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== The Bombing ==

== The Bombing ==

On the days leading up to April 19th, McVeigh and Nichols filled a rented Ryder truck with approximately 5000 pounds of a fuel oil and fertilizer mixture.  On the morning of April 19th, Timothy McVeigh drove the truck into downtown Oklahoma City, parking it directly in front of the Murrah Federal Building.  At 9:02 am the bomb detonated, collapsing the front facade of the federal building and severely damaging several surrounding buildings. The explosion could be heard and felt several miles away.

On the days leading up to April 19, McVeigh and Nichols filled a rented Ryder truck with approximately 5000 pounds of a fuel oil and fertilizer mixture.  On the morning of April 19, Timothy McVeigh drove the truck into downtown Oklahoma City, parking it directly in front of the Murrah Federal Building.  At 9:02 am the bomb detonated, collapsing the front facade of the federal building and severely damaging several surrounding buildings. The explosion could be heard and felt several miles away.

McVeigh intended to avenge the deaths among the [[Branch Davidians]] at [[Waco]], [[Texas]], a third of which were members of minority groups, including 30 blacks, 6 Hispanics and 7 Asians, as well as a number of interracial marriages. <ref>David B. Kopel and Paul H. Blackman, ''No More Wacos: What’s Wrong With Federal Law Enforcement and How To Fix It'', Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1997, 409-411.</ref>  Despite widespread allegations of racial motivations behind the bombings, which were spread through the mainstream media and sourced to leftist, self-styled "anti-racist" [[Watchdog Groups|watchdog groups]], Nichols himself was married to a Philippine national. McVeigh had been [[politically profiled]] in Brandon Stickney's ''All-American Monster - The Unauthorized Biography of Timothy McVeigh'', allegations which were responded to in an article by Lawrence W. Myers in ''Media Bypass'' magazine. <ref>Lawrence W. Myers, Tim McVeigh: An Interview, ''Media Bypass'', February 1996, pg. 36.</ref>

McVeigh intended to avenge the deaths among the [[Branch Davidians]] at [[Waco]], [[Texas]], a third of which were members of minority groups, including 30 blacks, 6 Hispanics and 7 Asians, as well as a number of interracial marriages.<ref>David B. Kopel and Paul H. Blackman, ''No More Wacos: What’s Wrong With Federal Law Enforcement and How To Fix It'', Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1997, 409-411.</ref>  Despite widespread allegations of racial motivations behind the bombings, which were spread through the mainstream media and sourced to leftist, self-styled "anti-racist" [[Watchdog Groups|watchdog groups]], Nichols himself was married to a Philippine national. McVeigh had been [[politically profiled]] in Brandon Stickney's ''All-American Monster - The Unauthorized Biography of Timothy McVeigh'', allegations which were responded to in an article by Lawrence W. Myers in ''Media Bypass'' magazine.<ref>Lawrence W. Myers, Tim McVeigh: An Interview, ''Media Bypass'', February 1996, pg. 36.</ref>

On the day of the bombing, the brown pickup truck was apparently found and cleared, and an additional set of sketches were released, of Johns Doe #1 and #2.  These sketches were apparently based on witness reports from the Ryder shop where the truck was rented; the truck had been identified by its [[VIN]] found on an axle.

On the day of the bombing, the brown pickup truck was apparently found and cleared, and an additional set of sketches were released, of Johns Doe #1 and #2.  These sketches were apparently based on witness reports from the Ryder shop where the truck was rented; the truck had been identified by its [[VIN]] found on an axle.

== Arrests ==

== Arrests ==

Ninety minutes after the explosion, Timothy McVeigh was pulled over by an [[Oklahoma Highway Patrol]] officer for driving a car without a [[license plate]].  During the stop, a weapon was discovered, and McVeigh was booked into jail on a weapons charge.  Before he was released, he was identified as John Doe #1 in the sketches and was taken into federal custody.  Terry Nichols, a known friend of McVeigh's, turned himself in soon afterwards.  One of the most extensive FBI investigations ever undertaken has failed to implicate any militia group or any group of any kind. The FBI agent in charge of the Oklahoma City Bombing Task Force recently said:

Ninety minutes after the explosion, Timothy McVeigh was pulled over by an [[Oklahoma Highway Patrol]] officer for driving a car without a [[license plate]].  During the stop, a weapon was discovered, and McVeigh was booked into jail on a weapons charge.  Before he was released, he was identified as John Doe #1 in the sketches and was taken into federal custody.  Terry Nichols, a known friend of McVeigh's, turned himself in soon afterwards.  One of the most extensive FBI investigations ever undertaken has failed to implicate any militia group or any group of any kind. The FBI agent in charge of the Oklahoma City Bombing Task Force recently said:

{{Cquote|The investigation, as thorough as it was, was not able to identify other individuals involved other than those who admitted their knowledge or were convicted through two trials. <ref>Diana Baldwin, Some Still Hunt For John Doe 2, ''Sunday Oklahoman'', 13 December 1998, A-8.</ref>}}

{{Cquote|The investigation, as thorough as it was, was not able to identify other individuals involved other than those who admitted their knowledge or were convicted through two trials.<ref>Diana Baldwin, Some Still Hunt For John Doe 2, ''Sunday Oklahoman'', 13 December 1998, A-8.</ref>}}

==Media reporting==

==Media reporting==

Writer Adam Parfrey observed after the Oklahoma City bombing some watchdog groups information was absorbed whole into mainstream news sources as unimpeachable and objective news sources, whereas the watchdog organizations coffers bulged when constituent donors were led to believe through fundraising newsletters they were  fighting an enemy of enormous evil and mounting strength. Despite their altruistic claims, the watchdog organizations  

Writer Adam Parfrey observed after the Oklahoma City bombing some watchdog groups information was absorbed whole into mainstream news sources as unimpeachable and objective news sources, whereas the watchdog organizations coffers bulged when constituent donors were led to believe through fundraising newsletters they were  fighting an enemy of enormous evil and mounting strength. Despite their altruistic claims, the watchdog organizations  

{{Cquote|profited directly off the sensationalism that acts as a sparkplug for Hollywood and the weekly tabloids. <ref>Adam Parfrey, Cult Rapture: Revelations of the Apocalyptic Mind (Portland, OR: Feral House, 1995), 327.</ref>}}

{{Cquote|profited directly off the sensationalism that acts as a sparkplug for Hollywood and the weekly tabloids.<ref>Adam Parfrey, Cult Rapture: Revelations of the Apocalyptic Mind (Portland, OR: Feral House, 1995), 327.</ref>}}

The SPLC’s ''Klanwatch Intelligence Report'' of June 1995 claimed that “over 200 militia and support groups operate nationwide.” <ref>Southern Poverty Law Center, “Over 200 Militias and Support Groups Operate Nationwide,”

The SPLC’s ''Klanwatch Intelligence Report'' of June 1995 claimed that “over 200 militia and support groups operate nationwide.” <ref>Southern Poverty Law Center, “Over 200 Militias and Support Groups Operate Nationwide,”

''Klanwatch Intelligence Report'' (June 1995).</ref>  Three months later, in September 1995 the SPLC issued a report that identified seventy-three “militias or militia support groups nationwide, with a total of 30,000 to 40,000 members.” The SPLC also claimed that about forty-five have “ties to the Ku Klux Klan.” <ref> Dick Foster, “10 Militias at Home in Colorado” Rocky Mountain News, (6 September 1995).</ref>  127 “militia and support groups” suddenly disappeared.  The actual number of militia group is believed no more than 20% of what SPLC claimed, and the Anti-Defamation League claimed only 10,000 members. <ref>''The Watchdogs: A Close Look at Anti-Racist "Watchdog" Groups'', Laird Wilcox, Editorial Research Service, 1999, pg. 85. ISBN 0-993592-96-5.</ref>

''Klanwatch Intelligence Report'' (June 1995).</ref>  Three months later, in September 1995 the SPLC issued a report that identified seventy-three “militias or militia support groups nationwide, with a total of 30,000 to 40,000 members.” The SPLC also claimed that about forty-five have “ties to the Ku Klux Klan.” <ref>Dick Foster, “10 Militias at Home in Colorado” Rocky Mountain News, (6 September 1995).</ref>  127 “militia and support groups” suddenly disappeared.  The actual number of militia group is believed no more than 20% of what SPLC claimed, and the Anti-Defamation League claimed only 10,000 members.<ref>''The Watchdogs: A Close Look at Anti-Racist "Watchdog" Groups'', Laird Wilcox, Editorial Research Service, 1999, pg. 85. ISBN 0-993592-96-5.</ref>

As for militia complicity in the bombing itself—after more than three years of intensive investigation neither the FBI nor any other law enforcement agency has produced evidence that the perpetrators were members of or in any substantial way connected with any militia, anywhere, anytime. <ref>Diana Baldwin, “Some Still Huntfor John Doe 2,” Sunday Oklahoman 13 December 1998, A-8.</ref>  A county grand jury arrived at the same conclusions. <ref>Ron Jenkins, “Oklahoma Bomb Jury Rules Out Conspiracy,” Associated Press, 30 December 1998.

As for militia complicity in the bombing itself—after more than three years of intensive investigation neither the FBI nor any other law enforcement agency has produced evidence that the perpetrators were members of or in any substantial way connected with any militia, anywhere, anytime.<ref>Diana Baldwin, “Some Still Huntfor John Doe 2,” Sunday Oklahoman 13 December 1998, A-8.</ref>  A county grand jury arrived at the same conclusions.<ref>Ron Jenkins, “Oklahoma Bomb Jury Rules Out Conspiracy,” Associated Press, 30 December 1998.

</ref> No militias were implicated by government prosecutors at Timothy McVeigh’s or Terry Nichols’ trials. Militias had nothing to do with the Oklahoma City bombing. The perpetrators were acting entirely on their own. The only organizational “links and ties” they shared was service in the U. S. Army.

</ref> No militias were implicated by government prosecutors at Timothy McVeigh’s or Terry Nichols’ trials. Militias had nothing to do with the Oklahoma City bombing. The perpetrators were acting entirely on their own. The only organizational “links and ties” they shared was service in the U. S. Army.