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| | ===Soviet experience=== | | ===Soviet experience=== |
| − | According to the formal ideology of Marxism, [[private property|private ownership]] in industry is to be eliminated--control is to be wrested by the masses as a whole. The crucial revolutionary act, therefore, would presumably be the actual taking of control in industry by the workers themselves. In the course of the [[Bolshevik]] revolution the workers ousted not only the owners but all the directing staff and supervisors. The workers thought, in their own way, that the revolution was designed to rid them of all rulers and exploiters. They recognized that the managers as well as the owners were among the rulers and exploiters both of the past and, above all, of the future. The workers set about running the factories themselves. | + | According to the formal ideology of Marxism, [[private property|private ownership]] in industry is to be eliminated—control is to be wrested by the masses as a whole. The crucial revolutionary act, therefore, would presumably be the actual taking of control in industry by the workers themselves. In the course of the [[Bolshevik]] revolution the workers ousted not only the owners but all the directing staff and supervisors. The workers thought, in their own way, that the revolution was designed to rid them of all rulers and exploiters. They recognized that the managers as well as the owners were among the rulers and exploiters both of the past and, above all, of the future. The workers set about running the factories themselves. |
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| | This state of affairs did not, however, last long. Two issues were at stake. In the first place, the separate factories and other instruments of production were not run very well under workers' control; and there were even greater difficulties in the co-ordination of the efforts of various factories. It was even harder for them to collaborate in the theory of [[economic planning]] effectively to direct entire branches of industry. Workers' control would also mean the elimination of all privilege, or a 'classless society". The drive for class power needed to get rid of workers' control, and found justification in the inefficiency of workers' control. | | This state of affairs did not, however, last long. Two issues were at stake. In the first place, the separate factories and other instruments of production were not run very well under workers' control; and there were even greater difficulties in the co-ordination of the efforts of various factories. It was even harder for them to collaborate in the theory of [[economic planning]] effectively to direct entire branches of industry. Workers' control would also mean the elimination of all privilege, or a 'classless society". The drive for class power needed to get rid of workers' control, and found justification in the inefficiency of workers' control. |
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| | Lenin and Trotsky, both, in the early years of the revolution, wrote pamphlets and speeches arguing the case of the specialists, the technicians, the managers. Lenin, in his forceful way, used to declare that the manager had to be a dictator in the factory. "Workers' democracy" in the state, Lenin said in effect, was to be founded upon a managerial dictatorship in the factory. | | Lenin and Trotsky, both, in the early years of the revolution, wrote pamphlets and speeches arguing the case of the specialists, the technicians, the managers. Lenin, in his forceful way, used to declare that the manager had to be a dictator in the factory. "Workers' democracy" in the state, Lenin said in effect, was to be founded upon a managerial dictatorship in the factory. |
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| − | Lenin as the head of the state, helped to smash workers' popular, control over those instruments and to substitute for it control by the managers. And, of course, the managers of individual plants became subordinate to the big managers, to the boards and bureaus directing entire sectors of industry and governing industry as a whole. The managers under the new state included many who had been managers under the old "capitalist rule". Lenin and Trotsky poured scorn on "infantile leftists" <ref>[http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/LWC20.html V. I. Lenin, ''"Left-Wing" Communism, An Infantile Disorder''] (1920) V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, English edition, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1952, Vol. II, Part 2.</ref> who were against making use of the "services" of the "bourgeois specialists.". Favorable terms were given to foreign "bourgeois specialists" who were willing to come to work under the new regime. <ref>James Burnham, ''The Managerial Revolution'', Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966.</ref> | + | Lenin as the head of the state, helped to smash workers' popular, control over those instruments and to substitute for it control by the managers. And, of course, the managers of individual plants became subordinate to the big managers, to the boards and bureaus directing entire sectors of industry and governing industry as a whole. The managers under the new state included many who had been managers under the old "capitalist rule". Lenin and Trotsky poured scorn on "infantile leftists" <ref>[http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/LWC20.html V. I. Lenin, ''"Left-Wing" Communism, An Infantile Disorder''] (1920) V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, English edition, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1952, Vol. II, Part 2.</ref> who were against making use of the "services" of the "bourgeois specialists.". Favorable terms were given to foreign "bourgeois specialists" who were willing to come to work under the new regime.<ref>James Burnham, ''The Managerial Revolution'', Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966.</ref> |
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| | The control, and the social rule which goes with it, when it leaves the hands of the capitalists, goes not to the workers, the people, but to the managers, the new ruling class. A parallel of the Russian process can be observed with particular clarity in connection with the events in [[Loyalist]] territories during the [[Spanish Civil War]], above all in Catalonia. There, just as in Russia, the workers and peasants began taking over direct control of the factories and railroads and firms. There too, not at once, but during the course of the first two years of the Civil War, the ''de facto'' power slipped from the workers' hands, sometimes voluntarily given up at the persuasion of a political party, sometimes smashed by arms and prison. It was not the troops of [[Franco]] who took control away from the people of Catalonia; they had lost control well before Franco's army conquered. | | The control, and the social rule which goes with it, when it leaves the hands of the capitalists, goes not to the workers, the people, but to the managers, the new ruling class. A parallel of the Russian process can be observed with particular clarity in connection with the events in [[Loyalist]] territories during the [[Spanish Civil War]], above all in Catalonia. There, just as in Russia, the workers and peasants began taking over direct control of the factories and railroads and firms. There too, not at once, but during the course of the first two years of the Civil War, the ''de facto'' power slipped from the workers' hands, sometimes voluntarily given up at the persuasion of a political party, sometimes smashed by arms and prison. It was not the troops of [[Franco]] who took control away from the people of Catalonia; they had lost control well before Franco's army conquered. |
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| | == Ideology == | | == Ideology == |
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| − | A Marxist society does not allow an individual to gain wealth; instead, that wealth belongs to the people as a collective. In a 'pure' Marxist society, the state is a democratic system that manages all aspects of production--essentially making the state the head of all industry. However, this was never realized due to power grabs by the eventual managers of the factories, as well as many practical limitations. Marx dreamed of a society where a man could be "A farmer in the morning, a laborer in the afternoon, and a philosopher in the evening"--essentially, a world without specialization and stark divisions of labor. Again, this tenet of his philosophy was never realized, mostly due to practical reasons. | + | A Marxist society does not allow an individual to gain wealth; instead, that wealth belongs to the people as a collective. In a 'pure' Marxist society, the state is a democratic system that manages all aspects of production—essentially making the state the head of all industry. However, this was never realized due to power grabs by the eventual managers of the factories, as well as many practical limitations. Marx dreamed of a society where a man could be "A farmer in the morning, a laborer in the afternoon, and a philosopher in the evening"—essentially, a world without specialization and stark divisions of labor. Again, this tenet of his philosophy was never realized, mostly due to practical reasons. |
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| | ==Quotes on Marxism== | | ==Quotes on Marxism== |
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| | From the Nazi party ([[National Socialism]]) leader [[Heinrich Himmler]]: | | From the Nazi party ([[National Socialism]]) leader [[Heinrich Himmler]]: |
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| − | * "In the course of history periods of [[capitalism]] and [[socialism]] alternate with one another; capitalism is the unnatural, socialism the natural [[economic system]]...The [[Nazi|National Socialists]] and the [[Communists|Red Front]] have the same aspirations. The [[Jew]]s falsified the Revolution in the form of [[Marxism]] and that failed to bring fulfillment." -- Speech in [[Potsdam]] (13 October 1926), quoted in Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp. 92-93. | + | * "In the course of history periods of [[capitalism]] and [[socialism]] alternate with one another; capitalism is the unnatural, socialism the natural [[economic system]]...The [[Nazi|National Socialists]] and the [[Communists|Red Front]] have the same aspirations. The [[Jew]]s falsified the Revolution in the form of Marxism and that failed to bring fulfillment."—Speech in [[Potsdam]] (13 October 1926), quoted in Peter Longerich, Heinrich Himmler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp. 92–93. |
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| − | * "The best political weapon is the [[terrorism|weapon of terror]]. Cruelty commands respect. Men may hate us. But, we don't ask for their love; only for their fear." -- Quoted in "Visions of Reality - A Study of Abnormal Perception and Behavior" - by Alberto Rivas - Psychology - 2007 - Page 162 | + | * "The best political weapon is the [[terrorism|weapon of terror]]. Cruelty commands respect. Men may hate us. But, we don't ask for their love; only for their fear."—Quoted in "Visions of Reality - A Study of Abnormal Perception and Behavior" - by Alberto Rivas - Psychology - 2007 - Page 162 |
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| | == Quotes from Lenin == | | == Quotes from Lenin == |
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| | ==Quotes from Leon Trotsky== | | ==Quotes from Leon Trotsky== |
| | * "Repression for the attainment of economic ends is a necessary weapon of the socialist [[dictatorship]]." | | * "Repression for the attainment of economic ends is a necessary weapon of the socialist [[dictatorship]]." |
| − | ** [[Leon Trotsky]] in ''Terrorism and Communism : A Reply to Karl Kautsky'' (1920; 1975), p. 153 | + | ** [[Leon Trotsky]] in ''Terrorism and Communism : A Reply to Karl Kautsky'' (1920; 1975), p. 153 |
| | * "The road to socialism lies through a period of the highest possible intensification of the principle of the state … Just as a lamp, before going out, shoots up in a brilliant flame, so the state, before disappearing, assumes the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the most ruthless form of state, which embraces the life of the citizens authoritatively in every direction... | | * "The road to socialism lies through a period of the highest possible intensification of the principle of the state … Just as a lamp, before going out, shoots up in a brilliant flame, so the state, before disappearing, assumes the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the most ruthless form of state, which embraces the life of the citizens authoritatively in every direction... |
| | ** ''Terrorism and Communism : A Reply to Karl Kautsky'' (1920; 1975), p. 177 | | ** ''Terrorism and Communism : A Reply to Karl Kautsky'' (1920; 1975), p. 177 |
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| | ** Leon Trotsky in his book The [[Russian Revolution]], 1930 | | ** Leon Trotsky in his book The [[Russian Revolution]], 1930 |
| | * "Root out the counterrevolutionaries without mercy, lock up suspicious characters in concentration camps... Shirkers will be shot, regardless of past service." | | * "Root out the counterrevolutionaries without mercy, lock up suspicious characters in concentration camps... Shirkers will be shot, regardless of past service." |
| − | ** Statement of 1918, as quoted in ''Trotsky : The Eternal Revolutionary'' (1996) by Dmitri Volkogonov, p. 213 | + | ** Statement of 1918, as quoted in ''Trotsky : The Eternal Revolutionary'' (1996) by Dmitri Volkogonov, p. 213 |
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| | ==Quotes from Mao== | | ==Quotes from Mao== |
| − | * "Every Communist must grasp the truth: Political power grows out of the barrel of a [[gun]]." -- The Little Red Book, 1964 | + | * "Every Communist must grasp the truth: Political power grows out of the barrel of a [[gun]]."—The Little Red Book, 1964 |
| | * "Our principle is that the [[Communist Party|Party]] commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party." | | * "Our principle is that the [[Communist Party|Party]] commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party." |
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| | ==Quotes on Kim Il-sung== | | ==Quotes on Kim Il-sung== |
| | [[Kim Il-sung]] took the communist [[cult of personality]] to a new level.<ref>Barbara Demick (2010) ''Nothing to Envy: Real Lives in North Korea'', Granta, page 45, ISBN 9781847081414</ref> | | [[Kim Il-sung]] took the communist [[cult of personality]] to a new level.<ref>Barbara Demick (2010) ''Nothing to Envy: Real Lives in North Korea'', Granta, page 45, ISBN 9781847081414</ref> |
| − | "In Korea, the Americans have far exceed the Hitlerites!" -- by Kim Il-sung<ref>**Kim Il-sung to the [[Swedish]] communist leader [[Frank Baude]] in 1993.</ref> | + | "In Korea, the Americans have far exceed the Hitlerites!"—by Kim Il-sung<ref>**Kim Il-sung to the [[Swedish]] communist leader [[Frank Baude]] in 1993.</ref> |
| | * "When it comes to the orchestration of terror, Kim Jong-il is a natural born genius." | | * "When it comes to the orchestration of terror, Kim Jong-il is a natural born genius." |
| | **[[Kim Duk Hong]] quoted in ''[[BBC News]]'' (21 July 2003) "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/correspondent/3065101.stm Inside the mind of Kim Jong-il]" | | **[[Kim Duk Hong]] quoted in ''[[BBC News]]'' (21 July 2003) "[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/correspondent/3065101.stm Inside the mind of Kim Jong-il]" |
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| | As ruler of [[Cambodia]] Pol Pot was responsible for exterminating 2 million people by [[genocide]]. That's a quarter of the country's population: | | As ruler of [[Cambodia]] Pol Pot was responsible for exterminating 2 million people by [[genocide]]. That's a quarter of the country's population: |
| | * "Exterminate the 50 million Vietnamese... and purify the masses of the [Cambodian] people." | | * "Exterminate the 50 million Vietnamese... and purify the masses of the [Cambodian] people." |
| − | ** Phnom Penh radio broadcast by [[Pol Pot]] of the [[Khmer Rouge]] (May 10, 1978) ([[http://www.enotes.com/genocide-encyclopedia/khmer-rouge]]) | + | ** Phnom Penh radio broadcast by [[Pol Pot]] of the [[Khmer Rouge]] (May 10, 1978) ([http://www.enotes.com/genocide-encyclopedia/khmer-rouge]) |
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| | ==Related Quotes from Others== | | ==Related Quotes from Others== |
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| − | * "[[Socialist|Socialists]] ignore the side of man that is of the spirit. They can provide shelter, fill your belly with bacon and beans, treat you when you are ill, all the things that are guaranteed to a prisoner or a slave. They don't understand that we dream - yes, even of some time owning a yacht."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9ut8fnmwVkwC&pg=PA91#v=onepage&q&f=false|last1=Skinner|first1=Kiron K.|last2=Anderson|first2=Annelise A.|title=Stories in His Own Hand: The Everyday Wisdom of Ronald Reagan ; Edited with an Introduction and Commentary by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson ; Foreword by George P. Shultz|date=2001|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781416584506}}</ref> -- [[President]] [[Ronald Reagan]] | + | * "[[Socialist]]s ignore the side of man that is of the spirit. They can provide shelter, fill your belly with bacon and beans, treat you when you are ill, all the things that are guaranteed to a prisoner or a slave. They don't understand that we dream - yes, even of some time owning a yacht."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9ut8fnmwVkwC&pg=PA91#v=onepage&q&f=false|last1=Skinner|first1=Kiron K.|last2=Anderson|first2=Annelise A.|title=Stories in His Own Hand: The Everyday Wisdom of Ronald Reagan ; Edited with an Introduction and Commentary by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson ; Foreword by George P. Shultz|date=2001|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781416584506}}</ref> -- [[President]] [[Ronald Reagan]] |
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| | * "Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the [[income redistribution|equal sharing]] of misery." -- [[Winston Churchill]] | | * "Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the [[income redistribution|equal sharing]] of misery." -- [[Winston Churchill]] |
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| | * "Socialism is based on [[envy]] and eventually always creates a very powerful [[big government]] controlled by very mediocre people who envy any success and destroy it." -- [[Vlad]] | | * "Socialism is based on [[envy]] and eventually always creates a very powerful [[big government]] controlled by very mediocre people who envy any success and destroy it." -- [[Vlad]] |
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| − | == See Also == | + | == See also == |
| | * [[Karl Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels]] | | * [[Karl Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels]] |
| | * [[List of atheist and agnostic pseudosciences]] | | * [[List of atheist and agnostic pseudosciences]] |