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| − | The '''Armenian Genocide''' was the massacre of Armenians in the [[Ottoman Empire]], especially the deaths of 600,000<ref> Armenians say 1.5 million. </ref> Armenians from Anatolia during [[World War I]]. [[Turkey]] (which in 1923 became the successor state to the Ottoman Empire) has denied its responsibility, suggesting that preplanned genocide did not occur. Turkey says it was a confusing period where many people were killed because of political uprisings. | + | The '''Armenian Genocide''' was the massacre of Armenians in the [[Ottoman Empire]], especially the deaths of 600,000<ref>Armenians say 1.5 million.</ref> Armenians from Anatolia during [[World War I]]. [[Turkey]] (which in 1923 became the successor state to the Ottoman Empire) has denied its responsibility, suggesting that preplanned genocide did not occur. Turkey says it was a confusing period where many people were killed because of political uprisings. |
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| | ==Background== | | ==Background== |
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| | Conflict between Turks and Armenians resulted from dissimilar cultural elements and social organization. By the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman authorities justified their attacks on Armenians by accusing them of being "revolutionaries, terrorists, and troublemakers acting on behalf of Russia or other foreign powers." Even with the demise of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, the conflict between Turks and Armenians remained unresolved, resulting in contemporary Armenian terrorist attacks on Turkish targets. | | Conflict between Turks and Armenians resulted from dissimilar cultural elements and social organization. By the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman authorities justified their attacks on Armenians by accusing them of being "revolutionaries, terrorists, and troublemakers acting on behalf of Russia or other foreign powers." Even with the demise of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, the conflict between Turks and Armenians remained unresolved, resulting in contemporary Armenian terrorist attacks on Turkish targets. |
| | ===Kurds=== | | ===Kurds=== |
| − | The Turks often used Muslim Kurds as intermediary oppressors between themselves and the Christian Armenians. Less firmly Islamic Kurds, however, often aided persecuted Armenians, and at times when the Kurds themselves were oppressed, Kurdish-Armenian solidarity emerged. The complex history of Turkish-Kurdish-Armenian relations culminated in Kurdish complicity in the genocide committed against the Armenians during World War I. Thereafter, Kurds and Kurdish independence movements became the chief targets of Turkish policies attempting to Turkify all Anatolia.<ref> Tessa Hofmann, Gerayer Koutcharian, and Dorothea Lam, "The History of Armenian-Kurdish Relations in the Ottoman Empire." ''Armenian Review'' 1986 39(4): 1-45. Issn: 0004-2366 </ref> | + | The Turks often used Muslim Kurds as intermediary oppressors between themselves and the Christian Armenians. Less firmly Islamic Kurds, however, often aided persecuted Armenians, and at times when the Kurds themselves were oppressed, Kurdish-Armenian solidarity emerged. The complex history of Turkish-Kurdish-Armenian relations culminated in Kurdish complicity in the genocide committed against the Armenians during World War I. Thereafter, Kurds and Kurdish independence movements became the chief targets of Turkish policies attempting to Turkify all Anatolia.<ref>Tessa Hofmann, Gerayer Koutcharian, and Dorothea Lam, "The History of Armenian-Kurdish Relations in the Ottoman Empire." ''Armenian Review'' 1986 39(4): 1-45. Issn: 0004-2366</ref> |
| | ===Armenian nationalists=== | | ===Armenian nationalists=== |
| | Following the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, Russians occupied the six Armenian vilayets, and Armenian nationalism was stimulated. In 1880, a revolutionary organization known as the Defenders of the Fatherland was organized in Erzurum. A few years later, in 1885, the Armenakan society was organized, and in 1887 the Hunchagian Party appeared. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktzutun) was formed in 1890. | | Following the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, Russians occupied the six Armenian vilayets, and Armenian nationalism was stimulated. In 1880, a revolutionary organization known as the Defenders of the Fatherland was organized in Erzurum. A few years later, in 1885, the Armenakan society was organized, and in 1887 the Hunchagian Party appeared. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktzutun) was formed in 1890. |
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| | ===World War I=== | | ===World War I=== |
| − | The Young Turk "Ittihad ve Terrake Djemieti" [Committee of Union and Progress, or CUP] took the opportunity afforded by the war with Russia to solve its "Armenian question." The Empire was at war with Russia, with military action in and near Armenia. The Armenians were seen as allies of the Russians, and could not be trusted with weapons. At end of 1914, Armenian soldiers in the Ottoman forces were disarmed; many were killed. In April 1915 hundreds of writers, journalists, and artists were arrested, exiled, and murdered. In June, 1915, as western powers threatened to punish those who committed atrocities against the Armenians, the government escalated its attacks and decided to forcibly remove all the Armenians living in eastern Armenia, near the Russian border--the Armenian homeland for many centuries. The deportation was the height of cruelty, in western Armenia, Cilicia, and surrounding regions, followed.<ref> In certain areas, notably Van, Shabin Karahisar, Sasun, Urfa, and Antioch, some Armenians were able to organize armed resistance.</ref> The long lines of Armenian deportees were set upon again and again by Turkish and Kurdish villagers who in many cases had been incited and were led by specially designated killing squads, that Armenians believe were organized at the highest levels of the government. Those Armenians who escaped massacre and reached the camps in Syria were very likely to perish of hunger, dehydration, or exposure on the way. Between 1915 and the armistice in 1918, some one million Armenians, out of a population of two million, were killed; others were killed in organized fighting after 1918. <ref> The numbers vary, with Armenian spokesmen setting the total at 1.5 million deaths and most historians at about 600,000 to 1 million. Donald Quataert, ''The Ottoman Empire, 1700-1922'' (2nd ed. 2005) p 187 says 600,000; Gunter (1986) p. 19 says the best unbiased estimate is 600,000. </ref> The Turkish mindset looked at adult men as the carriers of Armenian identity; they were killed. Women and children were considered to have malleable ethnic identity according to which men controlled them. Children especially were taken and raised as Turks or Kurds; women were made permanent servants or kept in harems.<ref> Adalian, "The Armenian Genocide," (2004) p 64</ref> | + | The Young Turk "Ittihad ve Terrake Djemieti" [Committee of Union and Progress, or CUP] took the opportunity afforded by the war with Russia to solve its "Armenian question." The Empire was at war with Russia, with military action in and near Armenia. The Armenians were seen as allies of the Russians, and could not be trusted with weapons. At end of 1914, Armenian soldiers in the Ottoman forces were disarmed; many were killed. In April 1915 hundreds of writers, journalists, and artists were arrested, exiled, and murdered. In June, 1915, as western powers threatened to punish those who committed atrocities against the Armenians, the government escalated its attacks and decided to forcibly remove all the Armenians living in eastern Armenia, near the Russian border—the Armenian homeland for many centuries. The deportation was the height of cruelty, in western Armenia, Cilicia, and surrounding regions, followed.<ref>In certain areas, notably Van, Shabin Karahisar, Sasun, Urfa, and Antioch, some Armenians were able to organize armed resistance.</ref> The long lines of Armenian deportees were set upon again and again by Turkish and Kurdish villagers who in many cases had been incited and were led by specially designated killing squads, that Armenians believe were organized at the highest levels of the government. Those Armenians who escaped massacre and reached the camps in Syria were very likely to perish of hunger, dehydration, or exposure on the way. Between 1915 and the armistice in 1918, some one million Armenians, out of a population of two million, were killed; others were killed in organized fighting after 1918.<ref>The numbers vary, with Armenian spokesmen setting the total at 1.5 million deaths and most historians at about 600,000 to 1 million. Donald Quataert, ''The Ottoman Empire, 1700-1922'' (2nd ed. 2005) p 187 says 600,000; Gunter (1986) p. 19 says the best unbiased estimate is 600,000.</ref> The Turkish mindset looked at adult men as the carriers of Armenian identity; they were killed. Women and children were considered to have malleable ethnic identity according to which men controlled them. Children especially were taken and raised as Turks or Kurds; women were made permanent servants or kept in harems.<ref>Adalian, "The Armenian Genocide," (2004) p 64</ref> |
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| | Many Armenians who survived the ordeal settled in Lebanon, with an Armenian population of 200,000 in the 1970s; large numbers dispersed worldwide, especially to California. | | Many Armenians who survived the ordeal settled in Lebanon, with an Armenian population of 200,000 in the 1970s; large numbers dispersed worldwide, especially to California. |
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| | The Treaty of Sèvres, Aug. 10, 1920, provided for an independent Armenia. However, the situation was drastically changed by Turkish military assaults and the establishment of a Soviet republic in Yerevan, Armenia, in late 1920. A treaty imposed on Armenia by Turkey on December 3 reduced Soviet Armenia to the province of Yerevan. It finally became independent in 1991. | | The Treaty of Sèvres, Aug. 10, 1920, provided for an independent Armenia. However, the situation was drastically changed by Turkish military assaults and the establishment of a Soviet republic in Yerevan, Armenia, in late 1920. A treaty imposed on Armenia by Turkey on December 3 reduced Soviet Armenia to the province of Yerevan. It finally became independent in 1991. |
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| − | In postwar Turkey, international pressure forced war crimes trials in 1919-20 against the Young Turk faction. The triumvirs who ruled Turkey in 1915 and had ordered the genovide--War Minister Enver Pasha, Interior minister Talat Pasha, and defense minister Ahmed Djemal Pasha--were condemned to death. They had fled Turkey but were tracked down and assassinated by Armenians as part of "Operation Nemesis," designed to kill the 200 Turks most involved in the genocide.<ref> It is unclear if Russians or Armenians killed Enver Pasha. Gunter, '' Pursuing the Just Cause,'' p 29. </ref> The new leader of Turkey after the war, [[Mustafa Kemal Atatürk]] had broken with the Young Turk group in 1914, was never involved in the genocide, and ended the privileged position given to Islam. Some 150,000 Armenians lived in Istanbul throughout the period; in the rmenian homeland areas of eastern Turkey almost all the Armenians were gone. | + | In postwar Turkey, international pressure forced war crimes trials in 1919-20 against the Young Turk faction. The triumvirs who ruled Turkey in 1915 and had ordered the genovide—War Minister Enver Pasha, Interior minister Talat Pasha, and defense minister Ahmed Djemal Pasha—were condemned to death. They had fled Turkey but were tracked down and assassinated by Armenians as part of "Operation Nemesis," designed to kill the 200 Turks most involved in the genocide.<ref>It is unclear if Russians or Armenians killed Enver Pasha. Gunter, '' Pursuing the Just Cause,'' p 29.</ref> The new leader of Turkey after the war, [[Mustafa Kemal Atatürk]] had broken with the Young Turk group in 1914, was never involved in the genocide, and ended the privileged position given to Islam. Some 150,000 Armenians lived in Istanbul throughout the period; in the rmenian homeland areas of eastern Turkey almost all the Armenians were gone. |
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| | ==Memory== | | ==Memory== |
| | Historical work on the genocide has been almost entirely pro-Armenian or pro-Turkish and therefore implicated in a political conflict still unresolved today. Armenian historians seek to exorcise the trauma experienced by earlier generations, to pass on the memory of this trauma, and to present the genocide of the Armenians as the founding element of contemporary Armenian identity. | | Historical work on the genocide has been almost entirely pro-Armenian or pro-Turkish and therefore implicated in a political conflict still unresolved today. Armenian historians seek to exorcise the trauma experienced by earlier generations, to pass on the memory of this trauma, and to present the genocide of the Armenians as the founding element of contemporary Armenian identity. |
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| − | British historian [[Arnold Toynbee]], whose 1917 report remains a critical primary source, changed his evaluation later in life, concluding, "These…Armenian political aspirations had not been legitimate....Their aspirations did not merely threaten to break up the Turkish Empire; they could not be fulfilled without doing grave injustice to the Turkish people itself."<ref> quoted in Gunter, ''Pursuing the Just Cause'' (1986) p 16 </ref> | + | British historian [[Arnold Toynbee]], whose 1917 report remains a critical primary source, changed his evaluation later in life, concluding, "These…Armenian political aspirations had not been legitimate....Their aspirations did not merely threaten to break up the Turkish Empire; they could not be fulfilled without doing grave injustice to the Turkish people itself."<ref>quoted in Gunter, ''Pursuing the Just Cause'' (1986) p 16</ref> |
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| − | For Turkish historians, supporting the national republican myth is essential to preserving Turkish national unity. The usual Turkish argument is that the deportations were necessary because the Armenians had allied themselves with Russian invaders in wartime, and "some 100,000 Armenians...may have died between 1915 and 1918, but this was no greater a percentage than that of the Turks and other Muslims who died as a result of the same conditions in the same places at the same time." "There was no genocide committed against the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire before or during World War I." <ref> Statements by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations, 1982, quoted in Gunter (1986) p. 18</ref> Dissident historians in Turkey are trying to reclaim the Armenians as part of Ottoman and Turkish history and acknowledge the wrongs done to the Armenians as a condition for reconciliation with them on the basis of confidence in Turkish national unity.<ref>Lucette Valensi, "Notes on Two Discordant Histories: Armenia During World War I." ''Mediterranean Historical Review'' 2001 16(1): 49-60. Issn: 0951-8967; James Reid, "The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman and Turkish Historiography." ''Armenian Review'' 1984 37(1): 22-40. Issn: 0004-2366 </ref> | + | For Turkish historians, supporting the national republican myth is essential to preserving Turkish national unity. The usual Turkish argument is that the deportations were necessary because the Armenians had allied themselves with Russian invaders in wartime, and "some 100,000 Armenians...may have died between 1915 and 1918, but this was no greater a percentage than that of the Turks and other Muslims who died as a result of the same conditions in the same places at the same time." "There was no genocide committed against the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire before or during World War I." <ref>Statements by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations, 1982, quoted in Gunter (1986) p. 18</ref> Dissident historians in Turkey are trying to reclaim the Armenians as part of Ottoman and Turkish history and acknowledge the wrongs done to the Armenians as a condition for reconciliation with them on the basis of confidence in Turkish national unity.<ref>Lucette Valensi, "Notes on Two Discordant Histories: Armenia During World War I." ''Mediterranean Historical Review'' 2001 16(1): 49-60. Issn: 0951-8967; James Reid, "The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman and Turkish Historiography." ''Armenian Review'' 1984 37(1): 22-40. Issn: 0004-2366</ref> |
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| − | Six decades after the event a revival of Armenial nationalism led to an organized Armenian terrorist campaign that began in 1975, targeting Turkish diplomats. For example, Kemal Arikan, the new Turkish consul general in Los Angeles was assassinated on January 28, 1982,<ref> Gunter, ''Pursuing the Just Cause'' (1986) p. 33</ref> | + | Six decades after the event a revival of Armenial nationalism led to an organized Armenian terrorist campaign that began in 1975, targeting Turkish diplomats. For example, Kemal Arikan, the new Turkish consul general in Los Angeles was assassinated on January 28, 1982,<ref>Gunter, ''Pursuing the Just Cause'' (1986) p. 33</ref> |
| | ===Diplomacy=== | | ===Diplomacy=== |
| | Following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the Caucasus became a new field for Turkish foreign policy, and in this region relations with Armenia became the most critical and sensitive challenge. Despite the extreme negative historical legacy of the genocide, Turkey tried to establish a new basis for relations with Armenia, and there were some positive steps taken in this direction under the presidency of Levon Ter-Petrosian in Armenia. Disputes over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh became the decisive factor in bilateral relations, as predominantly Armenian population in Nagorno-Karabakh protested control by the Muslim Republic of Azerbaijan, which had Turkey's support. During the presidency of Ter-Petrosian's successor, Robert Kocharian, aside from the Nagorno-Karabakh problem, diaspora communities gained influence, which led to the genocide issue again becoming an important element in bilateral relations. Despite Kocharian's early hawkish rhetoric, during the second term of his presidency a détente arose in relations between the two countries, and the Turkish-Armenian Peace Commission founded in 2001 was a significant step in the direction of better relations. | | Following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the Caucasus became a new field for Turkish foreign policy, and in this region relations with Armenia became the most critical and sensitive challenge. Despite the extreme negative historical legacy of the genocide, Turkey tried to establish a new basis for relations with Armenia, and there were some positive steps taken in this direction under the presidency of Levon Ter-Petrosian in Armenia. Disputes over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh became the decisive factor in bilateral relations, as predominantly Armenian population in Nagorno-Karabakh protested control by the Muslim Republic of Azerbaijan, which had Turkey's support. During the presidency of Ter-Petrosian's successor, Robert Kocharian, aside from the Nagorno-Karabakh problem, diaspora communities gained influence, which led to the genocide issue again becoming an important element in bilateral relations. Despite Kocharian's early hawkish rhetoric, during the second term of his presidency a détente arose in relations between the two countries, and the Turkish-Armenian Peace Commission founded in 2001 was a significant step in the direction of better relations. |
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| − | Internationally, twenty-one countries have recognized the tragedy as genocide, as have 32 U.S. states.<ref> see a 2004 statement by the governor of Montana at [http://www.anca.org/press_releases/press_releases.php?prid=542] </ref>. This has been a problem in the Turkish-Armenian relationship, as well as the relationship with Israel, which is a close ally of Turkey, and the U.S., which has a very large an active Armenian population of Armenian descent, and tries to be friends with both Turkey (a NATO ally), and Armenia. | + | Internationally, twenty-one countries have recognized the tragedy as genocide, as have 32 U.S. states.<ref>[http://www.anca.org/press_releases/press_releases.php?prid=542 see a 2004 statement by the governor of Montana at]</ref> This has been a problem in the Turkish-Armenian relationship, as well as the relationship with Israel, which is a close ally of Turkey, and the U.S., which has a very large an active Armenian population of Armenian descent, and tries to be friends with both Turkey (a NATO ally), and Armenia. |
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| − | In 2007 a proposal<ref> See text at [http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=110_cong_bills&docid=f:hr106ih.txt.pdf]</ref> to denounce the genocide was heatedly debated in the U.S. Congress, with the State Department and White House warning that passage would seriously damage relations between the U.S. and Turkey. the resulution did not pass, and President Obama visited Turkey in 2009 without incident. | + | In 2007 a proposal<ref>[http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=110_cong_bills&docid=f:hr106ih.txt.pdf See text at]</ref> to denounce the genocide was heatedly debated in the U.S. Congress, with the State Department and White House warning that passage would seriously damage relations between the U.S. and Turkey. the resulution did not pass, and President Obama visited Turkey in 2009 without incident. |
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| | ==Bibliography== | | ==Bibliography== |
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| | * Ahnert, Margaret Ajemian. ''The Knock at the Door: A Journey Through the Darkness of Armenian Genocide.'' Beaufort Books 2007. 240 pp | | * Ahnert, Margaret Ajemian. ''The Knock at the Door: A Journey Through the Darkness of Armenian Genocide.'' Beaufort Books 2007. 240 pp |
| | * Akcam, Taner. ''A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility'' (2007) [http://www.amazon.com/Shameful-Act-Armenian-Genocide-Responsibility/dp/080508665X/ref=sr_1_16?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196874166&sr=8-16 excerpt and text search] | | * Akcam, Taner. ''A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility'' (2007) [http://www.amazon.com/Shameful-Act-Armenian-Genocide-Responsibility/dp/080508665X/ref=sr_1_16?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196874166&sr=8-16 excerpt and text search] |
| − | * Andreopoulos, George J., ed. ''Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions.'' 1994. 265 pp. Compares Armenia with Cambodia, East Timor and Kurdistan. | + | * Andreopoulos, George J., ed. ''Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions.'' 1994. 265 pp. Compares Armenia with Cambodia, East Timor and Kurdistan. |
| | * Bloxham, Donald. ''The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians'' (2005), scholarly history of the wartime massacres; 344 pages [http://search.live.com/results.aspx?q=&mkt=en-us&scope=books&FORM=LIVSOP#q=bryce%20toynbee&filter=all&start=1&t=H6WeD-pdFZ8QQ5kq6p5CJw&sq=bryce%20toynbee excerpt and text search] | | * Bloxham, Donald. ''The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians'' (2005), scholarly history of the wartime massacres; 344 pages [http://search.live.com/results.aspx?q=&mkt=en-us&scope=books&FORM=LIVSOP#q=bryce%20toynbee&filter=all&start=1&t=H6WeD-pdFZ8QQ5kq6p5CJw&sq=bryce%20toynbee excerpt and text search] |
| | * Bloxham, Donald. "Rethinking the Armenian Genocide." ''History Today'' 2005 55(6): 28-30. Issn: 0018-2753 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]] | | * Bloxham, Donald. "Rethinking the Armenian Genocide." ''History Today'' 2005 55(6): 28-30. Issn: 0018-2753 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]] |
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| | ===World responses=== | | ===World responses=== |
| − | * Anderson, Margaret Lavinia. "Down in Turkey, far away': Human Rights, the Armenian Massacres, and Orientalism in Wilhelmine Germany," ''Journal of Modern History'' Volume 79, Number 1, March 2007, pp 80-111 | + | * Anderson, Margaret Lavinia. "Down in Turkey, far away': Human Rights, the Armenian Massacres, and Orientalism in Wilhelmine Germany," ''Journal of Modern History'' Volume 79, Number 1, March 2007, pp 80–111 |
| | * Balakian, Peter. ''The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response'' (2003), 475 pp [http://www.amazon.com/Burning-Tigris-Armenian-Genocide-Americas/dp/0060558709/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196874166&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search] | | * Balakian, Peter. ''The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response'' (2003), 475 pp [http://www.amazon.com/Burning-Tigris-Armenian-Genocide-Americas/dp/0060558709/ref=sr_1_11?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196874166&sr=8-11 excerpt and text search] |
| | * Hovannis1an, Richard G. "The Allies and Armenia, 1915-18." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' 1968 3(1): 145-168. Issn: 0022-0094 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-0094(196801)3%3A1%3C145%3ATAAA1%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8 in Jstor] | | * Hovannis1an, Richard G. "The Allies and Armenia, 1915-18." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' 1968 3(1): 145-168. Issn: 0022-0094 Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-0094(196801)3%3A1%3C145%3ATAAA1%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8 in Jstor] |
| − | * Libaridian, Gerard. "The Ideology of the Young Turk Movement," pp. 37-49. In Gerard Libaridian (Ed.) ''A Crime of Silence, The Armenian Genocide: Permanent Peoples' Tribunal.'' (London: Zed Books, 1985). | + | * Libaridian, Gerard. "The Ideology of the Young Turk Movement," pp. 37–49. In Gerard Libaridian (Ed.) ''A Crime of Silence, The Armenian Genocide: Permanent Peoples' Tribunal.'' (London: Zed Books, 1985). |
| | * Nassibian, Akaby ''Britain and the Armenian Question: 1915-1923.'' (1984). | | * Nassibian, Akaby ''Britain and the Armenian Question: 1915-1923.'' (1984). |
| | * Peterson, Merrill D. ''"Starving Armenians": America and the Armenian Genocide, 1915-1930 and After.'' (2004). 199 pp. | | * Peterson, Merrill D. ''"Starving Armenians": America and the Armenian Genocide, 1915-1930 and After.'' (2004). 199 pp. |
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| | * Hovannisian, Richard G., ed. ''Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide.'' 1999. 316 pp. | | * Hovannisian, Richard G., ed. ''Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide.'' 1999. 316 pp. |
| | * Peroomian, Rubina. ''Literary Responses to Catastrophe: A Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience'' (1993), focus on work of Armenian authors: Zabel Esayan (1878-1943), Suren Partevian (1876-1921), Aram Andonian (1875-1952), and Hakob Oshakan (1883-1948). | | * Peroomian, Rubina. ''Literary Responses to Catastrophe: A Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience'' (1993), focus on work of Armenian authors: Zabel Esayan (1878-1943), Suren Partevian (1876-1921), Aram Andonian (1875-1952), and Hakob Oshakan (1883-1948). |
| − | * Ravitch, Norman. ''The Armenian Catastrophe: Of History, Murder & Sin," ''Encounter'', December 1981, pp. 69–84. | + | * Ravitch, Norman. ''The Armenian Catastrophe: Of History, Murder & Sin," ''Encounter'', December 1981, pp. 69–84. |
| | * Suny, Ronald Grigor. "Truth in Telling: Reconciling Realities in the Genocide of the Ottoman Armenians," ''American Historical Review'' October 2009, Vol. 114, No. 4: 930-946. | | * Suny, Ronald Grigor. "Truth in Telling: Reconciling Realities in the Genocide of the Ottoman Armenians," ''American Historical Review'' October 2009, Vol. 114, No. 4: 930-946. |
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