Changes

Although Chiang was nominally in charge of the "China-Burma-India" theater, actual command was held by American and British generals, especially [[Joseph Stilwell]]. Relatively little fighting took place in China. Nevertheless, Chiang gained world stature, and China was given a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council in 1945. Chiang became an ardent opponent of Communism in the late 1920s, but lost to [[Mao Zedong]] in the Chinese civil war, fleeing with his government and army to Taiwan in 1949.  In Taiwan he built a modern Chinese nation—much smaller than the mainland of course—but proved that rapid, modernization, fast economic growth—and democracy—was possible in a Chinese nation. In 1947 he repressed traditional Taiwanese natives who hated to be overrun and ruled by the elites from the mainland, and to this day his reputation is controversial on Taiwan.

Although Chiang was nominally in charge of the "China-Burma-India" theater, actual command was held by American and British generals, especially [[Joseph Stilwell]]. Relatively little fighting took place in China. Nevertheless, Chiang gained world stature, and China was given a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council in 1945. Chiang became an ardent opponent of Communism in the late 1920s, but lost to [[Mao Zedong]] in the Chinese civil war, fleeing with his government and army to Taiwan in 1949.  In Taiwan he built a modern Chinese nation—much smaller than the mainland of course—but proved that rapid, modernization, fast economic growth—and democracy—was possible in a Chinese nation. In 1947 he repressed traditional Taiwanese natives who hated to be overrun and ruled by the elites from the mainland, and to this day his reputation is controversial on Taiwan.

American conservatives greatly admired and supported Chiang and his wife. Long derided by liberals, his reputation has been improving among scholars. For eighty years the Chinese history has unfolded in the rivalry of Chiang and Mao.  In recent years Mao's reputation has collapsed, as China has discarded socialism, embraced capitalism, and taken off to economic prosperity—following the model of the much smaller Taiwan. Meanwhile the Chinese are embracing the vision that Chiang espoused: the vision of a China achieving modernity in its economy, parity in military prowess, and building political stability on a basis of traditional nationalism.  Taylor (2009) argues that, far from being incompetent, Chiang was a farsighted, disciplined and canny strategist who repeatedly predicted major geopolitical events and worked effectively for China, given its poverty. Chiang laid the foundation not only for Taiwan's prosperity, but also for its transformation into the only democracy in the Chinese-speaking world, and one of the few in Asia.  Even the mainland, where he was the great enemy for a half century, Chiang is now widely regarded as a national patriot who made valuable contributions to the modernization of China. The Communist leaders in Beijing have looked to Taiwan as a model for what a prosperous and free Chinese society might be like. Some mainstream Chinese scholars are suggesting that the country might have been better off had Chiang triumphed in 1949 instead of Mao.<ref>Jonathan D. Spence, "The Enigma of Chiang Kai-shek," [http://www.nybooks.com/articles/article-preview?article_id=23175 ''New York review of Books,'' Volume 56, Number 16 (Oct. 22, 2009) excerpt online]</ref>

American conservatives greatly admired and supported Chiang and his wife. Long derided by liberals, his reputation has been improving among scholars. For eighty years the Chinese history has unfolded in the rivalry of Chiang and Mao.  In recent years Mao's reputation has collapsed, as China has discarded socialism, embraced capitalism, and taken off to economic prosperity—following the model of the much smaller Taiwan. Meanwhile, the Chinese are embracing the vision that Chiang espoused: the vision of a China achieving modernity in its economy, parity in military prowess, and building political stability on a basis of traditional nationalism.  Taylor (2009) argues that, far from being incompetent, Chiang was a farsighted, disciplined and canny strategist who repeatedly predicted major geopolitical events and worked effectively for China, given its poverty. Chiang laid the foundation not only for Taiwan's prosperity, but also for its transformation into the only democracy in the Chinese-speaking world, and one of the few in Asia.  Even the mainland, where he was the great enemy for a half century, Chiang is now widely regarded as a national patriot who made valuable contributions to the modernization of China. The Communist leaders in Beijing have looked to Taiwan as a model for what a prosperous and free Chinese society might be like. Some mainstream Chinese scholars are suggesting that the country might have been better off had Chiang triumphed in 1949 instead of Mao.<ref>Jonathan D. Spence, "The Enigma of Chiang Kai-shek," [http://www.nybooks.com/articles/article-preview?article_id=23175 ''New York review of Books,'' Volume 56, Number 16 (Oct. 22, 2009) excerpt online]</ref>

=== Early life ===

=== Early life ===

===Relations with Japan===

===Relations with Japan===

After the [[Mukden Incident]] of September 18, 1931 and Japan's rapid seizure of Manchuria, Chiang realized that the vast disparity in national strength and military power between China and Japan put China at great risk. Therefore he rejected advice to fight back by people who called him an appeaser and did his best to avoid all-out war, using "peace" as a way to postpone war. On the other hand, he gathered allies widely, adjusted policies, maintained domestic order, built "national defense strongholds," organized a southwestern base area, and prepared to fight against Japan. However, the Japanese began negotiating with regional Chinese leaders and promoted a "north China autonomy movement" for the five northern provinces that weakened Nationalist control.<ref>Stephen G. Craft, "Opponents of Appeasement: Western-educated Chinese Diplomats and Intellectuals and Sino-Japanese Relations, 1932-37." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2001 35(1): 195-216. Issn: 0026-749x  [http://www.jstor.org/pss/313092 in  Jstor ]</ref>

After the [[Mukden Incident]] of September 18, 1931 and Japan's rapid seizure of Manchuria, Chiang realized that the vast disparity in national strength and military power between China and Japan put China at great risk. Therefore, he rejected advice to fight back by people who called him an appeaser and did his best to avoid all-out war, using "peace" as a way to postpone war. On the other hand, he gathered allies widely, adjusted policies, maintained domestic order, built "national defense strongholds," organized a southwestern base area, and prepared to fight against Japan. However, the Japanese began negotiating with regional Chinese leaders and promoted a "north China autonomy movement" for the five northern provinces that weakened Nationalist control.<ref>Stephen G. Craft, "Opponents of Appeasement: Western-educated Chinese Diplomats and Intellectuals and Sino-Japanese Relations, 1932-37." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2001 35(1): 195-216. Issn: 0026-749x  [http://www.jstor.org/pss/313092 in  Jstor ]</ref>

Full scale war &mdash; the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]] began at the Marco Polo bridge near Peking in July 1937.

Full-scale war &mdash; the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]] began at the Marco Polo bridge near Peking in July 1937.

==1937-1948==

==1937-1948==