Changes

==Histories==

==Histories==

Schlesinger won his first Pulitzer Prize for ''The Age of Jackson, 1828-36'' (1945). The book reshaped historiography by interpreting the past in light of the present. Schlesinger's work tied [[Jacksonian Democracy]] the watershed events of [[Andrew Jackson]]'s  presidency --especially Jackson's alliance with labor unions and his war-to-the-death with the Bank of the United States, to the liberal reforms of [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]. He thus linked the 19th-century expansion of democracy to mid-20th-century liberal political concerns. Although this method of history met with some criticism, particularly from conservatives, ''The Age of Jackson'' critical and popular success, appealing to a wide, general audience. Through his advocacy of the political utility of scholarship, Schlesinger set a precedent for an alliance between the postwar intelligentsia and American politics.

Schlesinger won his first Pulitzer Prize for ''The Age of Jackson, 1828-36'' (1945). The book reshaped historiography by interpreting the past in light of the present. Schlesinger's work tied [[Jacksonian Democracy]] the watershed events of [[Andrew Jackson]]'s  presidency—especially Jackson's alliance with labor unions and his war-to-the-death with the Bank of the United States, to the liberal reforms of [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]. He thus linked the 19th-century expansion of democracy to mid-20th-century liberal political concerns. Although this method of history met with some criticism, particularly from conservatives, ''The Age of Jackson'' critical and popular success, appealing to a wide, general audience. Through his advocacy of the political utility of scholarship, Schlesinger set a precedent for an alliance between the postwar intelligentsia and American politics.

==Politics==

==Politics==

==Move to the right==

==Move to the right==

A totally new mood of disillusionment with powerful presidents (like [[Lyndon Johnson]] and [[Richard Nixon]]) characterized ''The Imperial Presidency'' (1973) as the United States was ending its involvement in Vietnam. He warned that because of constitutional ambiguity regarding foreign affairs, the president had virtually unchecked power, what he termed a "permanent prerogative" to declare war without congressional consent, as Roosevelt had practically done in 1941.  The seeming abuse of constitutional power by presidents who initiate military action without congressional approval, however, stems less from constitutional ambiguity than legislators' reluctance, particularly those in the president's political party, to use their constitutional authority, which provides legal and procedural checks on the president.<ref> Timothy S. Boylan, "War Powers, Constitutional Balance, and the Imperial Presidency Idea at Century's End". ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1999 29(2): 232-249. 0360-4918 </ref>

A totally new mood of disillusionment with powerful presidents (like [[Lyndon Johnson]] and [[Richard Nixon]]) characterized ''The Imperial Presidency'' (1973) as the United States was ending its involvement in Vietnam. He warned that because of constitutional ambiguity regarding foreign affairs, the president had virtually unchecked power, what he termed a "permanent prerogative" to declare war without congressional consent, as Roosevelt had practically done in 1941.  The seeming abuse of constitutional power by presidents who initiate military action without congressional approval, however, stems less from constitutional ambiguity than legislators' reluctance, particularly those in the president's political party, to use their constitutional authority, which provides legal and procedural checks on the president.<ref>Timothy S. Boylan, "War Powers, Constitutional Balance, and the Imperial Presidency Idea at Century's End". ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1999 29(2): 232-249. 0360-4918</ref>

Schlesinger did not believe that the [[Civil Rights Movement]] was the high point of American liberalism, but he did not attack it either.  Instead he attacked [[multiculturalism]] and "[[bilingual education]]".  In ''The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society'' (1992) Schlesinger endorses the melting pot theory of American history against what he calls the "cult of ethnicity."

Schlesinger did not believe that the [[Civil Rights Movement]] was the high point of American liberalism, but he did not attack it either.  Instead he attacked [[multiculturalism]] and "[[bilingual education]]".  In ''The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society'' (1992) Schlesinger endorses the melting pot theory of American history against what he calls the "cult of ethnicity."