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| | Progressives try to sell ideas of egalitarianism as new, however historically the concept of wealth redistribution is very old, having its roots in the [[Palace economies]] of early city-states. [[Benjamin Franklin]] at the [[Constitutional Convention]] mentioned how the Pharoahs engaged in it.<ref name=convention /> | | Progressives try to sell ideas of egalitarianism as new, however historically the concept of wealth redistribution is very old, having its roots in the [[Palace economies]] of early city-states. [[Benjamin Franklin]] at the [[Constitutional Convention]] mentioned how the Pharoahs engaged in it.<ref name=convention /> |
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| − | Benjamin Franklin was not the only one who noticed. Another Founding Father, [[James Madison]] made multiple observations regarding the theft of income or assets, "levelling", from one person to another. On June 26th, 1787, he said: | + | Benjamin Franklin was not the only one who noticed. Another Founding Father, [[James Madison]] made multiple observations regarding the theft of income or assets, "levelling", from one person to another. On June 26, 1787, he said: |
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| | <blockquote>In framing a system which we wish to last for ages, we should not lose sight of the changes which ages will produce. An increase of population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labour under all the hardships of life, and secretly sigh for a more equal distribution of its blessings. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. According to the equal laws of suffrage, the power will slide into the hands of the former. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in in this Country, but symptoms, of a leveling spirit, as we have understood, have sufficiently appeared in a certain quarters to give notice of the future danger. How is this danger to be guarded against on republican principles? How is the danger in all cases of interested coalitions to oppress the minority to be guarded against? Among other means by the establishment of a body in the Government sufficiently respectable for its wisdom and virtue, to aid on such emergencies, the preponderance of justice by throwing its weight into that scale. Such being the objects of the second branch in the proposed Government.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Madison|first1=James |url=https://www.gutenberg.org/files/40861/40861-h/40861-h.htm |title=The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, Volume I (of 2) |work=[[Constitutional Convention]] |date=June 26, 1787 }}</ref></blockquote> | | <blockquote>In framing a system which we wish to last for ages, we should not lose sight of the changes which ages will produce. An increase of population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labour under all the hardships of life, and secretly sigh for a more equal distribution of its blessings. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. According to the equal laws of suffrage, the power will slide into the hands of the former. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in in this Country, but symptoms, of a leveling spirit, as we have understood, have sufficiently appeared in a certain quarters to give notice of the future danger. How is this danger to be guarded against on republican principles? How is the danger in all cases of interested coalitions to oppress the minority to be guarded against? Among other means by the establishment of a body in the Government sufficiently respectable for its wisdom and virtue, to aid on such emergencies, the preponderance of justice by throwing its weight into that scale. Such being the objects of the second branch in the proposed Government.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Madison|first1=James |url=https://www.gutenberg.org/files/40861/40861-h/40861-h.htm |title=The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, Volume I (of 2) |work=[[Constitutional Convention]] |date=June 26, 1787 }}</ref></blockquote> |
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| − | Again, on August 7th, he observed: | + | Again, on August 7, he observed: |
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| | <blockquote>"As the holders of property have at stake all the other rights common to those without property, they may be the more restrained from infringing, as well as the less tempted to infringe the rights of the latter. It is nevertheless certain, that there are various ways in which the rich may oppress the poor; in which property may oppress liberty; and that the world is filled with examples. It is necessary that the poor should have a defence against the danger. | | <blockquote>"As the holders of property have at stake all the other rights common to those without property, they may be the more restrained from infringing, as well as the less tempted to infringe the rights of the latter. It is nevertheless certain, that there are various ways in which the rich may oppress the poor; in which property may oppress liberty; and that the world is filled with examples. It is necessary that the poor should have a defence against the danger. |
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| | [[Samuel Adams]] has long been established as the author of this. | | [[Samuel Adams]] has long been established as the author of this. |
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| − | Likewise, [[William Bradford]] wrote in his book (p. 135) ''History of the Plymouth Plantation'': | + | Likewise, [[William Bradford]] wrote in his book (p. 135) ''History of the Plymouth Plantation'': |
| | <blockquote>The experience that was had in this comone course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of later times; – that ye taking away of propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser than God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploymet that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For ye yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, without any recompence. The string, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter ye other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner & yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it.<ref name=bradford>{{cite web |last1=Bradford|first1=William |url=http://books.google.com/books?id=4IoKAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA137 |title=History of Plymouth Plantation |work=William Bradford |date=1650 }}</ref></blockquote> | | <blockquote>The experience that was had in this comone course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of later times; – that ye taking away of propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser than God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploymet that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For ye yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, without any recompence. The string, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter ye other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner & yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it.<ref name=bradford>{{cite web |last1=Bradford|first1=William |url=http://books.google.com/books?id=4IoKAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA137 |title=History of Plymouth Plantation |work=William Bradford |date=1650 }}</ref></blockquote> |
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| − | After a few years of strife, deaths, and other calamity, Bradford wrote (p. 136) that he was thankful to God for showing the colonists the error of 'comunitie' of 'propertie' and 'comone wealth', saying "God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them."<ref name=bradford></ref> | + | After a few years of strife, deaths, and other calamity, Bradford wrote (p. 136) that he was thankful to God for showing the colonists the error of 'comunitie' of 'propertie' and 'comone wealth', saying "God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them."<ref name=bradford /> |
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| | Generally speaking, early Americans and the Founders in particular considered wealth redistribution to be an injustice, a danger, and a form of slavery, and they said so. Either saying so directly, or indirectly with comparisons to well known historical tyrants. | | Generally speaking, early Americans and the Founders in particular considered wealth redistribution to be an injustice, a danger, and a form of slavery, and they said so. Either saying so directly, or indirectly with comparisons to well known historical tyrants. |
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| | {{reflist|2}} | | {{reflist|2}} |
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| − | ==See Also== | + | ==See also== |
| | * [[Heaven on Earth]] | | * [[Heaven on Earth]] |
| | * ''[[The Naked Communist]]'' by [[Cleon Skousen]] | | * ''[[The Naked Communist]]'' by [[Cleon Skousen]] |
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| | * [[Palace economy]] | | * [[Palace economy]] |
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| − | ==External Links== | + | ==External links== |
| | *[http://www.independent.org/newsroom/article.asp?id=1155 Nineteen Neglected Consequences of Income Redistribution], Robert Higgs, ''The Independent Institute'', December 5, 1994 | | *[http://www.independent.org/newsroom/article.asp?id=1155 Nineteen Neglected Consequences of Income Redistribution], Robert Higgs, ''The Independent Institute'', December 5, 1994 |
| | *[http://www.cato.org/pubs/journal/cj1n2/cj1n2-2.pdf Taxation and Income Redistribution: An Unsympathetic Critique of Practice and Theory], Richard B. McKenzie, ''The CATO Journal'', Accessed December 24, 2007 | | *[http://www.cato.org/pubs/journal/cj1n2/cj1n2-2.pdf Taxation and Income Redistribution: An Unsympathetic Critique of Practice and Theory], Richard B. McKenzie, ''The CATO Journal'', Accessed December 24, 2007 |
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| | {{Liberalism}} | | {{Liberalism}} |
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| − | [[Category : Economic Preparedness]] | + | [[Category:Economic Preparedness]] |
| − | [[Category : Socialism]] | + | [[Category:Socialism]] |
| − | [[Category : Communism]] | + | [[Category:Communism]] |
| − | [[Category : Marxism]] | + | [[Category:Marxism]] |
| − | [[Category : Marxist terminology]] | + | [[Category:Marxist terminology]] |
| − | [[Category : Crimes]] | + | [[Category:Crimes]] |
| − | [[Category : Threats]] | + | [[Category:Threats]] |
| − | [[Category : Anti-American]] | + | [[Category:Anti-American]] |
| − | [[Category : Economics]] | + | [[Category:Economics]] |
| − | [[category : Taxation]] | + | [[Category:Taxation]] |