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| − | [[Image:Ross Perot 1992.jpg|thumb|right|Ross Perot campaigning for President in 1992.]]'''Ross Perot''' (b.1930), entrepreneur, and independent presidential candidate in 1992 and 1996. Perot became a major figure in the 1992 presidential election through his forceful personality, his crusading style against the [[corruption]] of federal deficits, and his articulation of many people's anger and frustration with the political system. His money brought him fame, credibility, and a large, well-paid staff. | + | [[Image:Ross Perot 1992.jpg|thumb|right|Ross Perot campaigning for President in 1992.]]'''Ross Perot''' (born 1930), entrepreneur, and independent presidential candidate in 1992 and 1996. Perot became a major figure in the 1992 presidential election through his forceful personality, his crusading style against the [[corruption]] of federal deficits, and his articulation of many people's anger and frustration with the political system. His money brought him fame, credibility, and a large, well-paid staff. |
| | ==Business== | | ==Business== |
| − | He became a billionaire as head of the computer company Electronic Data Systems, which held very large contracts with the federal government for processing Medicare and Medicaid claims. He sold it to General Motors for a vast sum and a seat on the GM board. GM could not handle such an unconventional outsider, and they bought him out for another large sum. By 1992 his portfolio of holdings added up into the billions, making him one of the two richest political figures of the era.<ref> The other was [[Michael Bloomberg]], currently mayor of New York City. [[Henry A. Wallace]] reached the billionaire status after he left politics.</ref> | + | He became a billionaire as head of the computer company Electronic Data Systems, which held very large contracts with the federal government for processing Medicare and Medicaid claims. He sold it to General Motors for a vast sum and a seat on the GM board. GM could not handle such an unconventional outsider, and they bought him out for another large sum. By 1992 his portfolio of holdings added up into the billions, making him one of the two richest political figures of the era.<ref>The other was [[Michael Bloomberg]], currently mayor of New York City. [[Henry A. Wallace]] reached the billionaire status after he left politics.</ref> |
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| | ==Reformer== | | ==Reformer== |
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| | In the [[United States presidential election, 1992|1992 Presidential election]] he ran for President as an [[independent candidate]] and won 19% of the vote, which is the most any independent candidate has ever received. | | In the [[United States presidential election, 1992|1992 Presidential election]] he ran for President as an [[independent candidate]] and won 19% of the vote, which is the most any independent candidate has ever received. |
| | ===Volunteers=== | | ===Volunteers=== |
| − | Everything about Perot's candidacy was unconventional. He launched it on a television talk show in February 1992, saying that if volunteers placed his name on the ballot in fifty states, he would run for President. But his campaign began well before the ballot work was finished, in mid September, and Perot himself put substantial funds into the work of his "volunteers." The crew-cut, plain-talking, can-do Perot captured people's imagination and frustrated independents, mostly conservatives who distrusted the Republican Party, rallied to his banner. He became the leader of a substantial movement.<ref> See James A. McCann, et al. "Heeding The Call: An Assessment of Mobilization into H. Ross Perot's 1992 Presidential Campaign." ''American Journal of Political Science'' 1999 43(1):1-28. in [[EBSCO]]</ref> | + | Everything about Perot's candidacy was unconventional. He launched it on a television talk show in February 1992, saying that if volunteers placed his name on the ballot in fifty states, he would run for President. But his campaign began well before the ballot work was finished, in mid September, and Perot himself put substantial funds into the work of his "volunteers." The crew-cut, plain-talking, can-do Perot captured people's imagination and frustrated independents, mostly conservatives who distrusted the Republican Party, rallied to his banner. He became the leader of a substantial movement.<ref>See James A. McCann, et al. "Heeding The Call: An Assessment of Mobilization into H. Ross Perot's 1992 Presidential Campaign." ''American Journal of Political Science'' 1999 43(1):1-28. in [[EBSCO]]</ref> |
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| − | Perot's vast fortune clearly helped him reach the electorate, and gave him credibility as a man who understands finance, but without his ability to mobilize an army of dedicated supporters he would have cut a smaller figure. The candidate's name appeared on the ballot in all fifty states thanks to the the dogged efforts of unpaid volunteer activists who heeded Perot's call for help on the "Larry King" show. Virtually overnight, thousands of citizens stepped forward in response to Perot's appeals to staff local campaign headquarters and circulate petitions. All of the accouterments of a national political campaign sprung up as billboards, buttons, and bumper stickers appeared, and political rallies were skillfully orchestrated. Perot developed what might have been the most effective campaign organization of the three general election candidates, even though his was brand new and even though--or perhaps because--it lacked the history and permanence of a major political party organization. | + | Perot's vast fortune clearly helped him reach the electorate, and gave him credibility as a man who understands finance, but without his ability to mobilize an army of dedicated supporters he would have cut a smaller figure. The candidate's name appeared on the ballot in all fifty states thanks to the the dogged efforts of unpaid volunteer activists who heeded Perot's call for help on the "Larry King" show. Virtually overnight, thousands of citizens stepped forward in response to Perot's appeals to staff local campaign headquarters and circulate petitions. All of the accouterments of a national political campaign sprung up as billboards, buttons, and bumper stickers appeared, and political rallies were skillfully orchestrated. Perot developed what might have been the most effective campaign organization of the three general election candidates, even though his was brand new and even though—or perhaps because—it lacked the history and permanence of a major political party organization. |
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| | In terms of issues Perot activists were decidedly in favor of term limits, suggesting a basic hostility toward professional politicians (like Bush and Clinton). Perot activists were more supportive of greater limits on foreign imports than the general public. Perot made headway with his vigorous opposition to [[NAFTA]], warning against the "giant sucking sound" of jobs leaving America. The Perot activists were more supportive than others of a government-sponsored national health insurance plan. Likewise, they were less supportive of restrictions on abortion, and they were somewhat more likely to support affirmative action. Averaged over all the issues, the Perot activists were more liberal on some issues, and more conservative on others, but strongly agreed that politicians and the old parties were bad and the deficit was ruining America. | | In terms of issues Perot activists were decidedly in favor of term limits, suggesting a basic hostility toward professional politicians (like Bush and Clinton). Perot activists were more supportive of greater limits on foreign imports than the general public. Perot made headway with his vigorous opposition to [[NAFTA]], warning against the "giant sucking sound" of jobs leaving America. The Perot activists were more supportive than others of a government-sponsored national health insurance plan. Likewise, they were less supportive of restrictions on abortion, and they were somewhat more likely to support affirmative action. Averaged over all the issues, the Perot activists were more liberal on some issues, and more conservative on others, but strongly agreed that politicians and the old parties were bad and the deficit was ruining America. |
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| | On election day he won 19% and enabled Clinton to score a clean majority in the electoral college. | | On election day he won 19% and enabled Clinton to score a clean majority in the electoral college. |
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| − | The Perot voters were very similar in demographic profile to the overall electorate,with a somewhat smaller percent of minorities, those over 60, and those with postgraduate education. They differed from Bush and Clinton voters in their alienation from major institutions; they distrusted politics, business and the military. They were more pessimistic about the future, and were especially worried about the federal deficit.<ref> William A. Niskanen, "A Vote for Perot was a Vote for the Status Quo." ''Cato Journal'' 1998 18(1): 85-91 in [[EBSCO]]</ref> | + | The Perot voters were very similar in demographic profile to the overall electorate,with a somewhat smaller percent of minorities, those over 60, and those with postgraduate education. They differed from Bush and Clinton voters in their alienation from major institutions; they distrusted politics, business and the military. They were more pessimistic about the future, and were especially worried about the federal deficit.<ref>William A. Niskanen, "A Vote for Perot was a Vote for the Status Quo." ''Cato Journal'' 1998 18(1): 85-91 in [[EBSCO]]</ref> |
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| − | The 1992 election was unique for a number of reasons: a perception that economic conditions were worse than they actually were, which harmed incumbent President Bush; a strong third-party candidate in Perot; a backlash against 12 years of a conservative presidency that generated ever-larger deficits; and, perhaps most importantly, Bill Clinton's ability to unite not only the Democratic Party, but a number of heterogeneous coalitions, much as Franklin Roosevelt, also a consummate politician, did in the [[New Deal Coalition]] after 1932.<ref> Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Significance of the 1992 Election." ''PS: Political Science & Politics'' 1993 26(1): 7-16. 1049-0965 </ref> | + | The 1992 election was unique for a number of reasons: a perception that economic conditions were worse than they actually were, which harmed incumbent President Bush; a strong third-party candidate in Perot; a backlash against 12 years of a conservative presidency that generated ever-larger deficits; and, perhaps most importantly, Bill Clinton's ability to unite not only the Democratic Party, but a number of heterogeneous coalitions, much as Franklin Roosevelt, also a consummate politician, did in the [[New Deal Coalition]] after 1932.<ref>Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Significance of the 1992 Election." ''PS: Political Science & Politics'' 1993 26(1): 7-16. 1049-0965</ref> |
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| | ==1996== | | ==1996== |
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| | {{DEFAULTSORT:Perot, Ross}} | | {{DEFAULTSORT:Perot, Ross}} |
| − | {{Template:Economic preparedness topics}} | + | {{Economic preparedness topics}} |
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| − | [[Category : Economic Preparedness]] | + | [[Category:Economic Preparedness]] |
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| | [[Category:Reform Party Politicians]] | | [[Category:Reform Party Politicians]] |
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| | [[Category:Reagan Era]] | | [[Category:Reagan Era]] |
| | [[Category:Failed Presidential Candidates]] | | [[Category:Failed Presidential Candidates]] |
| − | [[Category:Billionaires] | + | [[Category:Billionaires]] |