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1250828638&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]</ref>

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A central issue was which route the canal would take; across Nicaragua and Costa Rica or through the Panama region of Columbia. Intense lobbying resulted in the Congressional decision to follow the Panama route. However, the Colombian Senate rejected the terms of the American Hay-Herran Treaty (1903) and tried to extort more money from the Americans. Roosevelt rejected Colombia's devious strategy and blocked Colombia from suppressing an insurrection in Panama against Colombia. With the success of the revolution, the United States initiated a treaty with the now independent Panama and began construction of the canal, which was completed in 1914.<ref>David McCullough, ''The Path Between the Seas: The Creation of the Panama Canal, 1870-1914'' (1978) [http://www.amazon.com/Path-Between-Seas-Creation-1870-1914/dp/0671244094/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1250828638&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]</ref>

==Break with Taft==

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[[File:TR-Conservation.jpg|thumb|320px|Roosevelt was a leader in Conservation, fighting to end the waste of natural resources]]

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In the early 20th century there were three main positions. The laissez-faire position held that owners of private ~~property--including~~ lumber and mining companies, should be allowed to do anything they wished for their property. The conservationists, led by Roosevelt and his ally [[Gifford Pinchot]], said that was too wasteful and inefficient. In any case, they noted, most of the natural resources in the western states were already owned by the federal government. The best course of action, they argued, was a long-term plan devised by national experts to maximize the long-term economic benefits of natural resources. The third position, led by the Sierra Club, held that nature was almost sacred, and that man was an intruder. It allowed for limited tourism (such as hiking), but opposed automobiles in national parks. It strenuously opposed timber cutting on most public lands and vehemently denounced the dams that Roosevelt supported for water supplies, electricity and flood control. Especially controversial was the Hetch Hetchy Dam in Yosemite National Park, which was built after Roosevelt had left politics. The dam still stands despite efforts by members of the Reagan and George W. Bush administrations as well as the Sierra Club to demolish the dam. Nancy Pelosi and the California Democratic Party have been staunch critics of these proposals, as the reservoir is used for a back up water supply for Pelosi's district (Don Pedro Reservoir is the main source).

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In the early 20th century there were three main positions. The laissez-faire position held that owners of private property—including lumber and mining companies, should be allowed to do anything they wished for their property. The conservationists, led by Roosevelt and his ally [[Gifford Pinchot]], said that was too wasteful and inefficient. In any case, they noted, most of the natural resources in the western states were already owned by the federal government. The best course of action, they argued, was a long-term plan devised by national experts to maximize the long-term economic benefits of natural resources. The third position, led by the Sierra Club, held that nature was almost sacred, and that man was an intruder. It allowed for limited tourism (such as hiking), but opposed automobiles in national parks. It strenuously opposed timber cutting on most public lands and vehemently denounced the dams that Roosevelt supported for water supplies, electricity and flood control. Especially controversial was the Hetch Hetchy Dam in Yosemite National Park, which was built after Roosevelt had left politics. The dam still stands despite efforts by members of the Reagan and George W. Bush administrations as well as the Sierra Club to demolish the dam. Nancy Pelosi and the California Democratic Party have been staunch critics of these proposals, as the reservoir is used for a back up water supply for Pelosi's district (Don Pedro Reservoir is the main source).

==Race and Ethnicity==

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Roosevelt was keenly sensitive to the issues surrounding race and ethnicity, particularly the heated debated on immigration restriction. He considered himself Dutch, not Anglo-Saxon . He welcomed the vitality of new immigration, while holding that America's first responsibility was to its literate, native-born, working poor. In balancing these competitive goals, the president backed legislation that limited the immigration of poverty- and disease-stricken people regardless of ethnicity. He blocked harsh anti-Japanese efforts in California, but negotiated an informal agreement whereby Japan would no longer send immigrants. During World War I he attacked certain "[[~~Hyphenated~~ American~~|hyphenated Americans~~]]," especially German-Americans and Irish-Americans, saying they put loyalties to their homeland above American interests.<ref> The German-Americans did not support Germany, but did want the U.S. to remain neutral. The Irish Catholics were so hostile to Britain that they did not want the U.S. to support it.</ref>

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Roosevelt was keenly sensitive to the issues surrounding race and ethnicity, particularly the heated debated on immigration restriction. He considered himself Dutch, not Anglo-Saxon . He welcomed the vitality of new immigration, while holding that America's first responsibility was to its literate, native-born, working poor. In balancing these competitive goals, the president backed legislation that limited the immigration of poverty- and disease-stricken people regardless of ethnicity. He blocked harsh anti-Japanese efforts in California, but negotiated an informal agreement whereby Japan would no longer send immigrants. During World War I he attacked certain "[[hyphenated American]]s," especially German-Americans and Irish-Americans, saying they put loyalties to their homeland above American interests.<ref>The German-Americans did not support Germany, but did want the U.S. to remain neutral. The Irish Catholics were so hostile to Britain that they did not want the U.S. to support it.</ref>

===Historian of the frontier===

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In ''The Winning of the West,'' a four-volume history of westward expansion, Roosevelt developed the thesis that the western experience shaped and created a new ethnic group or people (what he called a "race"), the true American people. His ideas helped shape the popular culture, especially since his own cowboy persona exemplified all the strengths of the new people. Meanwhile, Professor [[Frederick Jackson Turner]] developed his famous [[Frontier Thesis]], based in part on Roosevelt’s ideas. Turner’s views came to dominate professional historiography and shaped the teaching of history for a century–and is still influential in the 21st century. Roosevelt and Turner shared the view that the frontier was the most significant force in America's cultural and political development, but Turner stressed the complex social and political processes simulated by the frontier, while Roosevelt emphasized that national growth and progress came from the West. Turner envisioned political problems that could befall America if cheap land resources were exhausted. Roosevelt saw a new, highly capable cohort of ruling elites growing out of the conquest of the frontier and leading America to new frontiers.<ref> Richard Slotkin, "Theodore Roosevelt's Frontier Hypothesis," ''European Contributions to American Studies'' 1989 16: 44-71</ref>

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In ''The Winning of the West,'' a four-volume history of westward expansion, Roosevelt developed the thesis that the western experience shaped and created a new ethnic group or people (what he called a "race"), the true American people. His ideas helped shape the popular culture, especially since his own cowboy persona exemplified all the strengths of the new people. Meanwhile, Professor [[Frederick Jackson Turner]] developed his famous [[Frontier Thesis]], based in part on Roosevelt’s ideas. Turner’s views came to dominate professional historiography and shaped the teaching of history for a century–and is still influential in the 21st century. Roosevelt and Turner shared the view that the frontier was the most significant force in America's cultural and political development, but Turner stressed the complex social and political processes simulated by the frontier, while Roosevelt emphasized that national growth and progress came from the West. Turner envisioned political problems that could befall America if cheap land resources were exhausted. Roosevelt saw a new, highly capable cohort of ruling elites growing out of the conquest of the frontier and leading America to new frontiers.<ref>Richard Slotkin, "Theodore Roosevelt's Frontier Hypothesis," ''European Contributions to American Studies'' 1989 16: 44-71</ref>

==Patriotism==

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==Turn to the left==

[[Image:Youre No George Washington Mr Roosevelt.jpg|thumb|250px|right|A cartoon satirizes Theodore Roosevelt reversing his promise not to seek a third time in office.]]

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About 1907, Roosevelt turned more to the left in domestic policy, and in his 1912 campaign he called for movement toward what would later be called a "welfare state." His move to the left annoyed conservatives and fueled the split in the GOP that exploded in 1912, with Roosevelt on the losing side. His nationalism and his chivalry predisposed him toward an enlarged protective state, along with his admiration for what the British were doing at the time.<ref> [[David Lloyd George]] and [[Winston Churchill]], key leaders of the British [[Liberal Party]], started the welfare state in Britain, 1908-11, with unemployment insurance and old age pensions; American conservatives accepted these policies by the 1950s..</ref> Roosevelt preached the manly protection of the family and a state led by manly men who insisted on protecting all women and children. He believed that "the ruin of motherhood and childhood by the merciless exploitation of the labor of women and children is a crime of capital importance." His solution was to support labor's right to bargain collectively and to denounce employers who mistreated women and child workers.<ref>Kathleen Dalton, ''Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life'' (2004)</ref>

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About 1907, Roosevelt turned more to the left in domestic policy, and in his 1912 campaign he called for movement toward what would later be called a "welfare state." His move to the left annoyed conservatives and fueled the split in the GOP that exploded in 1912, with Roosevelt on the losing side. His nationalism and his chivalry predisposed him toward an enlarged protective state, along with his admiration for what the British were doing at the time.<ref>[[David Lloyd George]] and [[Winston Churchill]], key leaders of the British [[Liberal Party]], started the welfare state in Britain, 1908-11, with unemployment insurance and old age pensions; American conservatives accepted these policies by the 1950s..</ref> Roosevelt preached the manly protection of the family and a state led by manly men who insisted on protecting all women and children. He believed that "the ruin of motherhood and childhood by the merciless exploitation of the labor of women and children is a crime of capital importance." His solution was to support labor's right to bargain collectively and to denounce employers who mistreated women and child workers.<ref>Kathleen Dalton, ''Theodore Roosevelt: A Strenuous Life'' (2004)</ref>

==Conservative or liberal?==

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Metaphorically, there were 15 different Roosevelts; conservatives admire 10 of them, liberals admire 10, with some overlap. Conservatives are more apt to admire his patriotism, masculinity and military achievements, his stress on national greatness, his buildup of the nation's military forces, his resolution of the [[Coal strike of 1902|1902 Coal Strike]] without forcing business to recognize the unions, his attacks on hyphenated Americans (people with divided loyalty in wartime), and his bold histories of the frontier. Liberals are more likely to admire his trust-busting and hostility to big business, his promotion of liberal programs in 1907-8 and 1912, and his break with the GOP in 1912 when he denounced it as too conservative. [[Ronald Reagan]] noted in 1972, "I admire 'Teddy' greatly and quote him often."<ref> Text in Ronald Reagan [http://books.google.com/books?id=ZrRc_ABenS8C&pg=PP1&dq=inauthor:ronald+inauthor:reagan&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0&as_pt=ALLTYPES#PPA266,M1 ''Reagan: A Life in Letters'' (2004) p 266]</ref>

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Metaphorically, there were 15 different Roosevelts; conservatives admire 10 of them, liberals admire 10, with some overlap. Conservatives are more apt to admire his patriotism, masculinity and military achievements, his stress on national greatness, his buildup of the nation's military forces, his resolution of the [[Coal strike of 1902|1902 Coal Strike]] without forcing business to recognize the unions, his attacks on hyphenated Americans (people with divided loyalty in wartime), and his bold histories of the frontier. Liberals are more likely to admire his trust-busting and hostility to big business, his promotion of liberal programs in 1907-8 and 1912, and his break with the GOP in 1912 when he denounced it as too conservative. [[Ronald Reagan]] noted in 1972, "I admire 'Teddy' greatly and quote him often."<ref>Text in Ronald Reagan [http://books.google.com/books?id=ZrRc_ABenS8C&pg=PP1&dq=inauthor:ronald+inauthor:reagan&lr=&num=30&as_brr=0&as_pt=ALLTYPES#PPA266,M1 ''Reagan: A Life in Letters'' (2004) p 266]</ref>

Conservation was always high on Roosevelt's agenda. His optimal use policy has largely been adopted by conservatives and businessmen, while the Sierra Club and related groups reject Roosevelt's policies.

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Everyone admires his amazingly dynamic style and willingness to confront the issues of the day by bringing everyone to the negotiating table, his settlement of the war between Japan and Russia (which led to Roosevelt's winning the Nobel peace prize), and his building of the Panama Canal (though liberals complain he was too rough with Colombia).

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== Sidelights ==

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== Sidelights ==

===Life in the White House===

Roosevelt relished the presidency and seemed to be everywhere at once. He took Cabinet members and friends on long, fast-paced hikes, boxed in the state rooms of the White House, romped with his children and read voraciously. In 1904, he was permanently blinded in his left eye during one of his boxing bouts, but this injury was kept from the public at the time.<ref>Brands, (1997) 565</ref> His many enthusiastic interests and limitless energy led one ambassador to wryly explain, "You must always remember that the President is about six."<ref>Cecil Spring Rice, ''The Letters and Friendships of Sir Cecil Spring-Rice,'' (1929) p 437</ref>

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Roosevelt's oldest daughter, Alice Roosevelt, was a controversial character with a tart tongue and a spirit of adventure. When friends asked if he could rein in his elder daughter, Roosevelt said, "I can be President of the United States, or I can attend to Alice." In turn, Alice said of him that he always wanted to be "the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral."<ref> Carol Felsenthal, ''Princess Alice: The Life and Times of Alice Roosevelt Longsworth'' (1988) pp. 60, 105</ref>

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Roosevelt's oldest daughter, Alice Roosevelt, was a controversial character with a tart tongue and a spirit of adventure. When friends asked if he could rein in his elder daughter, Roosevelt said, "I can be President of the United States, or I can attend to Alice." In turn, Alice said of him that he always wanted to be "the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral."<ref>Carol Felsenthal, ''Princess Alice: The Life and Times of Alice Roosevelt Longsworth'' (1988) pp. 60, 105</ref>

Roosevelt rebuilt the White House building, adding a new West Wing to free up the second floor rooms in the residence that formerly housed the president's staff. To this day, "west Wing" signifies the presidential staff. He and Edith also had the entire house renovated and restored to the [[federal style]], tearing out the Victorian furnishings and details (including Tiffany windows) that had been installed over the previous three decades.

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===Football reform===

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Both Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson took an intense interest in the controversy over the reform of college football to make the game more efficient and less brutal. In the 1890s and early 1900s, football faced widespread harsh criticism over injuries and the exaggerated role of athletics in college life. Roosevelt and Wilson, loyal followers of Harvard and Princeton, had defended football in the 1890s. In the fall of 1905, however, Roosevelt called a conference of football experts at the White House to discuss brutality and unsportsmanlike conduct. Thereafter, Roosevelt worked behind the scenes to bring about sufficient reform to preserve football and insure that it would continue to be played at Harvard. In the years 1909-10, when college football again faced an injury crisis, Woodrow Wilson, president of Princeton University worked with the presidents at Harvard and Yale to make reasonable reforms. Both Roosevelt's and Wilson's approaches were consistent with their strategies for national political change. In the years that followed the reforms on the gridiron, football evolved rapidly into the 'attractive' game that Wilson had advocated and a far less brutal game than the unruly spectacle that Roosevelt had tried to control.<ref> John S. Watterson, "Political Football: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and the Gridiron Reform Movement." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(3): 555-564</ref>

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Both Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson took an intense interest in the controversy over the reform of college football to make the game more efficient and less brutal. In the 1890s and early 1900s, football faced widespread harsh criticism over injuries and the exaggerated role of athletics in college life. Roosevelt and Wilson, loyal followers of Harvard and Princeton, had defended football in the 1890s. In the fall of 1905, however, Roosevelt called a conference of football experts at the White House to discuss brutality and unsportsmanlike conduct. Thereafter, Roosevelt worked behind the scenes to bring about sufficient reform to preserve football and insure that it would continue to be played at Harvard. In the years 1909-10, when college football again faced an injury crisis, Woodrow Wilson, president of Princeton University worked with the presidents at Harvard and Yale to make reasonable reforms. Both Roosevelt's and Wilson's approaches were consistent with their strategies for national political change. In the years that followed the reforms on the gridiron, football evolved rapidly into the 'attractive' game that Wilson had advocated and a far less brutal game than the unruly spectacle that Roosevelt had tried to control.<ref>John S. Watterson, "Political Football: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and the Gridiron Reform Movement." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1995 25(3): 555-564</ref>

==Religion and character==

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:''Alone of human beings the good and wise mother stands on a plane of equal honor with the bravest soldier; for she has gladly gone down to the brink of the chasm of darkness to bring back the children in whose hands rests the future of the years.''<ref>The Great Adventure, 1918</ref>

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:''The one thing I want to leave my children is an honorable name."<ref>Chicago, IL, April 10, 1899</ref>

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:''The one thing I want to leave my children is an honorable name."<ref name="Chicago, IL, April 10, 1899">Chicago, IL, April 10, 1899</ref>

:''It is better to be faithful than famous.''

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:''Men can never escape being governed. Either they must govern themselves or they must submit to being governed by others.''<ref>Jamestown, VA, April 26, 1907</ref>

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:''A vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user.''<ref>An Autobiography, 1913</ref>

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:''A vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user.''<ref name="An Autobiography, 1913">An Autobiography, 1913</ref>

:''This country has nothing to fear from the crooked man who fails. We put him in jail. It is the crooked man who succeeds who is a threat to this country.''<ref>Memphis, TN, October 25, 1905</ref>

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:''No man can lead a public career really worth leading, no man can act with rugged independence in serious crises, nor strike at great abuses, nor afford to make powerful and unscrupulous foes, if he is himself vulnerable in his private character.''<ref>An Autobiography, 1913</~~ref~~>

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:''No man can lead a public career really worth leading, no man can act with rugged independence in serious crises, nor strike at great abuses, nor afford to make powerful and unscrupulous foes, if he is himself vulnerable in his private character.''<ref name="An Autobiography, 1913"/>

:''Criticism is necessary and useful; it is often indispensable; but it can never take the place of action, or be even a poor substitute for it. The function of the mere critic is of very subordinate usefulness. It is the doer of deeds who actually counts in the battle for life, and not the man who looks on and says how the fight ought to be fought, without himself sharing the stress and the danger.(1894)''

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:''Do what you can, with what you have, where you are.''

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:''It is hard to fail, but it is worse never to have tried to succeed.''<ref>Chicago, IL, April 10, 1899</~~ref~~>

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:''It is hard to fail, but it is worse never to have tried to succeed.''<ref name="Chicago, IL, April 10, 1899"/>

:''The only man who makes no mistakes is the man who never does anything.''

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===Scholarly studies ===

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* Barsness,John A. "Theodore Roosevelt as Cowboy: The Virginian as Jacksonian Man." ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 21, No. 3 (Autumn, 1969), pp. ~~609-619~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2711937 in JSTOR]

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* Barsness,John A. "Theodore Roosevelt as Cowboy: The Virginian as Jacksonian Man." ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 21, No. 3 (Autumn, 1969), pp. 609–619 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2711937 in JSTOR]

* Blum, John Morton ''The Republican Roosevelt.'' (1954). Influential essays that examine how Roosevelt did politics

* Brinkley, Douglas. ''The Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America'' (2009), best coverage of Roosevelt and conservation [http://www.amazon.com/Wilderness-Warrior-Theodore-Roosevelt-Crusade/dp/0060565284/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1250752478&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

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* Chace, James. ''1912: Wilson, Roosevelt, Taft, and Debs - The Election That Changed the Country.'' (2004). 323 pp; popular account [http://www.amazon.com/1912-Roosevelt-Debs-Election-Changed/dp/0743273559/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1220396215&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Cutright, Paul Russell. ''Theodore Roosevelt: The Making of a Conservationist'' (1985)

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* Dorsey, Leroy G., and Rachel M. Harlow, "'We Want Americans Pure and Simple': Theodore Roosevelt and the Myth of Americanism," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs,'' Volume 6, Number 1, Spring 2003, pp. ~~55-78~~ [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/rhetoric_and_public_affairs/v006/6.1dorsey.html in Project Muse]

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* Dorsey, Leroy G., and Rachel M. Harlow, "'We Want Americans Pure and Simple': Theodore Roosevelt and the Myth of Americanism," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs,'' Volume 6, Number 1, Spring 2003, pp. 55–78 [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/rhetoric_and_public_affairs/v006/6.1dorsey.html in Project Muse]

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* Ellsworth, Clayton S. "Theodore Roosevelt's Country Life Commission." ''Agricultural History'', Vol. 34, No. 4 (Oct., 1960), pp. ~~155-172~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3741109 in JSTOR]

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* Ellsworth, Clayton S. "Theodore Roosevelt's Country Life Commission." ''Agricultural History'', Vol. 34, No. 4 (Oct., 1960), pp. 155–172 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3741109 in JSTOR]

* Dyer, Thomas G. ''Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race'' (1980)

* Fehn, Bruce. "Theodore Roosevelt and American Masculinity." ''Magazine of History'' (2005) 19(2): 52–59. Issn: 0882-228x Fulltext online at Ebsco. Provides a lesson plan on TR as the historical figure who most exemplifies the quality of masculinity.

* Friedenberg, Robert V. ''Theodore Roosevelt and the Rhetoric of Militant Decency'' (1990) [http://www.questia.com/read/71082317?title=Theodore%20Roosevelt%20and%20the%20Rhetoric%20of%20Militant%20Decency online edition]

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* Gerstle, Gary. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Divided Character of American Nationalism," ''The Journal of American History,'' Vol. 86, No. 3, (Dec., 1999), pp. ~~1280-1307~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2568615 in JSTOR]

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* Gerstle, Gary. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Divided Character of American Nationalism," ''The Journal of American History,'' Vol. 86, No. 3, (Dec., 1999), pp. 1280–1307 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2568615 in JSTOR]

* Gosnell, Harold F. ''Boss Platt and His New York Machine: A Study of the Political Leadership of Thomas C. Platt, Theodore Roosevelt, and Others'' (1924) [http://www.questia.com/read/9489049?title=Boss%20Platt%20and%20His%20New%20York%20Machine%3a%20A%20Study%20of%20the%20Political%20Leadership%20of%20Thomas%20C.%20Platt%2c%20Theodore%20Roosevelt%2c%20and%20Others online edition]

* Gould, Lewis L. ''The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt.'' (1991), standard history of his domestic and foreign policy as president

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** Gatewood, Willard B. "The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. by Lewis L. Gould" ''Reviews in American History,'' Vol. 20, No. 4 (Dec., 1992), pp. ~~512-517~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2702868 in JSTOR]

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** Gatewood, Willard B. "The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. by Lewis L. Gould" ''Reviews in American History,'' Vol. 20, No. 4 (Dec., 1992), pp. 512–517 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2702868 in JSTOR]

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* Havig, Alan. "Presidential Images, History, and Homage: Memorializing Theodore Roosevelt, 1919-1967 ". ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 30, No. 4 (Autumn, 1978), pp. ~~514-532~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712298 IN jstor]

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* Havig, Alan. "Presidential Images, History, and Homage: Memorializing Theodore Roosevelt, 1919-1967 ". ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 30, No. 4 (Autumn, 1978), pp. 514–532 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712298 IN jstor]

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* Johnson, Arthur M. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporations". ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 45, No. 4 (Mar., 1959), pp. ~~571-590~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1888711 in JSTOR]

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* Johnson, Arthur M. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporations". ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 45, No. 4 (Mar., 1959), pp. 571–590 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1888711 in JSTOR]

* Millard, Candice. ''River of Doubt: Theodore Roosevelt's Darkest Journey''. (2005), exploring the Amazon

* Mowry, George E. ''Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement''. (2001) focus on 1912

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* Mowry, George E. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Election of 1910," ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 25, No. 4 (Mar., 1939), pp. ~~523-534~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1892499 in JSTOR]

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* Mowry, George E. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Election of 1910," ''The Mississippi Valley Historical Review,'' Vol. 25, No. 4 (Mar., 1939), pp. 523–534 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1892499 in JSTOR]

* Oyos, Matthew M. "Theodore Roosevelt, Congress, and the Military: U.S. Civil-Military Relations in the Early Twentieth Century," ''Presidential Studies Quarterly,'' Vol. 30, 2000 [http://www.questia.com/read/5001752826?title=Theodore%20Roosevelt%2c%20Congress%2c%20and%20the%20Military%3a%20U.S.%20Civil-Military%20Relations%20in%20the%20Early%20Twentieth%20Century online edition]

* Powell, Jim. ''Bully Boy: The Truth About Theodore Roosevelt's Legacy'' (2006). Denounces TR policies from libertarian perspective; poorly researched

* Rhodes, James Ford. ''The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897-1909'' (1922) [http://www.questia.com/read/6404794?title=The%20McKinley%20and%20Roosevelt%20Administrations%2c%201897-1909 online edition]

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* Scheiner, Seth M. "President Theodore Roosevelt and the Negro, 1901-1908," ''The Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 47, No. 3 (Jul., 1962), pp. ~~169-182~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2716500 in JSTOR]

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* Scheiner, Seth M. "President Theodore Roosevelt and the Negro, 1901-1908," ''The Journal of Negro History,'' Vol. 47, No. 3 (Jul., 1962), pp. 169–182 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2716500 in JSTOR]

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* Slotkin, Richard. "Nostalgia and Progress: Theodore Roosevelt's Myth of the Frontier," ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 33, No. 5, (Winter, 1981), pp. ~~608-637~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712805 in JSTOR]

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* Slotkin, Richard. "Nostalgia and Progress: Theodore Roosevelt's Myth of the Frontier," ''American Quarterly,'' Vol. 33, No. 5, (Winter, 1981), pp. 608–637 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2712805 in JSTOR]

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* Testi, Arnaldo. "The Gender of Reform Politics: Theodore Roosevelt and the Culture of Masculinity," ''The Journal of American History,'' Vol. 81, No. 4 (Mar., 1995), pp. ~~1509-1533~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2081647 in JSTOR]

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* Testi, Arnaldo. "The Gender of Reform Politics: Theodore Roosevelt and the Culture of Masculinity," ''The Journal of American History,'' Vol. 81, No. 4 (Mar., 1995), pp. 1509–1533 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2081647 in JSTOR]

* Watts, Sarah. ''Rough Rider in the White House: Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of Desire.'' (2003). 289 pp.

===Foreign and military affairs===

* Beale Howard K. ''Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power.'' (1956). standard history of his foreign policy

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* Buchanan, Russell. "Theodore Roosevelt and American Neutrality, 1914-1917," ''The American Historical Review,'' Vol. 43, No. 4 (Jul., 1938), pp. ~~775-790~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1842528 in JSTOR]

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* Buchanan, Russell. "Theodore Roosevelt and American Neutrality, 1914-1917," ''The American Historical Review,'' Vol. 43, No. 4 (Jul., 1938), pp. 775–790 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1842528 in JSTOR]

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* Burton, David H. "Theodore Roosevelt: Confident Imperialist" ''The Review of Politics,'' Vol. 23, No. 3 (Jul., 1961), pp. ~~356-377~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1405440 in JSTOR]

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* Burton, David H. "Theodore Roosevelt: Confident Imperialist" ''The Review of Politics,'' Vol. 23, No. 3 (Jul., 1961), pp. 356–377 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1405440 in JSTOR]

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* Burton, David H. "Theodore Roosevelt's Social Darwinism and Views on Imperialism," ''Journal of the History of Ideas,'' Vol. 26, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1965), pp. ~~103-118~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2708402 in JSTOR]

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* Burton, David H. "Theodore Roosevelt's Social Darwinism and Views on Imperialism," ''Journal of the History of Ideas,'' Vol. 26, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1965), pp. 103–118 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2708402 in JSTOR]

* Collin, Richard H. "Symbiosis Versus Hegemony: New Directions in the Foreign Relations Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft." ''Diplomatic History'' 1995 19(3): 473-497 online in [[EBSCO]]

* Gould, Lewis L. ''The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt.'' (1991), standard history of his domestic and foreign policy as president

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* Marks III, Frederick W. ''Velvet on Iron: The Diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt'' (1979)

* McCullough, David. ''The Path between the Seas: The Creation of the Panama Canal, 1870–1914'' (1977).

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* Neu, Charles E. "Theodore Roosevelt and American Involvement in the Far East, 1901-1909," ''The Pacific Historical Review,'' Vol. 35, No. 4 (Nov., 1966), pp. ~~433-449~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3636977 in JSTOR]

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* Neu, Charles E. "Theodore Roosevelt and American Involvement in the Far East, 1901-1909," ''The Pacific Historical Review,'' Vol. 35, No. 4 (Nov., 1966), pp. 433–449 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3636977 in JSTOR]

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* Oyos, Matthew M. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Implements of War," ''The Journal of Military History,'' Vol. 60, No. 4 (Oct., 1996), pp. ~~631-655~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2944659 in JSTOR]

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* Oyos, Matthew M. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Implements of War," ''The Journal of Military History,'' Vol. 60, No. 4 (Oct., 1996), pp. 631–655 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2944659 in JSTOR]

* Ricard, Serge. "The Roosevelt Corollary." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 2006 36(1): 17–26. Issn: 0360-4918 [http://www.questia.com/read/5017146446?title=The%20Roosevelt%20Corollary online edition]

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* Stillson, Albert C. "Military Policy Without Political Guidance: Theodore Roosevelt's Navy," ''Military Affairs,'' Vol. 25, No. 1 (Spring, 1961), pp. ~~18-31~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1984220 in JSTOR]

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* Stillson, Albert C. "Military Policy Without Political Guidance: Theodore Roosevelt's Navy," ''Military Affairs,'' Vol. 25, No. 1 (Spring, 1961), pp. 18–31 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1984220 in JSTOR]

* Tilchin, William N. and Neu, Charles E., ed. ''Artists of Power: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Their Enduring Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy.'' Praeger, 2006. 196 pp. [http://www.questia.com/read/113233998?title=Artists%20of%20Power%3a%20%20Theodore%20Roosevelt%2c%20Woodrow%20Wilson%2c%20and%20Their%20Enduring%20Impact%20on%20U.S.%20Foreign%20Policy online edition]

* Tilchin, William N. ''Theodore Roosevelt and the British Empire: A Study in Presidential Statecraft'' (1997)

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* Roosevelt, Theodore. ''The Works of Theodore Roosevelt'' (National edition, 20 vol. 1926); 18,000 pages containing most of TR's speeches, books and essays, but not his letters; a CD-ROM edition is available; some of TR's books are available online through [http://www.bartleby.com/people/RsvltT.html Project Bartleby]

* [http://www.gutenberg.org/browse/authors/r#a729 Theodore Roosevelt books and speeches on Project Gutenberg]

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* Roosevelt, Theodore. "Theodore Roosevelt on Motherhood and the Welfare of the State," ''Population and Development Review,'' Vol. 13, No. 1 (Mar., 1987), pp. ~~141-147~~ [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1972126 in JSTOR]

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* Roosevelt, Theodore. "Theodore Roosevelt on Motherhood and the Welfare of the State," ''Population and Development Review,'' Vol. 13, No. 1 (Mar., 1987), pp. 141–147 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1972126 in JSTOR]

* Shaw, Albert, ed. ''A Cartoon History of Roosevelt's Career'' (1910) [http://books.google.com/books?id=QEIOAAAAIAAJ full text and cartoons online]

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[[Category:People who were Educated at Home]]

[[Category:Progressive Era]]

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[[~~category~~:Spanish-American War]]

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[[Category:Spanish-American War]]

[[Category:Medal of Honor recipients]]

[[Category:Environmentalism]]

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