Changes

The British battened down in Boston, which was on a peninsula and could not be attacked without artillery on the hills around the city.  Led by [[Henry Knox]], a brilliant young clerk who had read military treatises and knew how to seize the moment, the patriots obtained 60 heavy guns from the capture of Ft. Ticonderoga, in upstate New York.  Water traffic was controlled by the Royal Navy, so Knox organized ox teams that hauled the heavy guns on sleds across the snows and ice in winter 1775-76. When the guns finally arrived in Boston in March, 1776, the British in Boston were defenseless; they withdrew to the great British naval base in Halifax, Canada.  The rebellion faced by their old enemy pleased the French, who began secret shipments of gunpowder, muskets and other vitally needed munitions, and allowed American privateers to use ports in France and the French West Indies.

The British battened down in Boston, which was on a peninsula and could not be attacked without artillery on the hills around the city.  Led by [[Henry Knox]], a brilliant young clerk who had read military treatises and knew how to seize the moment, the patriots obtained 60 heavy guns from the capture of Ft. Ticonderoga, in upstate New York.  Water traffic was controlled by the Royal Navy, so Knox organized ox teams that hauled the heavy guns on sleds across the snows and ice in winter 1775-76. When the guns finally arrived in Boston in March, 1776, the British in Boston were defenseless; they withdrew to the great British naval base in Halifax, Canada.  The rebellion faced by their old enemy pleased the French, who began secret shipments of gunpowder, muskets and other vitally needed munitions, and allowed American privateers to use ports in France and the French West Indies.

In full control of nearly all parts of the 13 states, and realizing they had to break from London once and for all if they ever were to secure a full scale military alliance with France, the new United States of America declared its independence on July 4, 1776. This was a proclamation of a state of affairs that had taken effect at least a year earlier, when the Continental Congress took over the forces around Boston and formally established a Continental Army. The army's mission thus was to preserve the status quo of a new nation that had seized control of its fate. The British had to crush that symbol, and reassert the supremacy of the Crown. The Royal Navy blockaded the American coastline. Washington and his armies had to trudge overland, while the British forces could be moved rapidly by water from point to point. Although they had the naval power to seize any one point, Britain never had the manpower to occupy all the rebellious colonies simultaneously. At least 200,000 soldiers would have been needed for that, and probably more. London did expand its army, but service was unpopular and it could not raise enough troops. Efforts to hire mercenary armies around Europe turned up only 30,000 men rented out by the rulers of Hesse-Cassel and other tiny German countries. (The rulers were paid so much per soldier, with a bonus for those killed.) The 3,000-mile-long supply line drastically limited the number of troops that could be maintained in America. The supply line furthermore had to be constantly protected from American privateers (privately operated armed merchant ships with a license to attack British merchantmen.) London assumed that a small number of radicals, wholly unrepresentative of American opinion, had seized control. The solution was not to negotiate but to overthrow them. The reasonable Americans would see their duty as British citizens, and renew their allegiance to the Crown once they saw the invincible British army had arrived.

In full control of nearly all parts of the 13 states, and realizing they had to break from London once and for all if they ever were to secure a full-scale military alliance with France, the new United States of America declared its independence on July 4, 1776. This was a proclamation of a state of affairs that had taken effect at least a year earlier, when the Continental Congress took over the forces around Boston and formally established a Continental Army. The army's mission thus was to preserve the status quo of a new nation that had seized control of its fate. The British had to crush that symbol, and reassert the supremacy of the Crown. The Royal Navy blockaded the American coastline. Washington and his armies had to trudge overland, while the British forces could be moved rapidly by water from point to point. Although they had the naval power to seize any one point, Britain never had the manpower to occupy all the rebellious colonies simultaneously. At least 200,000 soldiers would have been needed for that, and probably more. London did expand its army, but service was unpopular and it could not raise enough troops. Efforts to hire mercenary armies around Europe turned up only 30,000 men rented out by the rulers of Hesse-Cassel and other tiny German countries. (The rulers were paid so much per soldier, with a bonus for those killed.) The 3,000-mile-long supply line drastically limited the number of troops that could be maintained in America. The supply line furthermore had to be constantly protected from American privateers (privately operated armed merchant ships with a license to attack British merchantmen.) London assumed that a small number of radicals, wholly unrepresentative of American opinion, had seized control. The solution was not to negotiate but to overthrow them. The reasonable Americans would see their duty as British citizens, and renew their allegiance to the Crown once they saw the invincible British army had arrived.

==Organization==

==Organization==

A colonel commanded an American regiment, assisted by a lieutenant colonel and a major.<ref>The colonelcy of a British regiment was honorific; the lieutenant colonel was in actual command.</ref> They usually were the organizers who recruited the regiment in the first place. The regulars had volunteered for different lengths of time (one year, three, the duration of the war), and regiments whose term had expired wanted to march home. Half the veteran officers and sergeants, and perhaps a third of the privates reenlisted; the rest called it a war and went home. It grew harder and harder to raise troops. Cash bounties were offered, a draft was imposed. A draftee could escape by paying a fine or finding a substitute; older men sent sons or younger brothers. The more established young men volunteered for war first; by 1777 it was the poor, the unemployed, immigrants, blacks, and drifters who entered the army. To organize the regiment a colonel's staff included a surgeon, quartermaster (supply officer), chaplain, paymaster, and an adjutant to quill the paperwork. The fighting power of the regiment comprised seven to ten companies, each commanded by a captain, assisted by a lieutenant or two, an ensign (the lowest ranking officer), four sergeants (who ran things), four corporals, and a drummer and fifer (to issue commands in battle). The privates, 30 to 70 per company, carried muskets, pitched their tents, cooked whatever food was available, and did what the corporals and sergeants ordered. The weakness of the American army was that the sergeants and officers had little or no experience in warfare, and the generals displayed more genius for back-room politics than for battlefield action. The Americans had great difficulty carrying off complex, coordinated maneuvers. When Washington tried a four-pronged attack at Germantown in 1777, everything collapsed in confusion. At least Washington learned his lesson: he did not have an army that could maneuver as well or fight on equal terms, so he never again tried.<ref>Buchanan, (2004); Royster, (1979)</ref>

A colonel commanded an American regiment, assisted by a lieutenant colonel and a major.<ref>The colonelcy of a British regiment was honorific; the lieutenant colonel was in actual command.</ref> They usually were the organizers who recruited the regiment in the first place. The regulars had volunteered for different lengths of time (one year, three, the duration of the war), and regiments whose term had expired wanted to march home. Half the veteran officers and sergeants, and perhaps a third of the privates reenlisted; the rest called it a war and went home. It grew harder and harder to raise troops. Cash bounties were offered, a draft was imposed. A draftee could escape by paying a fine or finding a substitute; older men sent sons or younger brothers. The more established young men volunteered for war first; by 1777 it was the poor, the unemployed, immigrants, blacks, and drifters who entered the army. To organize the regiment a colonel's staff included a surgeon, quartermaster (supply officer), chaplain, paymaster, and an adjutant to quill the paperwork. The fighting power of the regiment comprised seven to ten companies, each commanded by a captain, assisted by a lieutenant or two, an ensign (the lowest ranking officer), four sergeants (who ran things), four corporals, and a drummer and fifer (to issue commands in battle). The privates, 30 to 70 per company, carried muskets, pitched their tents, cooked whatever food was available, and did what the corporals and sergeants ordered. The weakness of the American army was that the sergeants and officers had little or no experience in warfare, and the generals displayed more genius for back-room politics than for battlefield action. The Americans had great difficulty carrying off complex, coordinated maneuvers. When Washington tried a four-pronged attack at Germantown in 1777, everything collapsed in confusion. At least Washington learned his lesson: he did not have an army that could maneuver as well or fight on equal terms, so he never again tried.<ref>Buchanan, (2004); Royster, (1979)</ref>

Most regiments were strictly infantry, armed just with muskets and bayonets. Sometimes elite troops were assigned to a light infantry company, which was always kept up to full strength. Brigade commanders would assemble all their light infantry companies into a special battalion for special missions. The British used light infantry more often and more effectively than the Americans, because their command and control structure worked better. A brigade might have one artillery company, with perhaps an artillery regiment assigned to department headquarters. Cavalry units (which fought on horseback) were rarely used. Dragoons were infantry who rode horses, but dismounted to fight. They appeared in southern campaigns, but were not used more often because few Americans owned suitable mounts, and the British could not handle the logistics of sending horses and all their fodder across the Atlantic. Furthermore Washington never learned to appreciate the strong advantages of mounted forces in covering great distances. On paper a regiment numbered 500 to 1,000 men. But it probably was not at full strength in the first place. At any one time, some soldiers were sick, some assigned elsewhere, some captured or dead or deserted, or just vanished. Having 350 men fit for duty was usual. When new recruits arrived they usually came in new regiments, but sometimes they filled out understrength old ones. Every year or two old regiments might be merged, reorganized or even disbanded as their one or three year enlistment terms expired.<ref>Fischer (2004)</ref>

Most regiments were strictly infantry, armed just with muskets and bayonets. Sometimes elite troops were assigned to a light infantry company, which was always kept up to full strength. Brigade commanders would assemble all their light infantry companies into a special battalion for special missions. The British used light infantry more often and more effectively than the Americans, because their command and control structure worked better. A brigade might have one artillery company, with perhaps an artillery regiment assigned to department headquarters. Cavalry units (which fought on horseback) were rarely used. Dragoons were infantry who rode horses, but dismounted to fight. They appeared in southern campaigns, but were not used more often because few Americans owned suitable mounts, and the British could not handle the logistics of sending horses and all their fodder across the Atlantic. Furthermore, Washington never learned to appreciate the strong advantages of mounted forces in covering great distances. On paper a regiment numbered 500 to 1,000 men. But it probably was not at full strength in the first place. At any one time, some soldiers were sick, some assigned elsewhere, some captured or dead or deserted, or just vanished. Having 350 men fit for duty was usual. When new recruits arrived they usually came in new regiments, but sometimes they filled out understrength old ones. Every year or two old regiments might be merged, reorganized or even disbanded as their one or three-year enlistment terms expired.<ref>Fischer (2004)</ref>

===Hygiene and medicine===

===Hygiene and medicine===

===Discipline===

===Discipline===

The Americans were notoriously sloppy, dirty and careless; formations were ragged, and routine discipline was at best erratic. To the martinets in red coats this proved that the rebels did not know how to make war. American officers had to learn how to elicit self discipline among their men. Parades and smart uniforms enhanced pride in the unit, which gradually became the community the long-terms regulars identified with. As drill master von Steuben later explained to a Prussian visitor, "You say to your soldier, 'Do this' and he doeth it; but I am obliged to say 'This is the reason why you ought to do that,' and then he does it." The redcoat was easy to order around. The Americans only followed orders they felt were correct; if the scene were too dangerous they would run away. If the generals were doing poorly they would go home. Conversely, if the officers could motivate them they would fight well, and if the enemy seemed in trouble they would suddenly show up by the thousands, as they did at Boston (1775), Saratoga (1777) and Yorktown (1781). The American militiaman, contrasted with a redcoat regular, was better educated, more easily trained, more accustomed to wilderness more acclimated to the disease environment, and more familiar with firearms. He was a full participant in the war because this was a struggle his home community was waging for its own independence and freedom.  

The Americans were notoriously sloppy, dirty and careless; formations were ragged, and routine discipline was at best erratic. To the martinets in red coats this proved that the rebels did not know how to make war. American officers had to learn how to elicit self-discipline among their men. Parades and smart uniforms enhanced pride in the unit, which gradually became the community the long-terms regulars identified with. As drill master von Steuben later explained to a Prussian visitor, "You say to your soldier, 'Do this' and he doeth it; but I am obliged to say 'This is the reason why you ought to do that,' and then he does it." The redcoat was easy to order around. The Americans only followed orders they felt were correct; if the scene were too dangerous they would run away. If the generals were doing poorly they would go home. Conversely, if the officers could motivate them they would fight well, and if the enemy seemed in trouble they would suddenly show up by the thousands, as they did at Boston (1775), Saratoga (1777) and Yorktown (1781). The American militiaman, contrasted with a redcoat regular, was better educated, more easily trained, more accustomed to wilderness more acclimated to the disease environment, and more familiar with firearms. He was a full participant in the war because this was a struggle his home community was waging for its own independence and freedom.  

===Honor and ideology inside the armies===

===Honor and ideology inside the armies===

==British victory at New York City, 1776==

==British victory at New York City, 1776==

The Patriots' glorious spring of 1776 gave way to disasters in the summer and fall for the fledgling Continental army and its inexperienced commander. The British Royal Navy had complete control of the seas (since the French were still neutral). They could move large forces anywhere on the coastline much faster than the Americans could build defenses or march in reinforcements. As Washington discovered, "The amazing advantage the Enemy derive from their Ships and the Command of the Water, keeps us in a state of constant perplexity and the most anxious conjecture." Throughout the war the British strategy focused on cities. They realized that the colonies did not have a true center like London, but the cities were all accessible by sea, and they all contained large Loyalist contingents who wined and dined the British officers, leaving the mistaken impression that most Americans "really" favored the King. New York City was a prime target—it had the best port in the colonies, and could be used to isolate the New England region. Congress demanded that Washington defend Manhattan island (population 22,000) and nearby Long Island. But any defense was hopeless in the face of 30 British warships with 1,200 guns, and 10,000 sailors, not to mention the hundreds of transports that carried nearly half of the British army—32,000 trained regulars. This powerful force—45% of the Royal Navy and by far the most formidable fighting unit on the globe—was assembled only because King George III himself demanded action, and his minister for American affairs Lord George Germain brilliantly solved the logistic challenge. It was commanded by Major General William Howe and his older brother Admiral Richard Howe. Fortunately for the American cause, the Howes were trying to be conciliatory; a massive show of force on land and a tight blockade at sea would show the Yankees how insane their rebellion was, inducing them to accept the generous pardons which Howe was prepared to offer. Conciliation would be a better route to reunion, Howe felt, than annihilation of the rebel armies. But annihilation it nearly was. Washington foolishly divided his 28,000 men between Long Island and Manhattan, and neglected to defend his flanks. Instead of charging head-on, as they did in Boston, the Redcoats used their mobility to land troops in the rear, A surprise amphibious landing trapped Washington at the Battle of Long Island (Aug 1776). Miraculously he evaded the fleet and escaped to Manhattan. But another amphibious landing trapped him again. A second miraculous escape took Washington north of the city.  

The Patriots' glorious spring of 1776 gave way to disasters in the summer and fall for the fledgling Continental army and its inexperienced commander. The British Royal Navy had complete control of the seas (since the French were still neutral). They could move large forces anywhere on the coastline much faster than the Americans could build defenses or march in reinforcements. As Washington discovered, "The amazing advantage the Enemy derive from their Ships and the Command of the Water, keeps us in a state of constant perplexity and the most anxious conjecture." Throughout the war the British strategy focused on cities. They realized that the colonies did not have a true center like London, but the cities were all accessible by sea, and they all contained large Loyalist contingents who wined and dined the British officers, leaving the mistaken impression that most Americans "really" favored the King. New York City was a prime target—it had the best port in the colonies, and could be used to isolate the New England region. Congress demanded that Washington defend Manhattan island (population 22,000) and nearby Long Island. But any defense was hopeless in the face of 30 British warships with 1,200 guns, and 10,000 sailors, not to mention the hundreds of transports that carried nearly half of the British army—32,000 trained regulars. This powerful force—45% of the Royal Navy and by far the most formidable fighting unit on the globe—was assembled only because King George III himself demanded action, and his minister for American affairs Lord George Germain brilliantly solved the logistic challenge. It was commanded by Major General William Howe and his older brother Admiral Richard Howe. Fortunately for the American cause, the Howes were trying to be conciliatory; a massive show of force on land and a tight blockade at sea would show the Yankees how insane their rebellion was, inducing them to accept the generous pardons which Howe was prepared to offer. Conciliation would be a better route to reunion, Howe felt, than annihilation of the rebel armies. But annihilation it nearly was. Washington foolishly divided his 28,000 men between Long Island and Manhattan, and neglected to defend his flanks. Instead of charging head-on, as they did in Boston, the Redcoats used their mobility to land troops in the rear, A surprise amphibious landing trapped Washington at the Battle of Long Island (Aug 1776). Miraculously he evaded the fleet and escaped to Manhattan. But another amphibious landing trapped him again. A second miraculous escape took Washington north of the city.  

Washington had been whipped. Any remaining American taste for offensive warfare like the siege of Boston or the invasion of Canada dissolved in the face of British superiority in numbers and assault capability. Disorganization, shortages of supplies, fatigue, sickness, and above all, lack of confidence in the American leadership resulted in a melting away of untrained regulars and frightened militia. As Washington grumbled, "The honor of making a brave defense does not seem to be sufficient stimulus, when the success is very doubtful, and the falling into the Enemy's hands probable." The Connecticut contingent shrank from 8,000 to 2,000 in a matter of days. At White Plains. north of New York City, Washington again lost, and had to retreat to the hills of New Jersey. Meanwhile two major American forts, Lee and Washington, were surrounded and captured with 2,800 prisoners and the loss of sorely needed artillery and supplies. Manhattan and Long Island would fly the Union Jack until 1783. In December, 1776, the British seized control of New Jersey. The defeats were humiliating, but indecisive because the Howes neglected their opportunities to crush the insurgents. After all the casualties, captures, departures and desertions, Washington had only 16,000 men left—half the force he started with. He would never again battle the main British army, but would try to pick away at detachments and outposts. He knew the Redcoats could seize any city or other point they chose, but the new nation was so decentralized that it had no nerve center to be immobilized. Above all, Washington's goal was to keep his army alive as proof that the Revolution persisted.  

Washington had been whipped. Any remaining American taste for offensive warfare like the siege of Boston or the invasion of Canada dissolved in the face of British superiority in numbers and assault capability. Disorganization, shortages of supplies, fatigue, sickness, and above all, lack of confidence in the American leadership resulted in a melting away of untrained regulars and frightened militia. As Washington grumbled, "The honor of making a brave defense does not seem to be sufficient stimulus, when the success is very doubtful, and the falling into the Enemy's hands probable." The Connecticut contingent shrank from 8,000 to 2,000 in a matter of days. At White Plains. north of New York City, Washington again lost, and had to retreat to the hills of New Jersey. Meanwhile, two major American forts, Lee and Washington, were surrounded and captured with 2,800 prisoners and the loss of sorely needed artillery and supplies. Manhattan and Long Island would fly the Union Jack until 1783. In December, 1776, the British seized control of New Jersey. The defeats were humiliating, but indecisive because the Howes neglected their opportunities to crush the insurgents. After all the casualties, captures, departures and desertions, Washington had only 16,000 men left—half the force he started with. He would never again battle the main British army, but would try to pick away at detachments and outposts. He knew the Redcoats could seize any city or other point they chose, but the new nation was so decentralized that it had no nerve center to be immobilized. Above all, Washington's goal was to keep his army alive as proof that the Revolution persisted.  

[[Image:washington-deleware.jpg|500px|right|thumb|''Washington Crossing the Delaware'', by Emmanuel Leutze (1850)]]

[[Image:washington-deleware.jpg|500px|right|thumb|''Washington Crossing the Delaware'', by Emmanuel Leutze (1850)]]

If this was a revolution, the British needed a counter- revolutionary policy. Assuming the ringleaders were few and easily suppressed was a cardinal mistake, delaying any effective policy until after 1776. By then it was too late. To control an area the insurgents had to accomplish three goals: win the allegiance of more people, in terms of both active support and passive acquiescence. Then the rebels had to construct a viable organization. The organization needed identity (badges, flags), recruiting capability, weapons, training, leadership, ties to the national movement, and a secure sanctuary in case in case of attack. Finally the insurgents had to crush the opposition's will to exist through techniques that ranged from ostracism to seizure of property, imprisonment, and execution. In the 1770s the patriots were younger, more committed, more vigorous, less attached to the old order, more confident and better organized than the Loyalists. They would surely win unless the British successfully competed for the allegiance of the apathetics and neutrals, throttled the rebel organization, and revitalized the old government, especially as it touched people's lives.  

If this was a revolution, the British needed a counter- revolutionary policy. Assuming the ringleaders were few and easily suppressed was a cardinal mistake, delaying any effective policy until after 1776. By then it was too late. To control an area the insurgents had to accomplish three goals: win the allegiance of more people, in terms of both active support and passive acquiescence. Then the rebels had to construct a viable organization. The organization needed identity (badges, flags), recruiting capability, weapons, training, leadership, ties to the national movement, and a secure sanctuary in case in case of attack. Finally the insurgents had to crush the opposition's will to exist through techniques that ranged from ostracism to seizure of property, imprisonment, and execution. In the 1770s the patriots were younger, more committed, more vigorous, less attached to the old order, more confident and better organized than the Loyalists. They would surely win unless the British successfully competed for the allegiance of the apathetics and neutrals, throttled the rebel organization, and revitalized the old government, especially as it touched people's lives.  

In Queens County New York, Loyalism was strong; about 12% of the people were patriots and 27% Loyalists.<ref>Joseph S. Tiedemann, "A Revolution Foiled: Queens County, New York, 1775-1776." ''Journal of American History'' 1988 75(2): 417-444. Issn: 0021-8723 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8723(198809)75%3A2%3C417%3AARFQCN%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y in Jstor]</ref> (The remainder were neutral, but some could be coerced one way or the other.) In addition to their rare numerical advantage, the Loyalists had the secure refuge, for New York City was only a few miles away. Furthermore the British commissary agents were paying farmers real gold for food, horses and fuel, while the rebels only had dubious paper money. In most of the country, the rebels early on seized control of local governments, and enlisted the militia on their side, but in Queens, the Loyalists won control of most of the towns. In most of the country, the religious configuration favored the rebels. The New England Congregationalists and the southern Anglicans, for example, supported the revolution. In Queens, one fifth of the people were Quakers. Ostensibly neutral, the Quakers in fact were comfortable with the royal regime that had protected them for so long. Queens had a large Anglican and Dutch Reformed population (both 4 to 1 Tory), and many Presbyterians (5 to 1 patriot). Most newspapers in the colonies favored the revolution, as did most orators. In Queens the propaganda seemed to favor the Crown. The atrocities and oppression the patriots talked about endlessly were not local matters; no one was afraid of Indians any longer. When the patriots failed to win control of the spirit of Queens in 1775, they bluntly arrested and attacked supporters of the Crown. This gave the Loyalists the image of reasonable moderates defending the community against terrorists.  

In Queens County New York, Loyalism was strong; about 12% of the people were patriots and 27% Loyalists.<ref>Joseph S. Tiedemann, "A Revolution Foiled: Queens County, New York, 1775-1776." ''Journal of American History'' 1988 75(2): 417-444. Issn: 0021-8723 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-8723(198809)75%3A2%3C417%3AARFQCN%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y in Jstor]</ref> (The remainder were neutral, but some could be coerced one way or the other.) In addition to their rare numerical advantage, the Loyalists had the secure refuge, for New York City was only a few miles away. Furthermore, the British commissary agents were paying farmers real gold for food, horses and fuel, while the rebels only had dubious paper money. In most of the country, the rebels early on seized control of local governments, and enlisted the militia on their side, but in Queens, the Loyalists won control of most of the towns. In most of the country, the religious configuration favored the rebels. The New England Congregationalists and the southern Anglicans, for example, supported the revolution. In Queens, one fifth of the people were Quakers. Ostensibly neutral, the Quakers in fact were comfortable with the royal regime that had protected them for so long. Queens had a large Anglican and Dutch Reformed population (both 4 to 1 Tory), and many Presbyterians (5 to 1 patriot). Most newspapers in the colonies favored the revolution, as did most orators. In Queens the propaganda seemed to favor the Crown. The atrocities and oppression the patriots talked about endlessly were not local matters; no one was afraid of Indians any longer. When the patriots failed to win control of the spirit of Queens in 1775, they bluntly arrested and attacked supporters of the Crown. This gave the Loyalists the image of reasonable moderates defending the community against terrorists.  

When the redcoats occupied Queens from 1776 to 1783 the inhabitants discovered what the American Revolution was all about. Civilians were treated with contempt—attacked, raped, arrested, plundered, cheated, cut off from decisions. The British instituted a harsh martial law just to make sure there would be no unrest. Loyalism faded in Queens; the men increasingly refused to volunteer for Loyalist militia units, or spy on the patriots. Only one fifth of the original Tories went into exile after 1783; the remainder seemed pleased that the new government had restored peace. Not even under ideal conditions could the aristocratic British win the hearts and minds of the egalitarian Americans. But even if the British had figured out a counter-revolutionary strategy, after Saratoga it was too late.  

When the redcoats occupied Queens from 1776 to 1783 the inhabitants discovered what the American Revolution was all about. Civilians were treated with contempt—attacked, raped, arrested, plundered, cheated, cut off from decisions. The British instituted a harsh martial law just to make sure there would be no unrest. Loyalism faded in Queens; the men increasingly refused to volunteer for Loyalist militia units, or spy on the patriots. Only one fifth of the original Tories went into exile after 1783; the remainder seemed pleased that the new government had restored peace. Not even under ideal conditions could the aristocratic British win the hearts and minds of the egalitarian Americans. But even if the British had figured out a counter-revolutionary strategy, after Saratoga it was too late.