Changes

In 1972, Thompson was a [[Republican Party (United States)|GOP]] candidate for the [[United States House of Representatives]], but he was defeated by the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] [[incumbent]] [[W.S. Stuckey, Jr.]], [[scion]] of a wealthy Georgia family. In 1974, as his party's [[gubernatorial]] nominee, Thompson was trounced by Democrat [[George D. Busbee]]. A [[populist]] in political philosophy, Thompson was often at odds with his state and national moderate Republican leadership. However, during [[Watergate]] he was a staunch defender of embattled [[U.S. President]] [[Richard M. Nixon]], no particular favorite of many conservative Republicans.

In 1972, Thompson was a [[Republican Party (United States)|GOP]] candidate for the [[United States House of Representatives]], but he was defeated by the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] [[incumbent]] [[W.S. Stuckey, Jr.]], [[scion]] of a wealthy Georgia family. In 1974, as his party's [[gubernatorial]] nominee, Thompson was trounced by Democrat [[George D. Busbee]]. A [[populist]] in political philosophy, Thompson was often at odds with his state and national moderate Republican leadership. However, during [[Watergate]] he was a staunch defender of embattled [[U.S. President]] [[Richard M. Nixon]], no particular favorite of many conservative Republicans.

Buddy Kelly Moore (1951-1998)<ref name=ssdi>http://ssdi.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/ssdi.cgi</ref>, who completed a [[master of arts]] [[thesis]] on Thompson's career in 1976 at [[Georgia College & State University]] in [[Milledgeville, Georgia|Milledgeville]], determined that the Maconite "shocked and fascinated observers with hard-line approaches to law-and-order, [[municipal]] [[organized labor|unionism]], and race relations." Moore defined Thompson's career in terms of a "predilection for the flamboyant."<ref>Buddy Kelly Moore, '''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson" A Political Biography'', Georgia College at Milledgeville, Master's thesis, August 1976, p. vi</ref>Unconventional [[author]] Will D. Campbell called Thompson "a harbinger of the [[New Right]]", a movement which emerged in the late [[1970s]] to help to elect Republican [[Ronald W. Reagan]] of [[California]] as [[U.S. President]].<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

Buddy Kelly Moore (1951-1998),<ref name=ssdi>http://ssdi.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/ssdi.cgi</ref> who completed a [[master of arts]] [[thesis]] on Thompson's career in 1976 at [[Georgia College & State University]] in [[Milledgeville, Georgia|Milledgeville]], determined that the Maconite "shocked and fascinated observers with hard-line approaches to law-and-order, [[municipal]] [[organized labor|unionism]], and race relations." Moore defined Thompson's career in terms of a "predilection for the flamboyant."<ref>Buddy Kelly Moore, '''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson" A Political Biography'', Georgia College at Milledgeville, Master's thesis, August 1976, p. vi</ref> Unconventional [[author]] Will D. Campbell called Thompson "a harbinger of the [[New Right]]", a movement which emerged in the late [[1970s]] to help to elect Republican [[Ronald W. Reagan]] of [[California]] as [[U.S. President]].<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

==Early years, family, education, business==

==Early years, family, education, business==

Thompson was born in [[Augusta, Georgia|Augusta]] in eastern Georgia near the [[South Carolina]] state line to Remus Warren Thompson and the former Mattie Lou Watkins (1910-1997), a southern working-class couple. The family included two older brothers, Kenneth and William Thompson, and a younger sister, Janice. Remus Thompson worked (1) in a cotton mill, (2) for Friedman's [[Jewelry|Jewelers]] in Augusta, having risen to the rank of [[credit manager]], and (3) as a [[firefighter]] at the Daniel Field air base in Augusta. Mrs. Thompson and Ronnie, while he was still in elementary school, operated a [[restaurant]] near the military base. <ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 1-2</ref>

Thompson was born in [[Augusta, Georgia|Augusta]] in eastern Georgia near the [[South Carolina]] state line to Remus Warren Thompson and the former Mattie Lou Watkins (1910-1997), a southern working-class couple. The family included two older brothers, Kenneth and William Thompson, and a younger sister, Janice. Remus Thompson worked (1) in a cotton mill, (2) for Friedman's [[Jewelry|Jewelers]] in Augusta, having risen to the rank of [[credit manager]], and (3) as a [[firefighter]] at the Daniel Field air base in Augusta. Mrs. Thompson and Ronnie, while he was still in elementary school, operated a [[restaurant]] near the military base.<ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 1-2</ref>

Originally a [[segregationist]], Thompson said that he had been reared to "believe in separation of the races."<ref>Roger Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", ''Atlanta Magazine'', January 1971, p. 94</ref> He also developed a resentment of the dominant wealth and power [[elite]]. He once said that he could not fully evaluate the overall status of Macon because "I'm from the other side of the [[railroad]] tracks."<ref>Margaret Shannon, "Can a Gospel Singer Find Happiness as the First Republican Mayor of Macon?" ''Atlanta Journal and Constitution Magazine'', May 25, 1969, p. 16</ref>

Originally a [[segregationist]], Thompson said that he had been reared to "believe in separation of the races."<ref>Roger Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", ''Atlanta Magazine'', January 1971, p. 94</ref> He also developed a resentment of the dominant wealth and power [[elite]]. He once said that he could not fully evaluate the overall status of Macon because "I'm from the other side of the [[railroad]] tracks."<ref>Margaret Shannon, "Can a Gospel Singer Find Happiness as the First Republican Mayor of Macon?" ''Atlanta Journal and Constitution Magazine'', May 25, 1969, p. 16</ref>

Macon, situated near the geographic center of Georgia, was chartered in 1823 and named for the [[North Carolina]] statesman, [[Nathaniel Macon]]. The city contributed volunteers to the [[Texas Revolution]]. It was a temporary [[capital]] of Georgia after the sacking of Milledgeville in 1864 by the army of [[General]] [[William Tecumseh Sherman]].<ref>Ida Young, Julius Gholson, and Clara Nell Hargrove, ''History of Macon, Georgia'' (Macon: Lyon, Marshall, & Brooks, 1950), pp. 43, 48, 62, 88, 278</ref>

Macon, situated near the geographic center of Georgia, was chartered in 1823 and named for the [[North Carolina]] statesman, [[Nathaniel Macon]]. The city contributed volunteers to the [[Texas Revolution]]. It was a temporary [[capital]] of Georgia after the sacking of Milledgeville in 1864 by the army of [[General]] [[William Tecumseh Sherman]].<ref>Ida Young, Julius Gholson, and Clara Nell Hargrove, ''History of Macon, Georgia'' (Macon: Lyon, Marshall, & Brooks, 1950), pp. 43, 48, 62, 88, 278</ref>

Friedman's transferred Remus Thompson to Macon in 1945. Ronnie, then eleven years old, went on to complete grammar school and graduated in 1951 from Lanier [[High School]]. He then attended [[Baptist]]-affiliated [[Mercer University]] in Macon, the [[University of Georgia]] extension campus at [[Warner Robins]], and the since disbanded Woodrow Wilson Law School in [[Atlanta]], [[Georgia]],<ref>http://www.oglethorpe.edu/administrative/registrar/woodrow_wilson_college_of_law.asp</ref> but only for a quarter in each institution. Instead, he concentrated on his job at Friedman's, and at twenty-three, he became general manager for thirty-three stores in four southeastern states.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run," p. 94</ref>Meanwhile, Thompson in 1952 married a young woman named Nita; they later had a daughter named Ronita and a son named Johnny. The couple separated in 1972, and a [[divorce]] followed in 1974.<ref>Moore Thesis, p. 4</ref>

Friedman's transferred Remus Thompson to Macon in 1945. Ronnie, then eleven years old, went on to complete grammar school and graduated in 1951 from Lanier [[High School]]. He then attended [[Baptist]]-affiliated [[Mercer University]] in Macon, the [[University of Georgia]] extension campus at [[Warner Robins]], and the since disbanded Woodrow Wilson Law School in [[Atlanta]], [[Georgia]],<ref>http://www.oglethorpe.edu/administrative/registrar/woodrow_wilson_college_of_law.asp</ref> but only for a quarter in each institution. Instead, he concentrated on his job at Friedman's, and at twenty-three, he became general manager for thirty-three stores in four southeastern states.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run," p. 94</ref> Meanwhile, Thompson in 1952 married a young woman named Nita; they later had a daughter named Ronita and a son named Johnny. The couple separated in 1972, and a [[divorce]] followed in 1974.<ref>Moore Thesis, p. 4</ref>

==Early political campaigns==

==Early political campaigns==

Thompson was named one of "Georgia's Five Outstanding Young Men" by the state [[Jaycees]], of which he was an active member. Members of the organization were believed to have played some role in Thompson's initial political success.<ref>http://www.geocities.com/macon_jaycees/history.htm</ref>

Thompson was named one of "Georgia's Five Outstanding Young Men" by the state [[Jaycees]], of which he was an active member. Members of the organization were believed to have played some role in Thompson's initial political success.<ref>http://www.geocities.com/macon_jaycees/history.htm</ref>

Though Thompson had in 1964 supported [[Barry M. Goldwater]] for the presidency, he did not declare himself a Republican until he ran in the first ever GOP primary for mayor in 1967. His intraparty opponent, Royce F. Hobbs, was an official at Mercer University and the favorite of the party establishment. Thompson polled more than 7,000 votes, compared to barely 1,300 for Hobbs. Thompson then faced incumbent Mayor Merritt, who had initially encouraged him to run for the city council and with whom he had quarreled as an alderman. Thompson's legitimacy as a candidate was enhanced by open endorsements from former President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], [[Senate Minority Leader]] [[Everett M. Dirksen]] of [[Illinois]], and then [[Governor]] [[Claude Kirk|Claude Roy Kirk, Jr.]], of [[Florida]]. Thompson used the slogan "Make a Change for Progress" and called Merritt a "do-nothing mayor" who engaged in "bossism" and "machine politics".<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 28, 1967, p. 4A; November 5, 1967, p. A1; Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 96</ref>He called Merritt "a desperate man who will do anything to stay in office" and a "flip-flopper like his ideal, [[Lyndon Johnson]]."<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', November 2, 1967, p. A23</ref>When Merritt reminded voters that he had served on Eisenhower's staff during [[World War II]], Thompson replied: "It is true that President Eisenhower doesn't know me. [But] that's the very reason that [he] has publicly endorsed me, because he does know Mayor Merritt."<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 22</ref>

Though Thompson had in 1964 supported [[Barry M. Goldwater]] for the presidency, he did not declare himself a Republican until he ran in the first ever GOP primary for mayor in 1967. His intraparty opponent, Royce F. Hobbs, was an official at Mercer University and the favorite of the party establishment. Thompson polled more than 7,000 votes, compared to barely 1,300 for Hobbs. Thompson then faced incumbent Mayor Merritt, who had initially encouraged him to run for the city council and with whom he had quarreled as an alderman. Thompson's legitimacy as a candidate was enhanced by open endorsements from former President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], [[Senate Minority Leader]] [[Everett M. Dirksen]] of [[Illinois]], and then [[Governor]] [[Claude Kirk|Claude Roy Kirk, Jr.]], of [[Florida]]. Thompson used the slogan "Make a Change for Progress" and called Merritt a "do-nothing mayor" who engaged in "bossism" and "machine politics".<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 28, 1967, p. 4A; November 5, 1967, p. A1; Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 96</ref> He called Merritt "a desperate man who will do anything to stay in office" and a "flip-flopper like his ideal, [[Lyndon Johnson]]."<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', November 2, 1967, p. A23</ref> When Merritt reminded voters that he had served on Eisenhower's staff during [[World War II]], Thompson replied: "It is true that President Eisenhower doesn't know me. [But] that's the very reason that [he] has publicly endorsed me, because he does know Mayor Merritt."<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 22</ref>

Thompson unseated Merritt, 14,732 votes (53.1 percent) to 13,002 (46.9 percent). He lost seventeen of thirty-two [[precincts]], including the boxes in the [[African American]] community. However, the black turnout dropped in the [[general election]] compared to the Democratic primary in which Merritt had to go to court to qualify for the ballot. Blacks then constituted some 38 percent of Macon's population. In the 2000 [[census]], however, blacks were 63 percent of the municipal population. Thompson's greatest strength was in the [[blue collar]] section of south Macon. The Republican organization came on board in the last two weeks of the campaign and may have spelled the difference between victory and defeat for Thompson. It is also believed that Thompson benefited considerably from the unpopularity of President Johnson in Georgia.<ref>Billy Watson and Eric Welch, "How Did Thompson Topple Merritt?", ''Macon Telegraph and News'', November 2, 1967, p. A8; Shannon, "Can a Gospel Singer?", p. 18</ref>

Thompson unseated Merritt, 14,732 votes (53.1 percent) to 13,002 (46.9 percent). He lost seventeen of thirty-two [[precincts]], including the boxes in the [[African American]] community. However, the black turnout dropped in the [[general election]] compared to the Democratic primary in which Merritt had to go to court to qualify for the ballot. Blacks then constituted some 38 percent of Macon's population. In the 2000 [[census]], however, blacks were 63 percent of the municipal population. Thompson's greatest strength was in the [[blue collar]] section of south Macon. The Republican organization came on board in the last two weeks of the campaign and may have spelled the difference between victory and defeat for Thompson. It is also believed that Thompson benefited considerably from the unpopularity of President Johnson in Georgia.<ref>Billy Watson and Eric Welch, "How Did Thompson Topple Merritt?", ''Macon Telegraph and News'', November 2, 1967, p. A8; Shannon, "Can a Gospel Singer?", p. 18</ref>

When racial rioting broke out in Macon on June 20, 1970, Thompson issued "shoot-to-kill" orders to [[police]] to stop [[looting]]. He drove a [[National Guard]] [[tank]] onto a Macon [[elementary school]] campus to intimidate would-be criminals . He authorized [[billboards]] in Macon warning that [[armed robbery|armed robbers]] would be "shot on sight".<ref>http://laughingwolf.net/archives/2005_08.html</ref>

When racial rioting broke out in Macon on June 20, 1970, Thompson issued "shoot-to-kill" orders to [[police]] to stop [[looting]]. He drove a [[National Guard]] [[tank]] onto a Macon [[elementary school]] campus to intimidate would-be criminals . He authorized [[billboards]] in Macon warning that [[armed robbery|armed robbers]] would be "shot on sight".<ref>http://laughingwolf.net/archives/2005_08.html</ref>

In midsummer of 1971, a racial crisis erupted when a black city employee was shot and killed by a white policeman, who a month later was cleared of [[involuntary manslaughter]].<ref>Robert Friedman, "City Votes to Pay Officer's Defense", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971, p. A1; Grant Jackson, "Mayor to Keep Beck on Duty", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971,  p. A3; Jackson, "Beck Case Dismissed by Jury", ''Macon Telegraph'', July 16, 1971, p. A1</ref>Mayor Thompson imposed a 36-hour [[curfew]] after several suspected fire bombings. He fired a [[carbine]] in the air, heard over police [[radio]], while he accompanied a police patrol.<ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref> He further angered [[liberal]]s by publicly discussing the "best type of bullet" to use against the criminal element. Critics called him "Machine Gun Ronnie", a [[sobriquet]] to which he did not object though he never handled a [[machine gun]]. In fact, he paid for his campaigns by selling [[memorabilia]] containing the name "Thompson" on model machine guns.<ref>http://www.rru.com/~meo/ga-folk/ga.5.html; http://www.civilrights.uga.edu/bibliographies/macon/mayor_thompson.htm</ref>

In midsummer of 1971, a racial crisis erupted when a black city employee was shot and killed by a white policeman, who a month later was cleared of [[involuntary manslaughter]].<ref>Robert Friedman, "City Votes to Pay Officer's Defense", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971, p. A1; Grant Jackson, "Mayor to Keep Beck on Duty", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971,  p. A3; Jackson, "Beck Case Dismissed by Jury", ''Macon Telegraph'', July 16, 1971, p. A1</ref> Mayor Thompson imposed a 36-hour [[curfew]] after several suspected fire bombings. He fired a [[carbine]] in the air, heard over police [[radio]], while he accompanied a police patrol.<ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref> He further angered [[liberal]]s by publicly discussing the "best type of bullet" to use against the criminal element. Critics called him "Machine Gun Ronnie", a [[sobriquet]] to which he did not object though he never handled a [[machine gun]]. In fact, he paid for his campaigns by selling [[memorabilia]] containing the name "Thompson" on model machine guns.<ref>http://www.rru.com/~meo/ga-folk/ga.5.html; http://www.civilrights.uga.edu/bibliographies/macon/mayor_thompson.htm</ref>

The Reverend Julius Caesar Hope (born 1932), a Macon black minister and the president of the Georgia [[NAACP]], contended that African Americans in Macon were tired of living with unfulfilled promises for so long.<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/dvd/viewItemc/wsbn63449-1-broll/flash/6517/2;jsessionid=7157AB6843F3D68E8CA43EC2ED1A0965</ref>Hope viewed Thompson as ambivalent toward blacks: "I think Mayor Thompson was a politician of expediency. I really don't think deep down within Ronnie Thompson was a [[racist]]."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 34-35</ref> Macon lawyer Virgil Adams, who was a teenager at the time of the Thompson administration, alleged that Thompson "damaged Macon's image. When it got dark, you (blacks) needed to be off the street. Parents wouldn't let us out of the house at night for fear of being locked up, beaten by police, or shot."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=4qPZiyJZOkYC&pg=PA129&lpg=PA129&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5vhIr1Ngab&sig=MehwVaKHcaJ3LUWqMi9OYP0eVpc&hl=en</ref>

The Reverend Julius Caesar Hope (born 1932), a Macon black minister and the president of the Georgia [[NAACP]], contended that African Americans in Macon were tired of living with unfulfilled promises for so long.<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/dvd/viewItemc/wsbn63449-1-broll/flash/6517/2;jsessionid=7157AB6843F3D68E8CA43EC2ED1A0965</ref> Hope viewed Thompson as ambivalent toward blacks: "I think Mayor Thompson was a politician of expediency. I really don't think deep down within Ronnie Thompson was a [[racist]]."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 34-35</ref> Macon lawyer Virgil Adams, who was a teenager at the time of the Thompson administration, alleged that Thompson "damaged Macon's image. When it got dark, you (blacks) needed to be off the street. Parents wouldn't let us out of the house at night for fear of being locked up, beaten by police, or shot."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=4qPZiyJZOkYC&pg=PA129&lpg=PA129&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5vhIr1Ngab&sig=MehwVaKHcaJ3LUWqMi9OYP0eVpc&hl=en</ref>

Thompson, however, defends his mayoral record on race relations. "Race wasn't an issue until my opponent brought it in. My administration built three new [[hospital]]s. Jet airport, firehouses, integrated the police department, had black personnel in every department. We went eight years without a tax increase or [[bond issue]]. I had a biracial committee<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/publicSearch/viewVBO/6517/0;jsessionid=8E605E31732715B994440854E6255064</ref> that met every month. Things like doctor's offices. Black patients had to go in a back door. We got it stopped. And the [[newspaper]]s had a different edition for black subscribers. My committee talked to them, and they stopped it."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA188&lpg=RA1-PA188&dq=will+d+campbell+ronnie+thompson&source=web&ots=5ttOIp_gzf&sig=eS3tR54AnASFJxQ77eTFE77MsmM&hl=en#PRA1-PA189,M1</ref>

Thompson, however, defends his mayoral record on race relations. "Race wasn't an issue until my opponent brought it in. My administration built three new [[hospital]]s. Jet airport, firehouses, integrated the police department, had black personnel in every department. We went eight years without a tax increase or [[bond issue]]. I had a biracial committee<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/publicSearch/viewVBO/6517/0;jsessionid=8E605E31732715B994440854E6255064</ref> that met every month. Things like doctor's offices. Black patients had to go in a back door. We got it stopped. And the [[newspaper]]s had a different edition for black subscribers. My committee talked to them, and they stopped it."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA188&lpg=RA1-PA188&dq=will+d+campbell+ronnie+thompson&source=web&ots=5ttOIp_gzf&sig=eS3tR54AnASFJxQ77eTFE77MsmM&hl=en#PRA1-PA189,M1</ref>

==School busing==

==School busing==

Thompson emphatically opposed school busing to achieve racial balance as affirmed in 1971 in the [[United States Supreme Court]] decision ''[[Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education]]''.<ref>http://www.oyez.org/cases/1970-1979/1970/1970_281/</ref> He blamed President Nixon for directing the machinery of the administration toward achieving school integration. He accused Nixon of having advocated "socialistic trends" in housing and welfare, of leniency toward "[[hippie]]s and revolutionaries", and with failure to end "forced busing."<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref>In Macon, a court-ordered desegregation plan in 1970 transferred many students to different schools. When Thompson's 12-year-old son, Johnny, was among those relocated, he continued to take his son to the previous school, as did other parents. He was threatened with [[contempt of court]], and despite [[boycott]]s by angry parents, the desegregation plan was implemented.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 99</ref>

Thompson emphatically opposed school busing to achieve racial balance as affirmed in 1971 in the [[United States Supreme Court]] decision ''[[Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education]]''.<ref>http://www.oyez.org/cases/1970-1979/1970/1970_281/</ref> He blamed President Nixon for directing the machinery of the administration toward achieving school integration. He accused Nixon of having advocated "socialistic trends" in housing and welfare, of leniency toward "[[hippie]]s and revolutionaries", and with failure to end "forced busing."<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref> In Macon, a court-ordered desegregation plan in 1970 transferred many students to different schools. When Thompson's 12-year-old son, Johnny, was among those relocated, he continued to take his son to the previous school, as did other parents. He was threatened with [[contempt of court]], and despite [[boycott]]s by angry parents, the desegregation plan was implemented.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 99</ref>

Thompson went to Washington meet with Nixon, whom Thompson said "told me positively, face to face, there would be no busing to meet racial quotas. . . . " As the busing continued, Thompson remained livid with Nixon.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref> Watergate, however, prompted Thompson to defend Nixon and to attack the three national television networks for their comparable anti-Nixon coverage. In time, Thompson called on Nixon to surrender the [[White House]] tapes because Thompson expected the information to exonerate the President. Despite Nixon's resignation, Thompson said that he would always hold the former president "in the highest esteem". Thompson said that he never hesitated to take on politically impractical and unpopular causes.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', May 8, 1974, p. A3; Randall Savage, "Nixon Still Gets the Mayor's Respect", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 9, 1974, p. A3; Moore, Thesis, p. 88</ref>

Thompson went to Washington meet with Nixon, whom Thompson said "told me positively, face to face, there would be no busing to meet racial quotas. . . . " As the busing continued, Thompson remained livid with Nixon.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref> Watergate, however, prompted Thompson to defend Nixon and to attack the three national television networks for their comparable anti-Nixon coverage. In time, Thompson called on Nixon to surrender the [[White House]] tapes because Thompson expected the information to exonerate the President. Despite Nixon's resignation, Thompson said that he would always hold the former president "in the highest esteem". Thompson said that he never hesitated to take on politically impractical and unpopular causes.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', May 8, 1974, p. A3; Randall Savage, "Nixon Still Gets the Mayor's Respect", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 9, 1974, p. A3; Moore, Thesis, p. 88</ref>

In 1971, Thompson faced a Democratic opponent who was expected to give him a tough race: Bibb County Commissioner [[Emory Greene|F. Emory Greene]], a former member of the [[Georgia House of Representatives]]. In the primary, Greene defeated Bill Laite, who then sat out the general election campaign. Greene questioned Thompson's militant use of the police, the "shoot-to-kill" order during the 1970 racial unrest, and the nerve-gas matter. He also claimed that Thompson's campaign organization compensated Laithe for the remainder of his debts in return for neutrality in the general election campaigns. Greene said that Thompson must be defeated to avoid four more years of "radicalism, noise, confusion, and [[publicity]]-seeking maneuvers which leave the city standing still." <ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 32-33</ref>

In 1971, Thompson faced a Democratic opponent who was expected to give him a tough race: Bibb County Commissioner [[Emory Greene|F. Emory Greene]], a former member of the [[Georgia House of Representatives]]. In the primary, Greene defeated Bill Laite, who then sat out the general election campaign. Greene questioned Thompson's militant use of the police, the "shoot-to-kill" order during the 1970 racial unrest, and the nerve-gas matter. He also claimed that Thompson's campaign organization compensated Laithe for the remainder of his debts in return for neutrality in the general election campaigns. Greene said that Thompson must be defeated to avoid four more years of "radicalism, noise, confusion, and [[publicity]]-seeking maneuvers which leave the city standing still." <ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 32-33</ref>

Thompson defeated Greene 19,329 (58.2 percent) to 13,881 (41.8 percent), having received strong support once again from blue collar white voters.<ref>City of Macon, Election Statistics, Bonnie Smith, 1-478-784-9774</ref>Thompson polled a bare majority of affluent whites. Virtually all of the black voters sided with Greene despite what Thompson saw as his considerable assistance to the minority community.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 35</ref> Thompson's reelection as mayor came ten months after [[Jimmy Carter]], whom Thompson opposed, became Georgia's new Democratic governor.

Thompson defeated Greene 19,329 (58.2 percent) to 13,881 (41.8 percent), having received strong support once again from blue collar white voters.<ref>City of Macon, Election Statistics, Bonnie Smith, 1-478-784-9774</ref> Thompson polled a bare majority of affluent whites. Virtually all of the black voters sided with Greene despite what Thompson saw as his considerable assistance to the minority community.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 35</ref> Thompson's reelection as mayor came ten months after [[Jimmy Carter]], whom Thompson opposed, became Georgia's new Democratic governor.

==Rallying behind the military and the police==

==Rallying behind the military and the police==

==Thompson's singing career==

==Thompson's singing career==

Thompson's father originally sang in a [[quartet]] in Augusta, and Ronnie developed similar interests at a young age in part to please the senior Thompson. After he had left the Air Force, Thompson himself sang with a [[gospel]] quartet at [[Robins Air Force Base]], and by 1955, having created his own quartet, he was heard on local [[radio]] in Macon. In time, he drifted into [[Country music]] and made his first such record in 1958.<Don Rountree, "Alderman Finding Success in Popular Song Field," ''Macon Telegraph'', April 19, 1964, p. A6</ref>In 1960, Thompson took over several radio and [[television]] programs for Friedman's Jewelers. His television show was broadcast in Macon, Augusta, and [[Asheville, North Carolina]]. An observer said that the telegenic Thompson "projects sincerity, with a seductive overlay of devotion, patriotism, and simple honesty. He is a pleasing public speaker, and he comes across beautifully on television."<ref>Williams, pp. 75, 96</ref>

Thompson's father originally sang in a [[quartet]] in Augusta, and Ronnie developed similar interests at a young age in part to please the senior Thompson. After he had left the Air Force, Thompson himself sang with a [[gospel]] quartet at [[Robins Air Force Base]], and by 1955, having created his own quartet, he was heard on local [[radio]] in Macon. In time, he drifted into [[Country music]] and made his first such record in 1958.<Don Rountree, "Alderman Finding Success in Popular Song Field," ''Macon Telegraph'', April 19, 1964, p. A6</ref> In 1960, Thompson took over several radio and [[television]] programs for Friedman's Jewelers. His television show was broadcast in Macon, Augusta, and [[Asheville, North Carolina]]. An observer said that the telegenic Thompson "projects sincerity, with a seductive overlay of devotion, patriotism, and simple honesty. He is a pleasing public speaker, and he comes across beautifully on television."<ref>Williams, pp. 75, 96</ref>

Thompson's singing style was described as "pleasant Country-Western baritone-bass, with a hard 'r' twang."<ref>Shannon, Gospel Singer, p. 18</ref>Thompson once admitted that he wonders what might have happened had he stuck to music as a potential career and insists that "I would have been successful had I stayed in the music business."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', December 7, 1975, p. A8</ref>

Thompson's singing style was described as "pleasant Country-Western baritone-bass, with a hard 'r' twang."<ref>Shannon, Gospel Singer, p. 18</ref> Thompson once admitted that he wonders what might have happened had he stuck to music as a potential career and insists that "I would have been successful had I stayed in the music business."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', December 7, 1975, p. A8</ref>

Thompson was in a line of southern politicians who had been musicians: Governor and [[U.S. Senator]] [[Theodore Bilbo]] of [[Mississippi]], Governor [[W. Lee O'Daniel]] of [[Texas]], and Governor [[Jimmie Davis]] of [[Louisiana]]. Davis, immortalized for his song "You Are My Sunshine"<ref>Robert Sherill, ''Gothic Politics in the Deep South'' (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1968), p. 31</ref>once told Thompson, "If you want to have any success in politics, sing softly and carry a big [[guitar]]," a play on an old [[Theodore Roosevelt]] adage.<ref>Eric Welch, "Gospel-singing Jeweler Is 'Country' Candidate", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 26, 1967, p. A1.</ref>

Thompson was in a line of southern politicians who had been musicians: Governor and [[U.S. Senator]] [[Theodore Bilbo]] of [[Mississippi]], Governor [[W. Lee O'Daniel]] of [[Texas]], and Governor [[Jimmie Davis]] of [[Louisiana]]. Davis, immortalized for his song "You Are My Sunshine"<ref>Robert Sherill, ''Gothic Politics in the Deep South'' (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1968), p. 31</ref> once told Thompson, "If you want to have any success in politics, sing softly and carry a big [[guitar]]," a play on an old [[Theodore Roosevelt]] adage.<ref>Eric Welch, "Gospel-singing Jeweler Is 'Country' Candidate", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 26, 1967, p. A1.</ref>

In Thompson's last year in office, he commissioned a portrait of the late African American [[singer]] [[Otis Redding]], best known for "[[Sitting on the Dock of the Bay]]". He offered the portrait to Governor Busbee for use in the state [[capitol]], but it remained in Macon until late in 2007, when it went missing in the transition between Mayor [[C. Jack Ellis]], Macon's first black chief executive, and current Mayor [[Robert Reichert]], a former Democratic member of the Georgia House. Thompson, through his career in gospel singing, had been personally friendly with Macon's well-known musicians, including Redding, [[James Brown]], [[Little Richard]], [[Wayne Cochran]], and the [[Allman Brothers]].<ref>Williams, What Makes Ronnie Run?, p. 92</ref>

In Thompson's last year in office, he commissioned a portrait of the late African American [[singer]] [[Otis Redding]], best known for "[[Sitting on the Dock of the Bay]]". He offered the portrait to Governor Busbee for use in the state [[capitol]], but it remained in Macon until late in 2007, when it went missing in the transition between Mayor [[C. Jack Ellis]], Macon's first black chief executive, and current Mayor [[Robert Reichert]], a former Democratic member of the Georgia House. Thompson, through his career in gospel singing, had been personally friendly with Macon's well-known musicians, including Redding, [[James Brown]], [[Little Richard]], [[Wayne Cochran]], and the [[Allman Brothers]].<ref>Williams, What Makes Ronnie Run?, p. 92</ref>

Campaign issues in the race were similar to those in other districts: the status of the Vietnam War, forced busing to achieve school integration, welfare, [[inflation]], and [[taxation]]. Thompson stressed "law-and-order", his most familiar mantra. Stuckey said that "Ronnie and I were agreeing on most of the issues in that campaign. . . . He wanted the job that I had."<ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 111-112; Grant Jackson, "Taxes, Inflation: Issues in Eighth," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 29, 1972, p. D1</ref>

Campaign issues in the race were similar to those in other districts: the status of the Vietnam War, forced busing to achieve school integration, welfare, [[inflation]], and [[taxation]]. Thompson stressed "law-and-order", his most familiar mantra. Stuckey said that "Ronnie and I were agreeing on most of the issues in that campaign. . . . He wanted the job that I had."<ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 111-112; Grant Jackson, "Taxes, Inflation: Issues in Eighth," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 29, 1972, p. D1</ref>

Stuckey and Thompson conducted mobile campaigns and went from town to town to shake hands. Stuckey distributed pencils; Thompson serenaded voters with his rendition of "Just a Closer Walk With Thee" or "Have A Little Talk with [[Jesus]]".<ref>Archie McKay, "Stuckey-Campaign Style: A Handshake and a Pencil", ''Macon Telegraph', October 10, 1972, p. A3; McKay, "Law and Order, Songs Mark Thompson Style," ''Macon Telegraph'', October 17, 1972, p. A3</ref>Stuckey repeatedly refused Thompson's request for a television debate. Thompson called Stuckey "a rich playboy" who "socializes with the [[Edward M. Kennedy|Kennedy]] crowd in Washington". Thompson described himself as a "[[cotton]]-sock Republican running against a [[silk]]-stocking Democrat."<ref>Bill Montgomery, "Thompson Plans Stay in Politics," ''Atlanta Journal and Constitution'', November 12, 1972, p. A21; Max Haggard, "Foe 'Socializing', Thompson Claims," ''Macon Telegraph'', September 6, 1972, p. A1; Jackson, "Mayor Describes Illness," p. 1</ref>

Stuckey and Thompson conducted mobile campaigns and went from town to town to shake hands. Stuckey distributed pencils; Thompson serenaded voters with his rendition of "Just a Closer Walk With Thee" or "Have A Little Talk with [[Jesus]]".<ref>Archie McKay, "Stuckey-Campaign Style: A Handshake and a Pencil", ''Macon Telegraph', October 10, 1972, p. A3; McKay, "Law and Order, Songs Mark Thompson Style," ''Macon Telegraph'', October 17, 1972, p. A3</ref> Stuckey repeatedly refused Thompson's request for a television debate. Thompson called Stuckey "a rich playboy" who "socializes with the [[Edward M. Kennedy|Kennedy]] crowd in Washington". Thompson described himself as a "[[cotton]]-sock Republican running against a [[silk]]-stocking Democrat."<ref>Bill Montgomery, "Thompson Plans Stay in Politics," ''Atlanta Journal and Constitution'', November 12, 1972, p. A21; Max Haggard, "Foe 'Socializing', Thompson Claims," ''Macon Telegraph'', September 6, 1972, p. A1; Jackson, "Mayor Describes Illness," p. 1</ref>

The national GOP steered clear of Thompson either because of his perceived ultraconservative philosophy or the mental depression episode. When Nixon visited Atlanta, Thompson was not invited to ride in the [[parade]]. [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] [[Spiro T. Agnew]] journeyed to Augusta and [[Columbus, Georgia|Columbus]] but never mentioned Thompson or the Eighth District race.<ref>Selby McCash, "GOP Holds Mayor at Arm's Length," ''Macon Telegraph'', October 29, 1972, p. D3</ref>Thompson was overwhelmed in fund-raising, having spent about $16,000 in the race to Stuckey's $250,000. Thompson disliked asking potential donors for contributions and instead depended on the sale of machine-gun pins for funding his campaign, insufficient as such sales proved to have been.<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 114-115</ref>

The national GOP steered clear of Thompson either because of his perceived ultraconservative philosophy or the mental depression episode. When Nixon visited Atlanta, Thompson was not invited to ride in the [[parade]]. [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] [[Spiro T. Agnew]] journeyed to Augusta and [[Columbus, Georgia|Columbus]] but never mentioned Thompson or the Eighth District race.<ref>Selby McCash, "GOP Holds Mayor at Arm's Length," ''Macon Telegraph'', October 29, 1972, p. D3</ref> Thompson was overwhelmed in fund-raising, having spent about $16,000 in the race to Stuckey's $250,000. Thompson disliked asking potential donors for contributions and instead depended on the sale of machine-gun pins for funding his campaign, insufficient as such sales proved to have been.<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 114-115</ref>

Thompson received 33,539 votes (37.8 percent) to Stuckey's 55,247 votes (62.2 percent).<ref>Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, U.S. House, 1972</ref>Thompson found a unique way to justify his defeat in Macon: city voters who repudiated his congressional candidacy had decided that Thompson should remain mayor. Thompson said that black voters who overwhelmingly backed Stuckey were "voting to keep Machine Gun Ronnie in Macon. I hope they realize that."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull", ''Macon Telegraph and News'', December 7, 1975, p. 9</ref>

Thompson received 33,539 votes (37.8 percent) to Stuckey's 55,247 votes (62.2 percent).<ref>Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, U.S. House, 1972</ref> Thompson found a unique way to justify his defeat in Macon: city voters who repudiated his congressional candidacy had decided that Thompson should remain mayor. Thompson said that black voters who overwhelmingly backed Stuckey were "voting to keep Machine Gun Ronnie in Macon. I hope they realize that."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull", ''Macon Telegraph and News'', December 7, 1975, p. 9</ref>

==Gubernatorial primary, 1974==

==Gubernatorial primary, 1974==

In 1974, Thompson cross-filed in both the Republican and Democratic parties for governor, a practice then allowed in Georgia but not used by previous candidates during the state's long period of Democratic hegemony. Thompson said that his cross-filing was intended to increase his name identification and propel him to the leading position among four Republican primary candidates. <ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, p. 116</ref>After the election, the state law permitting cross-filing was repealed in the Busbee administration. California similarly had a cross-filing law in the [[1950s]], used by then Governor [[Earl Warren]]. Thompson had considered running once again for U.S. representative or for [[Lieutenant Governor|lieutenant governor]] but instead filed for governor. He expected to face then Lieutenant Governor Lester Maddox of the Atlanta metro area, a former governor known nationally for his past appeals to segregation. Thompson called Maddox "a counterfeit conservative" and challenged the former governor to a head-to-head debate, which Maddox promptly rejected.<ref>Selby McCash and Randall Savage, "'Bring on Maddox,' Mayor Says," ''Macon Telegraph'', August 14, 1974, p. A1</ref>

In 1974, Thompson cross-filed in both the Republican and Democratic parties for governor, a practice then allowed in Georgia but not used by previous candidates during the state's long period of Democratic hegemony. Thompson said that his cross-filing was intended to increase his name identification and propel him to the leading position among four Republican primary candidates.<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, p. 116</ref> After the election, the state law permitting cross-filing was repealed in the Busbee administration. California similarly had a cross-filing law in the [[1950s]], used by then Governor [[Earl Warren]]. Thompson had considered running once again for U.S. representative or for [[Lieutenant Governor|lieutenant governor]] but instead filed for governor. He expected to face then Lieutenant Governor Lester Maddox of the Atlanta metro area, a former governor known nationally for his past appeals to segregation. Thompson called Maddox "a counterfeit conservative" and challenged the former governor to a head-to-head debate, which Maddox promptly rejected.<ref>Selby McCash and Randall Savage, "'Bring on Maddox,' Mayor Says," ''Macon Telegraph'', August 14, 1974, p. A1</ref>

Thompson also clashed with [[J.B. Stoner]], a self-avowed [[white supremacy|white supremacist]], who ran as a Democrat for lieutenant governor to succeed Maddox. Stoner, the former attorney for [[James Earl Ray]], the convicted [[assassin]] of [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]], placed a controversial advertisement on the side of a bus of the Macon Transit Company. Thompson had the sign removed, and Stoner sued successfully in federal court to have the sign returned though it was seen as hostile to blacks. Stoner even urged blacks to support Thompson for governor, a recommendation he made tongue-in-cheek.<ref>Randall Savage, "Stoner's Signs Removed from Buses," ''Macon Telegraph'', May 23, 1974, p. A3; Richard Harris, "Council Bans Political Ads from Buses," ''Macon Telegraph'', July 18, 1974, p. A3; ''Macon Telegraph'', June 28, 1974, p. A3</ref>Stoner received more votes in his race for lieutenant governor -- 73,449 or 9 percent of the total -- than were cast for all candidates in the Republican gubernatorial primary.<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=FiRbQYoZtv0C&pg=PA156&lpg=PA156&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=4hgVyttuXS&sig=9s_rGFItLI_uxkmWIFy6z-uuuQA&hl=en</ref>

Thompson also clashed with [[J.B. Stoner]], a self-avowed [[white supremacy|white supremacist]], who ran as a Democrat for lieutenant governor to succeed Maddox. Stoner, the former attorney for [[James Earl Ray]], the convicted [[assassin]] of [[Martin Luther King, Jr.]], placed a controversial advertisement on the side of a bus of the Macon Transit Company. Thompson had the sign removed, and Stoner sued successfully in federal court to have the sign returned though it was seen as hostile to blacks. Stoner even urged blacks to support Thompson for governor, a recommendation he made tongue-in-cheek.<ref>Randall Savage, "Stoner's Signs Removed from Buses," ''Macon Telegraph'', May 23, 1974, p. A3; Richard Harris, "Council Bans Political Ads from Buses," ''Macon Telegraph'', July 18, 1974, p. A3; ''Macon Telegraph'', June 28, 1974, p. A3</ref> Stoner received more votes in his race for lieutenant governor—73,449 or 9 percent of the total—than were cast for all candidates in the Republican gubernatorial primary.<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=FiRbQYoZtv0C&pg=PA156&lpg=PA156&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=4hgVyttuXS&sig=9s_rGFItLI_uxkmWIFy6z-uuuQA&hl=en</ref>

In the gubernatorial primary, Thompson faced four opponents, W.M. Coolidge, Harold Dye, [[Harry Geisinger]], and George Lankford. Dye (born 1917) of [[Atlanta]], [[Georgia]] is a retired [[brigadier general]] who was a former member of the [[United Nations]] Military Armistice Commission and an official in the Georgia Department of Industry and Trade. Coolidge and Lankford were [[county commission]]ers in [[DeKalb County, Georgia|DeKalb]] and [[Cobb County, Georgia|Cobb]] counties, respectively. Geisinger, a native of [[Cincinnati, Ohio|Cincinnati]], years later was elected to the [[Georgia State Legislature|Georgia House of Representatives]] from [[Roswell, Georgia|Roswell]] and served in the House Republican leadership.<ref>http://www.electharry.org/</ref>

In the gubernatorial primary, Thompson faced four opponents, W.M. Coolidge, Harold Dye, [[Harry Geisinger]], and George Lankford. Dye (born 1917) of [[Atlanta]], [[Georgia]] is a retired [[brigadier general]] who was a former member of the [[United Nations]] Military Armistice Commission and an official in the Georgia Department of Industry and Trade. Coolidge and Lankford were [[county commission]]ers in [[DeKalb County, Georgia|DeKalb]] and [[Cobb County, Georgia|Cobb]] counties, respectively. Geisinger, a native of [[Cincinnati, Ohio|Cincinnati]], years later was elected to the [[Georgia State Legislature|Georgia House of Representatives]] from [[Roswell, Georgia|Roswell]] and served in the House Republican leadership.<ref>http://www.electharry.org/</ref>

In the runoff primary campaign, State GOP Chairman [[Bob Shaw (Georgia politician)|Bob Shaw]] of Atlanta, himself a gospel singer, approached Thompson in a debate and questioned the likelihood of Thompson being [[indictment|indicted]] as a result of an investigation into [[gambling]] in Macon. Thompson was [[subpoena]]ed for three hours before a [[grand jury]] but was not indicted.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', September 7, 1974, p. A.1</ref> Thompson called for the resignation of Shaw and the entire sixty-seven members of the state executive committee.<ref>''Macon Telegraph and News'', September 2, 1974, pp. A1-2; Selby McCash, "Thompson Party Rift Widens", ''Macon Telegraph'', September 11, 1974, p. A1</ref>

In the runoff primary campaign, State GOP Chairman [[Bob Shaw (Georgia politician)|Bob Shaw]] of Atlanta, himself a gospel singer, approached Thompson in a debate and questioned the likelihood of Thompson being [[indictment|indicted]] as a result of an investigation into [[gambling]] in Macon. Thompson was [[subpoena]]ed for three hours before a [[grand jury]] but was not indicted.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', September 7, 1974, p. A.1</ref> Thompson called for the resignation of Shaw and the entire sixty-seven members of the state executive committee.<ref>''Macon Telegraph and News'', September 2, 1974, pp. A1-2; Selby McCash, "Thompson Party Rift Widens", ''Macon Telegraph'', September 11, 1974, p. A1</ref>

Thompson only narrowly prevailed in the second Republican primary balloting, 22,211 (50.6 percent) to Dye's 21,669 (49.4 percent). <ref>Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, 1974 Georgia Democratic gubernatorial primary runoff results</ref>Considering the ongoing schism, Dye and other party leaders refused to endorse Thompson in the general election. In the Democratic runoff, Busbee easily defeated Maddox, who was said to have appealed more broadly to the same bloc of voters who were partial to Thompson. Maddox declared that the race with Busbee was "the ugliest thing I have ever been involved in."<ref>''The New York Times'', August 1974</ref>

Thompson only narrowly prevailed in the second Republican primary balloting, 22,211 (50.6 percent) to Dye's 21,669 (49.4 percent).<ref>Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, 1974 Georgia Democratic gubernatorial primary runoff results</ref> Considering the ongoing schism, Dye and other party leaders refused to endorse Thompson in the general election. In the Democratic runoff, Busbee easily defeated Maddox, who was said to have appealed more broadly to the same bloc of voters who were partial to Thompson. Maddox declared that the race with Busbee was "the ugliest thing I have ever been involved in."<ref>''The New York Times'', August 1974</ref>

==General election issues==

==General election issues==

Thompson continued hs hard-line rhetoric against crime. He said that he would offer condemned criminals the possibility of a [[firing squad]] or [[hanging]] in lieu of the electric chair. He proposed that police use [[Teflon]]-tipped flat-headed bullets which expand once inside the body, even though such ammunition would appear to violate the [[Geneva Convention]]. It was not clear to all whether Thompson was being serious or facetious.<ref>Wilson, "Thompson Would Support"; John Grimond, "Georgia's Vote: A British View", ''The New York Times'', November 10, 1974, sect. IV, p. 3</ref>

Thompson continued hs hard-line rhetoric against crime. He said that he would offer condemned criminals the possibility of a [[firing squad]] or [[hanging]] in lieu of the electric chair. He proposed that police use [[Teflon]]-tipped flat-headed bullets which expand once inside the body, even though such ammunition would appear to violate the [[Geneva Convention]]. It was not clear to all whether Thompson was being serious or facetious.<ref>Wilson, "Thompson Would Support"; John Grimond, "Georgia's Vote: A British View", ''The New York Times'', November 10, 1974, sect. IV, p. 3</ref>

Thompson could make little traction in the race against Busbee, who refused the Republican's repeated call for debates. He alleged that Busbee was tied to the Georgia Power Company, [[milk]] interests, and [[International Telephone and Telegraph]] and that the bulk of Busbee's funding was from "special interests".<ref>Selby McCash, "Busbee Fears Open Debate, Thompson Charges," ''Macon Telegraph'', September 25, 1974, p. A3.; Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited", p. 8</ref>Busbee was so far ahead in public opinion polls that he could ignore Thompson. And it was a heavily Democratic year nationally in the aftermath of Watergate.

Thompson could make little traction in the race against Busbee, who refused the Republican's repeated call for debates. He alleged that Busbee was tied to the Georgia Power Company, [[milk]] interests, and [[International Telephone and Telegraph]] and that the bulk of Busbee's funding was from "special interests".<ref>Selby McCash, "Busbee Fears Open Debate, Thompson Charges," ''Macon Telegraph'', September 25, 1974, p. A3.; Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited", p. 8</ref> Busbee was so far ahead in public opinion polls that he could ignore Thompson. And it was a heavily Democratic year nationally in the aftermath of Watergate.

==A striking defeat==

==A striking defeat==

In the general election, Busbee was a runaway winner, 646,777 (69.1 percent) to Thompson's 289,113 (30.9 percent). Thompson ran nearly 10 percentage points below Carter's 1970 Republican opponent, the late [[Hal Suit]], a former Atlanta-area [[broadcaster]] who had opposed [[capital punishment]]. Thompson had considered filing as a [[write-in candidate]] in the 1970 general election against both Carter and Suit, whom he considered a liberal Republican, but did not follow through. His undermining of Suit's candidacy subsequently led to hostility to Thompson within the party's largely Atlanta-centered Republican establishment.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 2, 1970, p. A1</ref>

In the general election, Busbee was a runaway winner, 646,777 (69.1 percent) to Thompson's 289,113 (30.9 percent). Thompson ran nearly 10 percentage points below Carter's 1970 Republican opponent, the late [[Hal Suit]], a former Atlanta-area [[broadcaster]] who had opposed [[capital punishment]]. Thompson had considered filing as a [[write-in candidate]] in the 1970 general election against both Carter and Suit, whom he considered a liberal Republican, but did not follow through. His undermining of Suit's candidacy subsequently led to hostility to Thompson within the party's largely Atlanta-centered Republican establishment.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 2, 1970, p. A1</ref>

Thompson claimed that the Republican leadership which repudiated him was more concerned with control of the party apparatus than in electing a governor. The GOP hierarchy, while it could not win many elections, could still influence federal grants and appointments. Thompson said that he could "never fit into that organization" and because he was "threatening the power structure", the leadership turned on him.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 125</ref> [[Newt Gingrich]], the future [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives]] who made his maiden but unsuccessful congressional race in 1974, supported Thompson and hailed the nominee for refusing to adhere to the wishes of the "big shots" in the party. Still, many observers thought that Thompson's intraparty conflicts made him appear unstable and unwilling to accommodate minor differences.<ref>Selby McCash, "Macon Mayor v. The "Big Shots'," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 27, 1974, p. C1</ref>The party schism was discussed in [[Washington, D.C.]] All state gubernatorial nominees except Thompson were invited to the [[White House]] for a meeting with new President [[Gerald R. Ford, Jr.]]<ref>Sam Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited by Ford", ''Atlanta Constiution'', September 25, 1974, p. A8</ref>

Thompson claimed that the Republican leadership which repudiated him was more concerned with control of the party apparatus than in electing a governor. The GOP hierarchy, while it could not win many elections, could still influence federal grants and appointments. Thompson said that he could "never fit into that organization" and because he was "threatening the power structure", the leadership turned on him.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 125</ref> [[Newt Gingrich]], the future [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives]] who made his maiden but unsuccessful congressional race in 1974, supported Thompson and hailed the nominee for refusing to adhere to the wishes of the "big shots" in the party. Still, many observers thought that Thompson's intraparty conflicts made him appear unstable and unwilling to accommodate minor differences.<ref>Selby McCash, "Macon Mayor v. The "Big Shots'," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 27, 1974, p. C1</ref> The party schism was discussed in [[Washington, D.C.]] All state gubernatorial nominees except Thompson were invited to the [[White House]] for a meeting with new President [[Gerald R. Ford, Jr.]]<ref>Sam Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited by Ford", ''Atlanta Constiution'', September 25, 1974, p. A8</ref>

On election night, disgruntled Thompson supporters attacked chairman Shaw at the candidate's state headquarters in Atlanta. Shaw, who denied that he had ever undermined Thompson's candidacy and had indeed voted for him, sustained a deep gash in his forehead. Thompson said that he would "reconstruct" the GOP, vowed to tour the state to revive the party's sagging fortunes, but he never did so. Thompson did work to replace Shaw as chairman with [[Mack Mattingly]], who six years later in 1980 would win election to the U.S. Senate from Georgia in the same election in which the state voted once again for Jimmy Carter as president, rather than the national winner, Ronald Reagan.<ref>Selby McCash, "Revamp of Party Vowed by Mayor," ''Macon Telegraph'', November 6, 1974, p. A1; McCash, "Thompson Plans", p. 1; Moore, Thesis, p. 128</ref>

On election night, disgruntled Thompson supporters attacked chairman Shaw at the candidate's state headquarters in Atlanta. Shaw, who denied that he had ever undermined Thompson's candidacy and had indeed voted for him, sustained a deep gash in his forehead. Thompson said that he would "reconstruct" the GOP, vowed to tour the state to revive the party's sagging fortunes, but he never did so. Thompson did work to replace Shaw as chairman with [[Mack Mattingly]], who six years later in 1980 would win election to the U.S. Senate from Georgia in the same election in which the state voted once again for Jimmy Carter as president, rather than the national winner, Ronald Reagan.<ref>Selby McCash, "Revamp of Party Vowed by Mayor," ''Macon Telegraph'', November 6, 1974, p. A1; McCash, "Thompson Plans", p. 1; Moore, Thesis, p. 128</ref>

==A Democrat succeeds Thompson==

==A Democrat succeeds Thompson==

Thompson could not seek a third term as mayor. Republicans nominated Sydney Pyles to run in the 1975 general election. Democrats conducted a runoff primary between Buck Melton and the [[minister (Christianity)|minister]], Julius Caesar Hope, the first African American to have sought the  mayoralty in modern times. Melton, an easy winner over the Reverend Hope, then overwhelmed Pyles, 18,778 (68.1 percent) to 8,783 (31.9 percent).<ref>City of Macon, Election Statistics, Bonnie Smith, 1-478-784-9774</ref>A Republican elected to the city council that year, [[George Israel|George M. Israel, III]] (born 1949), would emerge four years later in 1979 as the second and thus far last Republican to have served as mayor of Macon. Israel served two terms, with his service concluding in 1987.<ref>List of Macon, Georgia, mayors</ref>

Thompson could not seek a third term as mayor. Republicans nominated Sydney Pyles to run in the 1975 general election. Democrats conducted a runoff primary between Buck Melton and the [[minister (Christianity)|minister]], Julius Caesar Hope, the first African American to have sought the  mayoralty in modern times. Melton, an easy winner over the Reverend Hope, then overwhelmed Pyles, 18,778 (68.1 percent) to 8,783 (31.9 percent).<ref>City of Macon, Election Statistics, Bonnie Smith, 1-478-784-9774</ref> A Republican elected to the city council that year, [[George Israel|George M. Israel, III]] (born 1949), would emerge four years later in 1979 as the second and thus far last Republican to have served as mayor of Macon. Israel served two terms, with his service concluding in 1987.<ref>List of Macon, Georgia, mayors</ref>

Nita Thompson had walked out of the marriage during the congressional campaign in 1972. In Thompson's words, "She got tired of the threats of violence, people throwing bricks at the car with her in it, the children not being able to go any place in peace, the police living in our house . . . She wanted me to get out of politics. I told her I would remain in it until I accomplished the things I set out to do. The day that I qualified for Congress, I came home, and she's never been back since."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 102-103</ref> In 1975, Thompson hastily married then twenty-six-year-old Linda Duffey, but the union lasted only a few months. In 1976, he married the former Gloria Milligan.<ref>Randall Savage, "The Last Hours"," ''Macon Telegraph'', December 10, 1975, p. B1</ref>

Nita Thompson had walked out of the marriage during the congressional campaign in 1972. In Thompson's words, "She got tired of the threats of violence, people throwing bricks at the car with her in it, the children not being able to go any place in peace, the police living in our house . . . She wanted me to get out of politics. I told her I would remain in it until I accomplished the things I set out to do. The day that I qualified for Congress, I came home, and she's never been back since."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 102-103</ref> In 1975, Thompson hastily married then twenty-six-year-old Linda Duffey, but the union lasted only a few months. In 1976, he married the former Gloria Milligan.<ref>Randall Savage, "The Last Hours"," ''Macon Telegraph'', December 10, 1975, p. B1</ref>

==Thompson's accomplishments as mayor==

==Thompson's accomplishments as mayor==

Thompson's mayoral accomplishments abounded despite the political controversies. He promoted industrial expansion, airport improvements, the upgrading of hospitals, and the completion in 1968 of the $4.5 million 14,000-set Macon Colisuem. <ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref>Buckner Melton said that Thompson, despite his many critics, "had the vision to support the proper restoration of this great old building."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=MpmJY-xpSBgC&pg=PA178&lpg=PA178&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=T01co3ucRn&sig=2TkAK58Hznjp3gMUswPtMEPTWAc&hl=en</ref> Libraries and city recreational programs were expanded. Seventy-seven miles of streets were paved, and nondiscriminatory hiring practices were instituted by the city. Thompson pushed for upgrading the Macon police and fire departments, with the number of police having increasd from 168 to 242 and firefighters from 181 to 297. Thompson pushed for [[civil defense]] and created "one of the best programs in the state."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson Abandons Third Term Bid", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 15, 1975, p. A8</ref>His accomplishment were not accompanied by a bond issue or an increase of [[ad valorem]] taxes. Yet, his positive accomplishments were overshadowed by his flamboyance and his hard-line positions on law-and-order and municipal unionism.<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=TH7nmIjcteQC&pg=PA43&lpg=PA43&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=KPPbEuQE4r&sig=IlUX9zhB85ZK8CnXkB4WwgTvuD0&hl=en; Moore, Thesis, pp. 136-137</ref>

Thompson's mayoral accomplishments abounded despite the political controversies. He promoted industrial expansion, airport improvements, the upgrading of hospitals, and the completion in 1968 of the $4.5 million 14,000-set Macon Colisuem.<ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref> Buckner Melton said that Thompson, despite his many critics, "had the vision to support the proper restoration of this great old building."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=MpmJY-xpSBgC&pg=PA178&lpg=PA178&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=T01co3ucRn&sig=2TkAK58Hznjp3gMUswPtMEPTWAc&hl=en</ref> Libraries and city recreational programs were expanded. Seventy-seven miles of streets were paved, and nondiscriminatory hiring practices were instituted by the city. Thompson pushed for upgrading the Macon police and fire departments, with the number of police having increasd from 168 to 242 and firefighters from 181 to 297. Thompson pushed for [[civil defense]] and created "one of the best programs in the state."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson Abandons Third Term Bid", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 15, 1975, p. A8</ref> His accomplishment were not accompanied by a bond issue or an increase of [[ad valorem]] taxes. Yet, his positive accomplishments were overshadowed by his flamboyance and his hard-line positions on law-and-order and municipal unionism.<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=TH7nmIjcteQC&pg=PA43&lpg=PA43&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=KPPbEuQE4r&sig=IlUX9zhB85ZK8CnXkB4WwgTvuD0&hl=en; Moore, Thesis, pp. 136-137</ref>

Thompson's last act as mayor was to release all prisoners from city jail. He then wrote a column for the weekly ''Macon Herald'' and hosted a radio talk show before such exchanges were commonplace on the airwaves.<ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 137-138</ref>Subsequently, he wrote for the ''Macon News'' until 1983, when it merged with the ''Macon Telegraph''. In a column about the newspaper consolidation, Thompson said "the most permanent thing known to mankind is change."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=7q4C6hESNrcC&pg=PA187&lpg=PA187&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=3wHxNjuzmD&sig=3zx4MsOqDWNNFCFSz3x8qZVzngc&hl=en</ref>

Thompson's last act as mayor was to release all prisoners from city jail. He then wrote a column for the weekly ''Macon Herald'' and hosted a radio talk show before such exchanges were commonplace on the airwaves.<ref>Moore, Thesis, pp. 137-138</ref> Subsequently, he wrote for the ''Macon News'' until 1983, when it merged with the ''Macon Telegraph''. In a column about the newspaper consolidation, Thompson said "the most permanent thing known to mankind is change."<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=7q4C6hESNrcC&pg=PA187&lpg=PA187&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=3wHxNjuzmD&sig=3zx4MsOqDWNNFCFSz3x8qZVzngc&hl=en</ref>

Thompson is a featured artist on the [[CD]] ''America Speaks from the Heart'' by Centurion, a tribute to the victims of the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]], and the American military personnel in the [[terrorism|War on Terror]].<ref>http://cdbaby.com/cd/centurion</ref>

Thompson is a featured artist on the [[CD]] ''America Speaks from the Heart'' by Centurion, a tribute to the victims of the [[September 11, 2001 attacks]], and the American military personnel in the [[terrorism|War on Terror]].<ref>http://cdbaby.com/cd/centurion</ref>