Changes

By 1700 there were 25,000 slaves in the American colonies, about 10% of the population. A few had come from Africa but most came from the West Indies (especially Barbados), or, increasingly, were native born. Their legal status was now clear: they were slaves for life and so were the children of slave mothers. They could be sold, or freed, and a few ran away. Slowly a free black population emerged, concentrated in port cities along the Atlantic coast from Charleston to Boston. Slaves in the cities and towns had many more privileges, but the great majority of slaves lived on southern tobacco or rice plantations, usually in groups of 20 or more.  

By 1700 there were 25,000 slaves in the American colonies, about 10% of the population. A few had come from Africa but most came from the West Indies (especially Barbados), or, increasingly, were native born. Their legal status was now clear: they were slaves for life and so were the children of slave mothers. They could be sold, or freed, and a few ran away. Slowly a free black population emerged, concentrated in port cities along the Atlantic coast from Charleston to Boston. Slaves in the cities and towns had many more privileges, but the great majority of slaves lived on southern tobacco or rice plantations, usually in groups of 20 or more.  

The most serious slave rebellion was the Stono Uprising, in September 1739 in South Carolina. The colony had about 56,000 slaves, who outnumbered whites 2:1. About 150 slaves rose up, and seizing guns and ammunition, murdered twenty whites, and headed for Spanish Florida. The local militia soon intercepted and killed most of them.<ref> Wood (1974)</ref>  

The most serious slave rebellion was the Stono Uprising, in September 1739 in South Carolina. The colony had about 56,000 slaves, who outnumbered whites 2:1. About 150 slaves rose up, and seizing guns and ammunition, murdered twenty whites, and headed for Spanish Florida. The local militia soon intercepted and killed most of them.<ref>Wood (1974)</ref>  

All the American colonies had slavery, but it was usually the form of personal servants in the North (where 2% of the people were slaves), and field hands in plantations in the South (where 25% were slaves.)

All the American colonies had slavery, but it was usually the form of personal servants in the North (where 2% of the people were slaves), and field hands in plantations in the South (where 25% were slaves.)

==Revolution and early republic: 1775-1840==

==Revolution and early republic: 1775-1840==

The Declaration of Independence of 1776 said that all men are born free. Acting on that principle, all the northern states abolished slavery between 1776 and 1805--these were the first places in the world where the government abolished slavery. (Britain abolished slavery in the 1830s.) However, with the cotton gin in the 1790s, slavery became highly profitable in the South and was not abolished. Indeed, it expanded rapidly due to demographic growth. In 1808 it became illegal to buy or sell slaves from abroad, but inside the U.S. South the trade was legal and flourished.

The Declaration of Independence of 1776 said that all men are born free. Acting on that principle, all the northern states abolished slavery between 1776 and 1805—these were the first places in the world where the government abolished slavery. (Britain abolished slavery in the 1830s.) However, with the cotton gin in the 1790s, slavery became highly profitable in the South and was not abolished. Indeed, it expanded rapidly due to demographic growth. In 1808 it became illegal to buy or sell slaves from abroad, but inside the U.S. South the trade was legal and flourished.

By 1800 most slaves had become Christians. However few followed the Episcopal or Presbyterian affiliations of most masters; rather by the 1830s most had become Baptists or Methodists, but with a distinctive difference.  Genovese (1974) identified the key features of the black version of Christianity as its raucous emotionalism, an absence of a sense of original sin or depravity, an emphasis on the role of Moses (who at times rivaled in importance Jesus), and an uneasy commingling with magic and conjuring. Genovese argued religion was increasingly central to the lives and self-identity of the slaves. "The religion practiced in the quarters gave the slaves the one thing they absolutely had to have if they were to resist. . . . It fired them with a sense of their own worth before God and man."<ref> Eugene Genovese, ''Roll Jordan Roll'' (1974) p. 283</ref>

By 1800 most slaves had become Christians. However few followed the Episcopal or Presbyterian affiliations of most masters; rather by the 1830s most had become Baptists or Methodists, but with a distinctive difference.  Genovese (1974) identified the key features of the black version of Christianity as its raucous emotionalism, an absence of a sense of original sin or depravity, an emphasis on the role of Moses (who at times rivaled in importance Jesus), and an uneasy commingling with magic and conjuring. Genovese argued religion was increasingly central to the lives and self-identity of the slaves. "The religion practiced in the quarters gave the slaves the one thing they absolutely had to have if they were to resist. . . . It fired them with a sense of their own worth before God and man."<ref>Eugene Genovese, ''Roll Jordan Roll'' (1974) p. 283</ref>

===Free blacks===

===Free blacks===

The free black population in the South grew rapidly during 1771-1815, from 28,000 in 1790 to 186,000 in 1860 in the South Atlantic states alone. Before the American Revolution the increase in the free black population was due mainly to local emancipations, natural population increase, and migration from rural areas. During and after the Revolution, however, there were additional ways to become free, including petitions and lawsuits, the 1782 manumission act, self-purchase, purchase by already free blacks, and individual emancipation. Fear of free blacks in an age of black revolts, however, prompted whites to impose restrictions on manumission and migration and ultimately to revert to the colonial-era policy of expelling free blacks from Virginia.<ref> Michael L. Nicholls, "Strangers Setting Among Us: The Sources and Challenge of the Urban Free Black Population of Early Virginia". ''Virginia Magazine of History and Biography'' 2000 108(2): 155-179. 0042-6636 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249829  in JSTOR]</ref>

The free black population in the South grew rapidly during 1771-1815, from 28,000 in 1790 to 186,000 in 1860 in the South Atlantic states alone. Before the American Revolution the increase in the free black population was due mainly to local emancipations, natural population increase, and migration from rural areas. During and after the Revolution, however, there were additional ways to become free, including petitions and lawsuits, the 1782 manumission act, self-purchase, purchase by already free blacks, and individual emancipation. Fear of free blacks in an age of black revolts, however, prompted whites to impose restrictions on manumission and migration and ultimately to revert to the colonial-era policy of expelling free blacks from Virginia.<ref>Michael L. Nicholls, "Strangers Setting Among Us: The Sources and Challenge of the Urban Free Black Population of Early Virginia". ''Virginia Magazine of History and Biography'' 2000 108(2): 155-179. 0042-6636 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249829  in JSTOR]</ref>

Formal laws and informal customs created innumerable obstacles to the socioeconomic advance of the free blacks in the South. Laws prohibited free blacks from some activities and occupations and restricted their participation in others. Racism and terrorism by whites also made advancement difficult. Despite these disadvantages, the free black population fared rather well, with much better nutrition than people back in Europe or Africa.  They grew nearly as tall as white Americans and towered over contemporary Europeans.<ref> Howard. Bodenhorn, "A Troublesome Caste: Height and Nutrition of Antebellum Virginia's Rural Free Blacks." ''Journal of Economic History'' 1999 59(4): 972-996. 0022-0507 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2566684  in JSTOR]</ref>

Formal laws and informal customs created innumerable obstacles to the socioeconomic advance of the free blacks in the South. Laws prohibited free blacks from some activities and occupations and restricted their participation in others. Racism and terrorism by whites also made advancement difficult. Despite these disadvantages, the free black population fared rather well, with much better nutrition than people back in Europe or Africa.  They grew nearly as tall as white Americans and towered over contemporary Europeans.<ref>Howard. Bodenhorn, "A Troublesome Caste: Height and Nutrition of Antebellum Virginia's Rural Free Blacks." ''Journal of Economic History'' 1999 59(4): 972-996. 0022-0507 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2566684  in JSTOR]</ref>

===1840-1860===

===1840-1860===

The Quakers, as well as Evangelical churches in the U.S. and Britain, led the battle for abolition of slavery. The abolition movement in the U.S. was highly visible and extremely controversial, but it was never large--with fewer than 50,000 activists at most, about half of them free blacks living in the North.

The Quakers, as well as Evangelical churches in the U.S. and Britain, led the battle for abolition of slavery. The abolition movement in the U.S. was highly visible and extremely controversial, but it was never large—with fewer than 50,000 activists at most, about half of them free blacks living in the North.

Over 1 million slaves were moved from the older seaboard slave states, with their declining economies to the rich cotton states of the southwest; many others were sold and moved locally.  Berlin (2003) argues that this "Second Middle Passage"  

Over 1 million slaves were moved from the older seaboard slave states, with their declining economies to the rich cotton states of the southwest; many others were sold and moved locally.  Berlin (2003) argues that this "Second Middle Passage"  

At the beginning of the war some Union commanders thought they were supposed to return escaped slaves to their masters. By 1862, when it became clear that this would be a long war, the question of what to do about slavery became more general. The Southern economy and military effort depended on slave labor. It began to seem unreasonable to protect slavery while blockading Southern commerce and destroying Southern production. As one Congressman put it, the slaves "cannot be neutral. As laborers, if not as soldiers, they will be allies of the rebels, or of the Union."<ref>James MacPherson, ''Battle Cry of Freedom'' (1988) page 495</ref> The same Congressman—and his fellow Radical Republicans—put pressure on Lincoln to rapidly emancipate the slaves, whereas Conservative Republicans came to accept gradual, compensated emancipation and colonization.

At the beginning of the war some Union commanders thought they were supposed to return escaped slaves to their masters. By 1862, when it became clear that this would be a long war, the question of what to do about slavery became more general. The Southern economy and military effort depended on slave labor. It began to seem unreasonable to protect slavery while blockading Southern commerce and destroying Southern production. As one Congressman put it, the slaves "cannot be neutral. As laborers, if not as soldiers, they will be allies of the rebels, or of the Union."<ref>James MacPherson, ''Battle Cry of Freedom'' (1988) page 495</ref> The same Congressman—and his fellow Radical Republicans—put pressure on Lincoln to rapidly emancipate the slaves, whereas Conservative Republicans came to accept gradual, compensated emancipation and colonization.

In 1861 Lincoln expressed the fear that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states, and that "to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."<ref>Lincoln's letter to O. H. Browning, Sep 22, 1861</ref> At first Lincoln reversed attempts at emancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals [[John C. Fremont]] (in Missouri) and [[David Hunter]] (in the South Carolina Sea Islands) in order to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats. Lincoln then tried to persuade the border states to accept his plan of gradual, compensated emancipation and voluntary colonization, while warning them that stronger measures would be needed if the moderate approach was rejected. Only the District of Columbia accepted Lincoln's gradual plan, and Lincoln issued his final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1 of 1863. In his letter to Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong … And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling ... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."<ref> Lincoln's Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864</ref>  

In 1861 Lincoln expressed the fear that premature attempts at emancipation would mean the loss of the border states, and that "to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game."<ref>Lincoln's letter to O. H. Browning, Sep 22, 1861</ref> At first Lincoln reversed attempts at emancipation by Secretary of War Simon Cameron and Generals [[John C. Fremont]] (in Missouri) and [[David Hunter]] (in the South Carolina Sea Islands) in order to keep the loyalty of the border states and the War Democrats. Lincoln then tried to persuade the border states to accept his plan of gradual, compensated emancipation and voluntary colonization, while warning them that stronger measures would be needed if the moderate approach was rejected. Only the District of Columbia accepted Lincoln's gradual plan, and Lincoln issued his final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1 of 1863. In his letter to Hodges, Lincoln explained his belief that "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong … And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling ... I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."<ref>Lincoln's Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864</ref>  

The Emancipation Proclamation, announced in September 1862 and The [[Radical Republicsn]] put intense political pressure on Lincoln to use emancipation as a weapon. The problem was that he needed first to shore up pro-Union support in key border states, especially Kentucky. Only after it was safe could he act, and then he needed a military victory first. Lincoln thrilled the anti-slavery forces by announcing the Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862; the official proclamation came on January 1, 1863, and it had the effect of freeing most of the 4 million slaves. It also greatly reduced the Confederacy's hope of getting aid from Britain or France. Lincoln's moderate approach succeeded in getting border states, War Democrats and emancipated slaves fighting on the same side for the Union.

The Emancipation Proclamation, announced in September 1862 and The [[Radical Republicsn]] put intense political pressure on Lincoln to use emancipation as a weapon. The problem was that he needed first to shore up pro-Union support in key border states, especially Kentucky. Only after it was safe could he act, and then he needed a military victory first. Lincoln thrilled the anti-slavery forces by announcing the Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862; the official proclamation came on January 1, 1863, and it had the effect of freeing most of the 4 million slaves. It also greatly reduced the Confederacy's hope of getting aid from Britain or France. Lincoln's moderate approach succeeded in getting border states, War Democrats and emancipated slaves fighting on the same side for the Union.

====Border states====

====Border states====

The Union-controlled border states (Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware and West Virginia) were not covered by the Emancipation Proclamation. All abolished slavery on their own, except Kentucky. The great majority of the 4 million slaves were freed by the Emancipation Proclamation, as Union armies moved South. To handle this problem Lincoln proposed the a constitutional amendment. The 13th amendment, passed by Congress in February 1865 and ratified by the states in December 1865, finally freed the remaining 40,000 slaves in Kentucky.<ref> It also freed 1,000 or so slaves in Delaware and some lifetime servants in West Virginia, as well as black slaves owned by Indians in Oklahoma.</ref>

The Union-controlled border states (Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware and West Virginia) were not covered by the Emancipation Proclamation. All abolished slavery on their own, except Kentucky. The great majority of the 4 million slaves were freed by the Emancipation Proclamation, as Union armies moved South. To handle this problem Lincoln proposed the a constitutional amendment. The 13th amendment, passed by Congress in February 1865 and ratified by the states in December 1865, finally freed the remaining 40,000 slaves in Kentucky.<ref>It also freed 1,000 or so slaves in Delaware and some lifetime servants in West Virginia, as well as black slaves owned by Indians in Oklahoma.</ref>

===Reconstruction===

===Reconstruction===

[[Booker T. Washington]] (1856-1915) was the dominant political and educational leader of the African-American community 1890-1915.  He is most famous for his inspiring autobiography, ''Up from Slavery,'' his leadership of black conservative business and religious leaders, his founding of Tuskeegee Institute as a college for technical training, and his emphasis on self-help and education as the cure for poverty and the second class status of blacks in America.  In his "Atlanta Compromise" of 1895 Washington reluctantly accepted Jim Crow, segregation and disfranchisement in return for black freedom in economic, religious and cultural affairs. Washington was highly popular among top white leaders and most blacks, but his approach was attacked after 1909 as too conservative by [[W.E.B. DuBois]] and the [[NAACP]].

[[Booker T. Washington]] (1856-1915) was the dominant political and educational leader of the African-American community 1890-1915.  He is most famous for his inspiring autobiography, ''Up from Slavery,'' his leadership of black conservative business and religious leaders, his founding of Tuskeegee Institute as a college for technical training, and his emphasis on self-help and education as the cure for poverty and the second class status of blacks in America.  In his "Atlanta Compromise" of 1895 Washington reluctantly accepted Jim Crow, segregation and disfranchisement in return for black freedom in economic, religious and cultural affairs. Washington was highly popular among top white leaders and most blacks, but his approach was attacked after 1909 as too conservative by [[W.E.B. DuBois]] and the [[NAACP]].

The most dramatic demographic change came after 1940, as most backs left the rural South--some for nearby southern cities, and most headed to large cities in the North and West. In the decade of the 1940s 1.6 million left the South; in the 1950s, 1.5 million, and in the 1960s 1.4 million.  By 1970 there were very few back farmers left. Politically it was a movement from a white dominated rural South where few blacks could vote or speak out, to a pluralistic political environment where northern central cities were controlled by liberals and their allies in the labor unions.

The most dramatic demographic change came after 1940, as most backs left the rural South—some for nearby southern cities, and most headed to large cities in the North and West. In the decade of the 1940s 1.6 million left the South; in the 1950s, 1.5 million, and in the 1960s 1.4 million.  By 1970 there were very few back farmers left. Politically it was a movement from a white dominated rural South where few blacks could vote or speak out, to a pluralistic political environment where northern central cities were controlled by liberals and their allies in the labor unions.

==Age of Civil Rights, 1954 to present==

==Age of Civil Rights, 1954 to present==

In 1960 southern black college and high school students launched the sit-in movement, forming the [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC).

In 1960 southern black college and high school students launched the sit-in movement, forming the [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC).

Through 1961 and 1962 civil rights leaders pressured the [[John F. Kennedy]] administration to support a tough civil rights bill, seeking a sort of second Emancipation Proclamation that would employ federal power to wipe out segregation just as Lincoln's 1863 decree had abolished slavery. Kennedy, basically conservative and unwilling to offend his base of Southern white voters, refused to act.  Civil rights groups thereupon launched multiple mass demonstrations throughout the South. King and the SCLC staff would single out some notoriously segregated city with officials who tolerated violence; mobilize the local blacks with songs, Bible readings, and rousing oratory; and then lead them on protest marches conspicuous for their nonviolent spirit and moral purpose. Then the marchers escalated their demands--even fill up the jails--until they brought about a moment of "creative tension," when white authorities would either agree to negotiate or resort to violence. If violence broke out it would humiliate the moderate whites and redouble national pressures from church and activists for federal intervention. So far there was no violence on the part of blacks, but they were growing more and more frustrated and angry, with militants like [[Malcolm X]] calling for more extreme measures.<ref> Robert Terrill, "Protest, Prophecy, and Prudence in the Rhetoric of Malcolm X," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 4#1 Spring 2001, pp. 25-53 in [[Project Muse]]; Akinyele O. Umoja, "The Ballot and the Bullet," ''Journal of Black Studies'' 29 (1999): 558-79; Sean Dennis Cashman, ''African-Americans and the Quest for Civil Rights, 1900-1990'' (1991), 184-215. </ref>

Through 1961 and 1962 civil rights leaders pressured the [[John F. Kennedy]] administration to support a tough civil rights bill, seeking a sort of second Emancipation Proclamation that would employ federal power to wipe out segregation just as Lincoln's 1863 decree had abolished slavery. Kennedy, basically conservative and unwilling to offend his base of Southern white voters, refused to act.  Civil rights groups thereupon launched multiple mass demonstrations throughout the South. King and the SCLC staff would single out some notoriously segregated city with officials who tolerated violence; mobilize the local blacks with songs, Bible readings, and rousing oratory; and then lead them on protest marches conspicuous for their nonviolent spirit and moral purpose. Then the marchers escalated their demands—even fill up the jails—until they brought about a moment of "creative tension," when white authorities would either agree to negotiate or resort to violence. If violence broke out it would humiliate the moderate whites and redouble national pressures from church and activists for federal intervention. So far there was no violence on the part of blacks, but they were growing more and more frustrated and angry, with militants like [[Malcolm X]] calling for more extreme measures.<ref>Robert Terrill, "Protest, Prophecy, and Prudence in the Rhetoric of Malcolm X," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 4#1 Spring 2001, pp. 25-53 in [[Project Muse]]; Akinyele O. Umoja, "The Ballot and the Bullet," ''Journal of Black Studies'' 29 (1999): 558-79; Sean Dennis Cashman, ''African-Americans and the Quest for Civil Rights, 1900-1990'' (1991), 184-215.</ref>

Nonviolent confrontation failed politically in Albany, Georgia, in 1962, where white authorities were equally nonviolent. In 1963 it succeeded in Birmingham, Alabama, where Police Commissioner Eugene ("Bull") Connor turned  

Nonviolent confrontation failed politically in Albany, Georgia, in 1962, where white authorities were equally nonviolent. In 1963 it succeeded in Birmingham, Alabama, where Police Commissioner Eugene ("Bull") Connor turned  

fire-hoses and police dogs on the marchers--in full view of reporters and television cameras. The civil rights activists thus exposed racist hatred to the scorn of national and world opinion. Jailed during the demonstrations, King wrote his classic "Letter from Birmingham Jail," the most influential and eloquent expression of the goals and philosophy of the civil rights movement.<ref>Edward I. Berry, "Doing Time: King's 'Letter from Birmingham Jail." ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 9#1 Spring 2005, pp. 109-131 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> King's great speech, "I Have a Dream" during the March on Washington, August 28, 1963, galvanized the movement, putting forth a goal of an integrated color-blind society.<ref> Mark Vail, "The 'Integrative' Rhetoric of Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'I Have a Dream' Speech," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 9#1 Spring 2006, pp. 51-78 in [[Project Muse]]; Alexandra Alverez, "Martin Luther King's 'I Have a Dream': The Speech Event as Metaphor," ''Journal of Black Studies'' 3 (1998):337–57</ref> President [[Lyndon Johnson]], a long-time supporter of civil rights, had replaced Kennedy and he seized the moment to mobilize a majority coalition of northern Democrats, Republicans, white churches, and white labor unions to break a Senate filibuster and pass 1964 [[Civil Rights Act]], which desegregated public facilities. Overnight Jim Crow vanished, with little protest or violence.

fire-hoses and police dogs on the marchers—in full view of reporters and television cameras. The civil rights activists thus exposed racist hatred to the scorn of national and world opinion. Jailed during the demonstrations, King wrote his classic "Letter from Birmingham Jail," the most influential and eloquent expression of the goals and philosophy of the civil rights movement.<ref>Edward I. Berry, "Doing Time: King's 'Letter from Birmingham Jail." ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 9#1 Spring 2005, pp. 109-131 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> King's great speech, "I Have a Dream" during the March on Washington, August 28, 1963, galvanized the movement, putting forth a goal of an integrated color-blind society.<ref>Mark Vail, "The 'Integrative' Rhetoric of Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'I Have a Dream' Speech," ''Rhetoric & Public Affairs'' 9#1 Spring 2006, pp. 51-78 in [[Project Muse]]; Alexandra Alverez, "Martin Luther King's 'I Have a Dream': The Speech Event as Metaphor," ''Journal of Black Studies'' 3 (1998):337–57</ref> President [[Lyndon Johnson]], a long-time supporter of civil rights, had replaced Kennedy and he seized the moment to mobilize a majority coalition of northern Democrats, Republicans, white churches, and white labor unions to break a Senate filibuster and pass 1964 [[Civil Rights Act]], which desegregated public facilities. Overnight Jim Crow vanished, with little protest or violence.

However, within days of the passage of the powerful new law, rioting broke out in black ghettos, as the civil rights leadership discovered it could not control the angry masses.  Nor could it control the radical students in SNCC and like-minded groups who were moving rapidly to the left, rejecting alliances with whites, discarding the goal of integration and demanding instead black separatism and "Black Power."<ref> Akinyele O. Umoja, "1964: The Beginning of the End of Nonviolence in the Mississippi Freedom Movement," ''Radical History Review'', Jan 2003; 2003: 201 - 226. online in [[Duke journals]]</ref>

However, within days of the passage of the powerful new law, rioting broke out in black ghettos, as the civil rights leadership discovered it could not control the angry masses.  Nor could it control the radical students in SNCC and like-minded groups who were moving rapidly to the left, rejecting alliances with whites, discarding the goal of integration and demanding instead black separatism and "Black Power."<ref>Akinyele O. Umoja, "1964: The Beginning of the End of Nonviolence in the Mississippi Freedom Movement," ''Radical History Review'', Jan 2003; 2003: 201 - 226. online in [[Duke journals]]</ref>

==Recent years==

==Recent years==

McCain hailed Obama's win:

McCain hailed Obama's win:

:I've always believed that America offers opportunities to all who have the industry and will to seize it. Senator Obama believes that, too. But we both recognize that though we have come a long way from the old injustices that once stained our nation's reputation and denied some Americans the full blessings of American citizenship, the memory of them still had the power to wound.  A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt's invitation of Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House was taken as an outrage in many quarters. America today is a world away from the cruel and prideful bigotry of that time. There is no better evidence of this than the election of an African American to the presidency of the United States. Let there be no reason now for any American to fail to cherish their citizenship in this, the greatest nation on Earth.<ref> [http://www.johnmccain.com/splash110408.htm McCain statement Nov. 4, 2008]</ref>  

:I've always believed that America offers opportunities to all who have the industry and will to seize it. Senator Obama believes that, too. But we both recognize that though we have come a long way from the old injustices that once stained our nation's reputation and denied some Americans the full blessings of American citizenship, the memory of them still had the power to wound.  A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt's invitation of Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House was taken as an outrage in many quarters. America today is a world away from the cruel and prideful bigotry of that time. There is no better evidence of this than the election of an African American to the presidency of the United States. Let there be no reason now for any American to fail to cherish their citizenship in this, the greatest nation on Earth.<ref>[http://www.johnmccain.com/splash110408.htm McCain statement Nov. 4, 2008]</ref>  

The history of slavery has always been a major research topic for white scholars, but they generally focused on the political and constitutional themes until the 1950s, generally ignoring the black slaves themselves.  During [[Reconstruction]] and the late 19th century, blacks became major actors in the South. The [[Dunning School]] of white scholars generally cast the blacks as pawns of white Carpetbaggers but [[W.E.B. Dubois]], a black historian, and [[Ulrich B. Phillips]], a white historian, studied the African-American experience in depth. Indeed, Phillips set the main topics of inquiry that still guide the analysis of slave economics.  

The history of slavery has always been a major research topic for white scholars, but they generally focused on the political and constitutional themes until the 1950s, generally ignoring the black slaves themselves.  During [[Reconstruction]] and the late 19th century, blacks became major actors in the South. The [[Dunning School]] of white scholars generally cast the blacks as pawns of white Carpetbaggers but [[W.E.B. Dubois]], a black historian, and [[Ulrich B. Phillips]], a white historian, studied the African-American experience in depth. Indeed, Phillips set the main topics of inquiry that still guide the analysis of slave economics.  

In the black community, in the first half of the 20th century Carter G. Woodson was the major scholar studying and promoting the black historical experience. Woodson insisted that the study of African descendants be scholarly sound, creative, restorative, and, most important, directly relevant to the black community. He popularized black history with a variety of innovative strategies and vehicles, including Association for the Study of Negro Life outreach activities, Negro History Month (now [[Black History Month]], in February), and a popular black history magazine.  Woodson democratized, legitimized, and popularized black history.<ref> Pero Gaglo Dagbovie, "Making Black History Practical and Popular: Carter G. Woodson, the Proto Black Studies Movement, and the Struggle for Black Liberation." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'' 2004 28(2): 372-383. Issn: 0197-4327 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>  

In the black community, in the first half of the 20th century Carter G. Woodson was the major scholar studying and promoting the black historical experience. Woodson insisted that the study of African descendants be scholarly sound, creative, restorative, and, most important, directly relevant to the black community. He popularized black history with a variety of innovative strategies and vehicles, including Association for the Study of Negro Life outreach activities, Negro History Month (now [[Black History Month]], in February), and a popular black history magazine.  Woodson democratized, legitimized, and popularized black history.<ref>Pero Gaglo Dagbovie, "Making Black History Practical and Popular: Carter G. Woodson, the Proto Black Studies Movement, and the Struggle for Black Liberation." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'' 2004 28(2): 372-383. Issn: 0197-4327 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>  

Benjamin Quarles (1904-96) and John Hope Franklin (1915-2009) provided a bridge between the work of historians in black schools such as Woodson, and the black history that is now well established in mainline universities.  Quarles grew up in Boston, attended Shaw University as an undergraduate, and received a graduate degree at the University of Wisconsin. He began in 1953 teaching at Morgan State College in Baltimore, where he stayed, despite a lucrative offer from Johns Hopkins. Franklin taught at Brooklyn College and had a major impact when he was a professor at the elite [[University of Chicago]], 1964-83.

Benjamin Quarles (1904–96) and John Hope Franklin (1915-2009) provided a bridge between the work of historians in black schools such as Woodson, and the black history that is now well established in mainline universities.  Quarles grew up in Boston, attended Shaw University as an undergraduate, and received a graduate degree at the University of Wisconsin. He began in 1953 teaching at Morgan State College in Baltimore, where he stayed, despite a lucrative offer from Johns Hopkins. Franklin taught at Brooklyn College and had a major impact when he was a professor at the elite [[University of Chicago]], 1964-83.

Black history always sought out black agency--even slaves had a certain amount of control over their lives. The assumptions was that slaves were passive and did not rebel was debated in the 1950s and rejected.  Many of the white scholars were former Communists or members of the far left, and they looked for violent rebellion. They found few such rebellions, but much unrest. Herbert Gutman and Leon Litwack showed that in reconstruction how former slaves fought to keep their families together and struggled against tremendous odds to define themselves as free people.  [[Robert Fogel]], a former Communist who moved to the right, enraged the left when he used quantitative methods to show that the housing, food, clothing and living conditions of the slaves were reasonably favorable. He was awarded the Nobel prize in Economics for his work.

Black history always sought out black agency—even slaves had a certain amount of control over their lives. The assumptions was that slaves were passive and did not rebel was debated in the 1950s and rejected.  Many of the white scholars were former Communists or members of the far left, and they looked for violent rebellion. They found few such rebellions, but much unrest. Herbert Gutman and Leon Litwack showed that in reconstruction how former slaves fought to keep their families together and struggled against tremendous odds to define themselves as free people.  [[Robert Fogel]], a former Communist who moved to the right, enraged the left when he used quantitative methods to show that the housing, food, clothing and living conditions of the slaves were reasonably favorable. He was awarded the Nobel prize in Economics for his work.

Today proponents of black history argue that it promotes diversity, develops self-esteem, and corrects myths and stereotypes. Opponents, including [[Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.]] and [[Oscar Handlin]], complain that such curricula are dishonest, divisive, and lack academic credibility and rigor.<ref> Abul Pitre  and Ruth Ray, "The Controversy Around Black History." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'' 2002 26(3): 149-154. Issn: 0197-4327 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Today proponents of black history argue that it promotes diversity, develops self-esteem, and corrects myths and stereotypes. Opponents, including [[Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.]] and [[Oscar Handlin]], complain that such curricula are dishonest, divisive, and lack academic credibility and rigor.<ref>Abul Pitre  and Ruth Ray, "The Controversy Around Black History." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'' 2002 26(3): 149-154. Issn: 0197-4327 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

==Knowledge of black history==

==Knowledge of black history==

Surveys of 11th and 12th grade students and adults in 2005 show that American schools have made them very well informed about black history.  Both groups were asked to name ten famous Americans, excluding presidents. Of the students, the three highest names were blacks: 67% named Martin Luther King, 60% Rosa Parks, and 44% Harriet Tubman. Among adults, King was 2nd (at 36%) and Parks was tied for 4th with 30%, while Tubman tied for 10th place with Henry Ford, at 16%. When distiguished historians were asked in 2006 to name the most prominent Americans, Parks and Tubman did not make the top 100.<ref> Sam Wineburg and Chauncey Monte-Sano, "'Famous Americans': The Changing Pantheon of American Heroes," ''Journal of American History'' (March 2008) 94#4 pp. 1186–1202.

Surveys of 11th and 12th grade students and adults in 2005 show that American schools have made them very well informed about black history.  Both groups were asked to name ten famous Americans, excluding presidents. Of the students, the three highest names were blacks: 67% named Martin Luther King, 60% Rosa Parks, and 44% Harriet Tubman. Among adults, King was 2nd (at 36%) and Parks was tied for 4th with 30%, while Tubman tied for 10th place with Henry Ford, at 16%. When distiguished historians were asked in 2006 to name the most prominent Americans, Parks and Tubman did not make the top 100.<ref>Sam Wineburg and Chauncey Monte-Sano, "'Famous Americans': The Changing Pantheon of American Heroes," ''Journal of American History'' (March 2008) 94#4 pp. 1186–1202.

</ref>

</ref>

* Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. "The Freedmen's Bureau"  (1901)] by leading black scholar [http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/sgml/moa-idx?notisid=ABK2934-0087-50 online edition]

* Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. "The Freedmen's Bureau"  (1901)] by leading black scholar [http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/sgml/moa-idx?notisid=ABK2934-0087-50 online edition]

* Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. ''Black Reconstruction in America 1860-1880'' (1935)

* Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt. ''Black Reconstruction in America 1860-1880'' (1935)

* Durrill, Wayne K. "Political Legitimacy and Local Courts: 'Politicks at Such a Rage' in a Southern Community during Reconstruction" in ''Journal of Southern History'', Vol. 70 #3, 2004 pp 577-617 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5006777413 online edition]

* Durrill, Wayne K. "Political Legitimacy and Local Courts: 'Politicks at Such a Rage' in a Southern Community during Reconstruction" in ''Journal of Southern History'', Vol. 70 #3, 2004 pp 577–617 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5006777413 online edition]

* Foner Eric. ''Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877'' (1988), the standard history of Reconstruction.

* Foner Eric. ''Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877'' (1988), the standard history of Reconstruction.

* Gutman, Herbert G. ''The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750-1925'' (1977)

* Gutman, Herbert G. ''The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750-1925'' (1977)

* Ransom, Roger L. ''Conflict and Compromise''. (1989), econometric history

* Ransom, Roger L. ''Conflict and Compromise''. (1989), econometric history

* Richardson, Joe M. ''Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861-1890'' (1986).

* Richardson, Joe M. ''Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861-1890'' (1986).

* Rodrigue, John C. "Labor Militancy and Black Grassroots Political Mobilization in the Louisiana Sugar Region, 1865-1868" in ''Journal of Southern History'', Vol. 67 #1, 2001 pp 115-45; [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002388829 online edition]  also in JSTOR

* Rodrigue, John C. "Labor Militancy and Black Grassroots Political Mobilization in the Louisiana Sugar Region, 1865-1868" in ''Journal of Southern History'', Vol. 67 #1, 2001 pp 115–45; [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5002388829 online edition]  also in JSTOR

* Schwalm, Leslie A. "'Sweet Dreams of Freedom': Freedwomen's Reconstruction of Life and Labor in Lowcountry South Carolina," ''Journal of Women's History,'' Vol. 9 #1, 1997 pp 9-32 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=98499026 online edition]

* Schwalm, Leslie A. "'Sweet Dreams of Freedom': Freedwomen's Reconstruction of Life and Labor in Lowcountry South Carolina," ''Journal of Women's History,'' Vol. 9 #1, 1997 pp 9–32 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=98499026 online edition]

* Span, Christopher M. "'I Must Learn Now or Not at All': Social and Cultural Capital in the Educational Initiatives of Formerly Enslaved African Americans in Mississippi, 1862-1869," ''The Journal of African American History'', 2002  pp 196-222 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5000605558 online edition]

* Span, Christopher M. "'I Must Learn Now or Not at All': Social and Cultural Capital in the Educational Initiatives of Formerly Enslaved African Americans in Mississippi, 1862-1869," ''The Journal of African American History'', 2002  pp 196–222 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5000605558 online edition]

* Williamson, Joel. ''After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877'' 1965.

* Williamson, Joel. ''After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877'' 1965.

* Harlan. Louis R.  ''Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee 1901-1915'' (1983), the standard scholarly biography vol 2 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=78995092  online edition vol 2]

* Harlan. Louis R.  ''Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee 1901-1915'' (1983), the standard scholarly biography vol 2 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=78995092  online edition vol 2]

* Harlan. Louis R.    ''Booker T. Washington in Perspective: Essays of Louis R. Harlan'' (1988) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=104404815  online edition]

* Harlan. Louis R.    ''Booker T. Washington in Perspective: Essays of Louis R. Harlan'' (1988) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=104404815  online edition]

* Harlan. Louis R.  "The Secret Life of Booker T. Washington."  ''Journal of Southern History'' 37#3 (1971).  pp 393-416 Documents Booker T. Washington's secret financing and directing of litigation against segregation and disfranchisement. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2206948 in JSTOR]

* Harlan. Louis R.  "The Secret Life of Booker T. Washington."  ''Journal of Southern History'' 37#3 (1971).  pp 393–416 Documents Booker T. Washington's secret financing and directing of litigation against segregation and disfranchisement. [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2206948 in JSTOR]

* McMurry, Linda O.  ''George Washington Carver, Scientist and Symbol'' (1982) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=106358296 online edition]

* McMurry, Linda O.  ''George Washington Carver, Scientist and Symbol'' (1982) [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=106358296 online edition]

* Jones, Jacqueline. ''Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present'' (1985) [http://www.amazon.com/Labor-Love-Sorrow-Jacqueline-Jones/dp/0394745361/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208663256&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

* Jones, Jacqueline. ''Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present'' (1985) [http://www.amazon.com/Labor-Love-Sorrow-Jacqueline-Jones/dp/0394745361/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208663256&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

* Collier-Thomas, Bettye, and V.P. Franklin. ''Sisters in the Struggle : African-American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement'' (2001) [http://www.amazon.com/Sisters-Struggle-African-American-Rights-Black-Movement/dp/0814716024/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208748749&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search]

* Collier-Thomas, Bettye, and V.P. Franklin. ''Sisters in the Struggle : African-American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement'' (2001) [http://www.amazon.com/Sisters-Struggle-African-American-Rights-Black-Movement/dp/0814716024/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208748749&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search]

* Eagles, Charles, ed. ''The Civil Rights Movement in America'' (1986), 200pp; 12 short essays by scholars [http://www.amazon.com/Civil-Rights-Movement-America-Chancellor/dp/0878052984/ref=sr_1_12?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208730312&sr=1-12erpt and text search]

* Eagles, Charles, ed. ''The Civil Rights Movement in America'' (1986), 200pp; 12 short essays by scholars [http://www.amazon.com/Civil-Rights-Movement-America-Chancellor/dp/0878052984/ref=sr_1_12?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208730312&sr=1-12erpt and text search]

* Farley, Reynolds,  and William H. Frey. "The Segregation of Whites from Blacks During the 1980s: Small Steps Toward a More Integrated Society," ''American Sociological Review'', Vol. 59, No. 1 (Feb., 1994), pp. 23-45 heavily statistical; [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2096131 in JSTOR]

* Farley, Reynolds,  and William H. Frey. "The Segregation of Whites from Blacks During the 1980s: Small Steps Toward a More Integrated Society," ''American Sociological Review'', Vol. 59, No. 1 (Feb., 1994), pp.&nbsp;23–45 heavily statistical; [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2096131 in JSTOR]

* Fredrickson, George M. ''Black Liberation: A Comparative History of Black Ideologies in the United States and South Africa''  (2nd ed. 1996)[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0195109783 excerpt and text search]

* Fredrickson, George M. ''Black Liberation: A Comparative History of Black Ideologies in the United States and South Africa''  (2nd ed. 1996)[http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0195109783 excerpt and text search]

*  Garrow, David. ''Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., And The Southern Christian Leadership Conference'' (1989) [http://www.amazon.com/Bearing-Cross-Christian-Leadership-Conference/dp/B0002NPFWS/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208723153&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

*  Garrow, David. ''Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., And The Southern Christian Leadership Conference'' (1989) [http://www.amazon.com/Bearing-Cross-Christian-Leadership-Conference/dp/B0002NPFWS/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208723153&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Goldman, Peter. ''The Death and Life of Malcolm X,'' (2nd ed. 1979)

* Goldman, Peter. ''The Death and Life of Malcolm X,'' (2nd ed. 1979)

* Graham, Hugh Davis. ''The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy, 1960-1972'' (1990)  

* Graham, Hugh Davis. ''The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy, 1960-1972'' (1990)  

* Harris, Fredrick C. "Something Within: Religion as a Mobilizer of African-American Political Activism," ''The Journal of Politics,'' Vol. 56, No. 1 (Feb., 1994), pp. 42-68 [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2132345 in JSTOR]

* Harris, Fredrick C. "Something Within: Religion as a Mobilizer of African-American Political Activism," ''The Journal of Politics,'' Vol. 56, No. 1 (Feb., 1994), pp.&nbsp;42–68 [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2132345 in JSTOR]

* Horne, Gerald. '"'Myth' and the Making of 'Malcolm X'", ''The American Historical Review,'' Vol. 98, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp. 440-450 [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2166843 in JSTOR]

* Horne, Gerald. '"'Myth' and the Making of 'Malcolm X'", ''The American Historical Review,'' Vol. 98, No. 2 (Apr., 1993), pp.&nbsp;440–450 [http://www.jstor.org/pss/2166843 in JSTOR]

* Kluger, Richard.'' Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality,'' (1975) [http://www.amazon.com/Simple-Justice-Education-Americas-Struggle/dp/1400030617/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208730244&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

* Kluger, Richard.'' Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality,'' (1975) [http://www.amazon.com/Simple-Justice-Education-Americas-Struggle/dp/1400030617/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208730244&sr=1-1 excerpt and text search]

*  Ling, Peter J. ''Martin Luther King, Jr.'' (2002) [http://www.amazon.com/Martin-Luther-Routledge-Historical-Biographies/dp/0415216648/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208722988&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search]

*  Ling, Peter J. ''Martin Luther King, Jr.'' (2002) [http://www.amazon.com/Martin-Luther-Routledge-Historical-Biographies/dp/0415216648/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208722988&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search]

===Historiography and teaching===

===Historiography and teaching===

* Arnesen, Eric. "Up From Exclusion: Black and White Workers, Race, and the State of Labor History," ''Reviews in American History'' 26#1 March 1998, pp. 146-174 in [[Project Muse]]

* Arnesen, Eric. "Up From Exclusion: Black and White Workers, Race, and the State of Labor History," ''Reviews in American History'' 26#1 March 1998, pp.&nbsp;146–174 in [[Project Muse]]

* Dagbovie, Pero. ''The Early Black History Movement, Carter G. Woodson, and Lorenzo Johnston Greene'' (2007) [http://www.amazon.com/History-Movement-Woodson-Lorenzo-Johnston/dp/0252074351/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208662932&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search]

* Dagbovie, Pero. ''The Early Black History Movement, Carter G. Woodson, and Lorenzo Johnston Greene'' (2007) [http://www.amazon.com/History-Movement-Woodson-Lorenzo-Johnston/dp/0252074351/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208662932&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search]

* Dagbovie, Pero Gaglo. "Exploring a Century of Historical Scholarship on Booker T. Washington." ''Journal of African American History'' 2007 92(2): 239-264. Issn: 1548-1867 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]

* Dagbovie, Pero Gaglo. "Exploring a Century of Historical Scholarship on Booker T. Washington." ''Journal of African American History'' 2007 92(2): 239-264. Issn: 1548-1867 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]

* Dorsey, Allison. "Black History Is American History: Teaching African American History in the Twenty-first Century." ''Journal of American History'' 2007 93(4): 1171-1177. Issn: 0021-8723 Fulltext: [[History Cooperative]]

* Dorsey, Allison. "Black History Is American History: Teaching African American History in the Twenty-first Century." ''Journal of American History'' 2007 93(4): 1171-1177. Issn: 0021-8723 Fulltext: [[History Cooperative]]

* Ernest, John. "Liberation Historiography: African-American Historians before the Civil War," ''American Literary History'' 14#3, Fall 2002, pp. 413-443 in [[Project Muse]]

* Ernest, John. "Liberation Historiography: African-American Historians before the Civil War," ''American Literary History'' 14#3, Fall 2002, pp.&nbsp;413–443 in [[Project Muse]]

* Eyerman, Ron. ''Cultural Trauma: Slavery and the Formation of African American Identity'' (2002) argues that slavery emerged as a central element of the collective identity of African Americans in the post-Reconstruction era.  

* Eyerman, Ron. ''Cultural Trauma: Slavery and the Formation of African American Identity'' (2002) argues that slavery emerged as a central element of the collective identity of African Americans in the post-Reconstruction era.  

* Fields, Barbara J. "Ideology and Race in American History," in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson , eds., ''Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward'' (1982)

* Fields, Barbara J. "Ideology and Race in American History," in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson , eds., ''Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward'' (1982)

* Hine, Darlene Clark, ed. ''Afro-American History: Past, Present, and Future.'' (1986).

* Hine, Darlene Clark, ed. ''Afro-American History: Past, Present, and Future.'' (1986).

* Hine, Darlene Clark. ''Hine Sight: Black Women and the Re-Construction of American History'' (1994) [http://www.amazon.com/Hine-Sight-Re-Construction-American-Diaspora/dp/0253211247/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208662746&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Hine, Darlene Clark. ''Hine Sight: Black Women and the Re-Construction of American History'' (1994) [http://www.amazon.com/Hine-Sight-Re-Construction-American-Diaspora/dp/0253211247/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1208662746&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Hornsby Jr., Alton, et al. eds. ''A Companion to African American History.'' (2005). 580 pp. 31 long essays by experts covering African and diasporic connections in the context of the transatlantic slave trade; colonial and antebellum African, European, and indigenous relations; processes of cultural exchange; war and emancipation; post-emancipation community and institution building; intersections of class and gender; migration; and struggles for civil rights. ISBN 0-631-23066-1   

* Hornsby Jr., Alton, et al. eds. ''A Companion to African American History.'' (2005). 580 pp.&nbsp;31 long essays by experts covering African and diasporic connections in the context of the transatlantic slave trade; colonial and antebellum African, European, and indigenous relations; processes of cultural exchange; war and emancipation; post-emancipation community and institution building; intersections of class and gender; migration; and struggles for civil rights. ISBN 0-631-23066-1   

* McMillen, Neil R. "Up from Jim Crow: Black History Enters the Profession's Mainstream." ''Reviews in American History'' 1987 15(4): 543-549. Issn: 0048-7511 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2701928  in Jstor]  

* McMillen, Neil R. "Up from Jim Crow: Black History Enters the Profession's Mainstream." ''Reviews in American History'' 1987 15(4): 543-549. Issn: 0048-7511 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2701928  in Jstor]  

* Meier, August,  and Elliott Rudwick. ''Black History and the Historical Profession, 1915-1980'' (1986)

* Meier, August,  and Elliott Rudwick. ''Black History and the Historical Profession, 1915-1980'' (1986)