Changes

==History==

==History==

===England===

===England===

Two clergymen of the Church of England were major figures of the movement. Frederick Denison Maurice(1805-72), a professor of theology at [[King's College London]] until 1853, and [[Charles Kingsley]]. John Malcolm Forbes Ludlow, a young lawyer, was also an important early figure. They were influenced by the movement of [[Chartism]].<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_fstAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA9|title=Christian Socialism in the Church of England|date=1902|pages=9}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QbcWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA64|title=Christian Socialism|date=1888|pages=64|author=Moritz Kaufmann}}</ref> The term ''Christian socialism'' was first used by them to express their position that socialism was really but a development, an outcome of Christianity, and that to be effective and true it must be grounded on a definite Christian basis.

Two clergymen of the Church of England were major figures of the movement. Frederick Denison Maurice(1805–72), a professor of theology at [[King's College London]] until 1853, and [[Charles Kingsley]]. John Malcolm Forbes Ludlow, a young lawyer, was also an important early figure. They were influenced by the movement of [[Chartism]].<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_fstAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA9|title=Christian Socialism in the Church of England|date=1902|pages=9}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QbcWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA64|title=Christian Socialism|date=1888|pages=64|author=Moritz Kaufmann}}</ref> The term ''Christian socialism'' was first used by them to express their position that socialism was really but a development, an outcome of Christianity, and that to be effective and true it must be grounded on a definite Christian basis.

They first started by publishing a little penny weekly, entitled ''Politics for the People''. In addition to Maurice, Kingsley, and Ludlow, other contributors included Archdeacon Hare, Professor Conington, Sir Arthur Helps, Archbishop Whately, Dr. Guy, French, Stanley, and Osborn. Kingsley wrote in it the well-known(at the time) articles signed "Parson Lot". The first number appeared May 6, 1848. The columns, moreover, contained many communications from Chartists, among others one signed by "One of the wicked Chartists of Kennington Common." The  

They first started by publishing a little penny weekly, entitled ''Politics for the People''. In addition to Maurice, Kingsley, and Ludlow, other contributors included Archdeacon Hare, Professor Conington, Sir Arthur Helps, Archbishop Whately, Dr. Guy, French, Stanley, and Osborn. Kingsley wrote in it the well-known(at the time) articles signed "Parson Lot". The first number appeared May 6, 1848. The columns, moreover, contained many communications from Chartists, among others one signed by "One of the wicked Chartists of Kennington Common." The  

"Tracts full of raving and disreputable rant; mouth-pieces of class selfishness, popular prejudice and ignorant passion; ravings of blasphemy, rapine and nonsense; miserable delusions; mischievous provocations clothed in oily phrases of peace and charity; a clique of way- Opposition ward-minded men who, from a morbid Encountered craving for notoriety or a crazy straining after paradox, have taken up the unhallowed task of preaching the doctrines of Jacobinism and the Jacquerie 'this and much more of the like was said of them in all the reviews and journals. Advertisements were refused by the daily papers, booksellers did not dare to keep copies of their publications. ''The Christian Socialist'' was prohibited by the French Government from circulating in the realm. A committee of King's College was appointed to investigate Maurice's activity in these dangerous schemes, and he narrowly escaped losing at once his professorial position. Kingsley was invited to deliver a sermon in a London church, and at the close his opinions were openly branded as untrue and dangerous by the officiating rector."  

"Tracts full of raving and disreputable rant; mouth-pieces of class selfishness, popular prejudice and ignorant passion; ravings of blasphemy, rapine and nonsense; miserable delusions; mischievous provocations clothed in oily phrases of peace and charity; a clique of way- Opposition ward-minded men who, from a morbid Encountered craving for notoriety or a crazy straining after paradox, have taken up the unhallowed task of preaching the doctrines of Jacobinism and the Jacquerie 'this and much more of the like was said of them in all the reviews and journals. Advertisements were refused by the daily papers, booksellers did not dare to keep copies of their publications. ''The Christian Socialist'' was prohibited by the French Government from circulating in the realm. A committee of King's College was appointed to investigate Maurice's activity in these dangerous schemes, and he narrowly escaped losing at once his professorial position. Kingsley was invited to deliver a sermon in a London church, and at the close his opinions were openly branded as untrue and dangerous by the officiating rector."  

[[Gertrude Himmelfarb]], a conservative historian, points out that "the generic form of Christian socialism ... was present among all the late-Victorian socialist groups, including the most radical of them." She notes that [[Keir Hardie]], the late nineteenth-century trade unionist who became the first leader of the parliamentary [[Labour party]] early in the 20th century, described socialism as "the embodiment of Christianity in our industrial system." Himmelfarb finds that while these reformers tried to secularize religion, "that transference was rarely complete. What remained, for many socialists, was a spirit that transcended man, a moral idea rooted in religion which provided the ultimate rationale for socialism.<ref> Himmelfarb, ''Poverty and Compassion,'' (1991) p. 336</ref> Himmelfarb notes that a frequent complaint was that it appealed more to the upper class than the working class, or as one critic snapped, "Christian Socialism is the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat."<ref>Himmelfarb, ''Poverty and Compassion,'' (1991) p. 335</ref>

[[Gertrude Himmelfarb]], a conservative historian, points out that "the generic form of Christian socialism ... was present among all the late-Victorian socialist groups, including the most radical of them." She notes that [[Keir Hardie]], the late nineteenth-century trade unionist who became the first leader of the parliamentary [[Labour party]] early in the 20th century, described socialism as "the embodiment of Christianity in our industrial system." Himmelfarb finds that while these reformers tried to secularize religion, "that transference was rarely complete. What remained, for many socialists, was a spirit that transcended man, a moral idea rooted in religion which provided the ultimate rationale for socialism.<ref>Himmelfarb, ''Poverty and Compassion,'' (1991) p. 336</ref> Himmelfarb notes that a frequent complaint was that it appealed more to the upper class than the working class, or as one critic snapped, "Christian Socialism is the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat."<ref>Himmelfarb, ''Poverty and Compassion,'' (1991) p. 335</ref>

====The Cooperative Movement====

====The Cooperative Movement====

He founded Christian socialist clubs, and exerted no little influence. The ''bon mot'' of Camille Desmoulins, calling Christ ''le bon sans-cutlotte'', is well known. Saint Simon himself has been sometimes called the first Christian Socialist. His first idea was to induce the Pope to found a new Christian social order, and when he failed in this, he undertook himself to found what he called a New Christianity. Several of the Saint Simonians, notably Buchez, believed that they could, and endeavored strenuously to establish a new social Christianity. Far more truly may Lamennais be considered a leading French Christian Socialist. His journal, ''L' Avenir'', began in 1830 with its motto, " God and liberty, the Pope and the people," and after his break with the papacy, his ''Les Paroles d'len Croyant'' (''The Words of a Believer'', 1839), are among the noblest and most burning Christian socialist utterances ever made. Cabet, the brilliant author of the Utopian ''Icaria'', must also be mentioned here, with his book, ''Le Vrai Christianisme suivant Jesus Christ'' (1846), striving to show that Christianity is communism. Yet in spite of these and other brilliant utterances there has been no organized Christian socialist movement in France until very recent times.  

He founded Christian socialist clubs, and exerted no little influence. The ''bon mot'' of Camille Desmoulins, calling Christ ''le bon sans-cutlotte'', is well known. Saint Simon himself has been sometimes called the first Christian Socialist. His first idea was to induce the Pope to found a new Christian social order, and when he failed in this, he undertook himself to found what he called a New Christianity. Several of the Saint Simonians, notably Buchez, believed that they could, and endeavored strenuously to establish a new social Christianity. Far more truly may Lamennais be considered a leading French Christian Socialist. His journal, ''L' Avenir'', began in 1830 with its motto, " God and liberty, the Pope and the people," and after his break with the papacy, his ''Les Paroles d'len Croyant'' (''The Words of a Believer'', 1839), are among the noblest and most burning Christian socialist utterances ever made. Cabet, the brilliant author of the Utopian ''Icaria'', must also be mentioned here, with his book, ''Le Vrai Christianisme suivant Jesus Christ'' (1846), striving to show that Christianity is communism. Yet in spite of these and other brilliant utterances there has been no organized Christian socialist movement in France until very recent times.  

Says Kaufmann, in his ''Christian Socialism'', p. 169: "De Maistre. Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun, on the other, represent in the order we have placed them, though not in chronological sequence, thte ascending and descending scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Christian Socialism."  

Says Kaufmann, in his ''Christian Socialism'', p.&nbsp;169: "De Maistre. Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun, on the other, represent in the order we have placed them, though not in chronological sequence, thte ascending and descending scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Christian Socialism."  

The great movement of Le Play can, in itself, however, scarcely be called a Christian Socialist movement, although it has led to some extent to a movement sometimes using this name. Le Play himself, although a devout Roman Catholic, aimed to make his movement purely educational. The founder of the real Roman Catholic socialist movement in France is the Comte de Mun. He, with the Comte de la Tour-du-Pin Chambly, founded, soon after the Franco-Prussian War, the ''Oeuvre des Cercles Catholiques d'Ottvriers'', an association organized for the purpose of bringing together working men on a Church basis, and standing on the social principles of the encyclical and syllabus of 1864. Its professed object is "the counter-revolution, made in the name of the syllabus, and the great work of reestablishing a Christian order in the world of labor." The followers of this school hold the Protestant Reformation to be the parent of all France's moral and social ills. They see in the Reformation a revolution against God, the worship of the sovereignty of the man in place of the sovereignty of God. They class Luther, Calvin, Voltaire, Rousseau, Danton, Robespierre, side by side. Against the Reformation, with its asserted ecclesiastical, political, social, and moral results, they declare war. In place of Protestantism and economic individualism they would establish cooperative association with State aid, under the patronage of the Church of Rome. With the Social Democrats they have nothing to do. Since the Pope has condemned socialism under that name, though indorsing many of its principles, they deny that there can be a Christian Socialism. The movement is more ecclesiastical and political than really Christian Socialist. It is an effort to hold the working classes for Rome. The direction of the unions is placed in the hands of local committees in close connection with a central committee in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together the higher and lower classes of society by means of Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These Catholic working men's associations combine the advantages of a religious club, a cooperative supply association, and a laborer's friend society all in one. Eventually the ''Oeuvre'' purposes to become the nucleus of a number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare of the working man. Originally intended for the workmen of large towns, these associations have spread into the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense populations agitated by the tempests of social war. ' There were 450 of these cercles in 1880, and several employers of labor, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in the Val-des-Bois, are able to give most satisfactory reports of their own attempts to transform unruly colonies of workmen into quiet and industrious communities by the adoption of the principles of the ''cercles'', and thus to establish a happy relationship between employer and employed.  

The great movement of Le Play can, in itself, however, scarcely be called a Christian Socialist movement, although it has led to some extent to a movement sometimes using this name. Le Play himself, although a devout Roman Catholic, aimed to make his movement purely educational. The founder of the real Roman Catholic socialist movement in France is the Comte de Mun. He, with the Comte de la Tour-du-Pin Chambly, founded, soon after the Franco-Prussian War, the ''Oeuvre des Cercles Catholiques d'Ottvriers'', an association organized for the purpose of bringing together working men on a Church basis, and standing on the social principles of the encyclical and syllabus of 1864. Its professed object is "the counter-revolution, made in the name of the syllabus, and the great work of reestablishing a Christian order in the world of labor." The followers of this school hold the Protestant Reformation to be the parent of all France's moral and social ills. They see in the Reformation a revolution against God, the worship of the sovereignty of the man in place of the sovereignty of God. They class Luther, Calvin, Voltaire, Rousseau, Danton, Robespierre, side by side. Against the Reformation, with its asserted ecclesiastical, political, social, and moral results, they declare war. In place of Protestantism and economic individualism they would establish cooperative association with State aid, under the patronage of the Church of Rome. With the Social Democrats they have nothing to do. Since the Pope has condemned socialism under that name, though indorsing many of its principles, they deny that there can be a Christian Socialism. The movement is more ecclesiastical and political than really Christian Socialist. It is an effort to hold the working classes for Rome. The direction of the unions is placed in the hands of local committees in close connection with a central committee in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together the higher and lower classes of society by means of Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These Catholic working men's associations combine the advantages of a religious club, a cooperative supply association, and a laborer's friend society all in one. Eventually the ''Oeuvre'' purposes to become the nucleus of a number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare of the working man. Originally intended for the workmen of large towns, these associations have spread into the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense populations agitated by the tempests of social war. ' There were 450 of these cercles in 1880, and several employers of labor, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in the Val-des-Bois, are able to give most satisfactory reports of their own attempts to transform unruly colonies of workmen into quiet and industrious communities by the adoption of the principles of the ''cercles'', and thus to establish a happy relationship between employer and employed.  

==21st century==

==21st century==

[[Image:Csmlogo.gif|left]]

[[Image:Csmlogo.gif|left]]

In the 21st century, the Christian Socialist Movement in England is a movement of Christians with a radical commitment to social justice, to protecting the environment and to fostering peace and reconciliation. It is holding a joint event on Cut The Carbon with Christian Aid at Labour Party Conference.  Labour Party leader and former prime minister [[Tony Blair]] calls himself an 'ecumenical Christian' and has tied to Christian Socialism, though he led the Labour party to renounce its traditional commitment to government ownership of industry. "Christianity helped to inspire my rejection of Marxism," Blair explained. <ref> Irwin M. Stelzer, "Christian Socialism in Britain." ''Public Interest'' 1996 (124): 3-11 </ref>

In the 21st century, the Christian Socialist Movement in England is a movement of Christians with a radical commitment to social justice, to protecting the environment and to fostering peace and reconciliation. It is holding a joint event on Cut The Carbon with Christian Aid at Labour Party Conference.  Labour Party leader and former prime minister [[Tony Blair]] calls himself an 'ecumenical Christian' and has tied to Christian Socialism, though he led the Labour party to renounce its traditional commitment to government ownership of industry. "Christianity helped to inspire my rejection of Marxism," Blair explained.<ref>Irwin M. Stelzer, "Christian Socialism in Britain." ''Public Interest'' 1996 (124): 3-11</ref>

==Christian Socialist Parties==

==Christian Socialist Parties==

"Religious socialism, Christian socialism, are contradictory terms; no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist."<ref>[http://w2.vatican.va/content/pius-xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno.html Quadragesimo Anno], (May 15, 1931)</ref><br />- [[Pope Pius XI]], Quadragesimo Anno, Section 120, (May 15, 1931)

"Religious socialism, Christian socialism, are contradictory terms; no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist."<ref>[http://w2.vatican.va/content/pius-xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno.html Quadragesimo Anno], (May 15, 1931)</ref><br />- [[Pope Pius XI]], Quadragesimo Anno, Section 120, (May 15, 1931)

"I would not have you exchange the gold of individual Christianity for the base metal of Christian Socialism."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OOGoBwAAQBAJ&pg=PT309|title=The Complete Works of C. H. Spurgeon, Volume 35: Sermons 2062-2120|date=2015|pages=309-310}}</ref><br /> - [[Charles Haddon Spurgeon]], One Lost Sheep, (April 28th, 1889)

"I would not have you exchange the gold of individual Christianity for the base metal of Christian Socialism."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OOGoBwAAQBAJ&pg=PT309|title=The Complete Works of C. H. Spurgeon, Volume 35: Sermons 2062-2120|date=2015|pages=309–310}}</ref><br /> - [[Charles Haddon Spurgeon]], One Lost Sheep, (April 28, 1889)

==Quotes==

==Quotes==

[[Category:Christian Movements]]

[[Category:Christian Movements]]

[[Category:economics]]

[[Category:Economics]]

[[Category:Socialism]]

[[Category:Socialism]]