Changes

*Religions: Muslim, Christian, indigenous African.  

*Religions: Muslim, Christian, indigenous African.  

*Languages: English (official), Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Fulani, Ijaw, others.  

*Languages: English (official), Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Fulani, Ijaw, others.  

*Education: Attendance (secondary)--male 32%, female 27%. Literacy--39%-51%.  

*Education: Attendance (secondary)--male 32%, female 27%. Literacy—39%-51%.  

*Health: Life expectancy (2004 est.)--43.7 years.

*Health: Life expectancy (2004 est.)--43.7 years.

===Religion===

===Religion===

While some experts estimate the population of 144 million to be 50% Muslim, 40% Christian, and 10% traditional indigenous, most experts believe that the proportion of citizens who practice Islam or Christianity are roughly equal and include a substantial number who practice traditional indigenous religious beliefs alongside Christianity or Islam. The predominant form of Islam is Sunni. Members of the Ahmadiyya Movement maintain a presence in Lagos and Abuja. The Christian population includes Roman Catholics, Anglicans, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, and a growing number of evangelical and Pentecostal Christians and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons).<ref> See [http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2008/108385.htm 2008 State Department Report on Religious Freedom in Nigeria]</ref>

While some experts estimate the population of 144 million to be 50% Muslim, 40% Christian, and 10% traditional indigenous, most experts believe that the proportion of citizens who practice Islam or Christianity are roughly equal and include a substantial number who practice traditional indigenous religious beliefs alongside Christianity or Islam. The predominant form of Islam is Sunni. Members of the Ahmadiyya Movement maintain a presence in Lagos and Abuja. The Christian population includes Roman Catholics, Anglicans, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, and a growing number of evangelical and Pentecostal Christians and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons).<ref>See [http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2008/108385.htm 2008 State Department Report on Religious Freedom in Nigeria]</ref>

The North, dominated by the Hausa-Fulani and Kanuri ethnic groups, is predominantly Muslim. However, significant Christian communities have resided and intermarried with Muslims in the North for more than 50 years. Both Muslims and Christians reside in large numbers in the Middle Belt, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). In the southwest, where the Yoruba ethnic group predominates, Christians and Muslims reside in equal numbers. While most Yorubas practice either Christianity or Islam, the practice of traditional Yoruba religious beliefs continues. Southern ethnic groups are predominantly Christian. In the east, where the Igbo ethnic group is dominant, Catholics, Anglicans, and Methodists are the majority, although many Igbos continue to observe traditional rites and ceremonies in tandem with Christianity. In the oil-rich and restive Niger Delta region, where the Ogoni and Ijaw ethnic groups prevail, Christians are the majority, with 1% of the population adhering to Islam.

The North, dominated by the Hausa-Fulani and Kanuri ethnic groups, is predominantly Muslim. However, significant Christian communities have resided and intermarried with Muslims in the North for more than 50 years. Both Muslims and Christians reside in large numbers in the Middle Belt, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). In the southwest, where the Yoruba ethnic group predominates, Christians and Muslims reside in equal numbers. While most Yorubas practice either Christianity or Islam, the practice of traditional Yoruba religious beliefs continues. Southern ethnic groups are predominantly Christian. In the east, where the Igbo ethnic group is dominant, Catholics, Anglicans, and Methodists are the majority, although many Igbos continue to observe traditional rites and ceremonies in tandem with Christianity. In the oil-rich and restive Niger Delta region, where the Ogoni and Ijaw ethnic groups prevail, Christians are the majority, with 1% of the population adhering to Islam.

===Structure===

===Structure===

====Executive====

====Executive====

In Nigeria, the President is the head of state and head of government. He serves four year terms (unless his term is extended by the Legislative branch - which can only be done in a time of war for no more than six months at one time) and must receive at least 25% of the popular vote in order ascend to office.<ref name="Constitution">{{cite web|title= Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria|work=Nigeria Direct|date=1999|format=pdf|language=English|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/rdonlyres/D38CF776-EE00-48DF-A09D-C06FE29997DA/0/NigerianConstitution.pdf|publisher= Federal Ministry of Information and Communications|accessdate=02-20-2009|language=English}}</ref> The majority of the executive branch is taken up by the Federal Executive Council - the body that comprises the President, the Vice President and ministers (the U.S. equivalent to a minister would be a Secretary or the Attorney General, these are cabinet positions). The ministers (there are nineteen in total) are not the only part of the council, though. The president is also allowed to appoint “Special Advisers” - the number that he is allowed to appoint depends on an act of the Legislative Branch.<ref name="Constitution"

In Nigeria, the President is the head of state and head of government. He serves four year terms (unless his term is extended by the Legislative branch - which can only be done in a time of war for no more than six months at one time) and must receive at least 25% of the popular vote in order ascend to office.<ref name="Constitution">{{cite web|title= Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria|work=Nigeria Direct|date=1999|format=pdf|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/rdonlyres/D38CF776-EE00-48DF-A09D-C06FE29997DA/0/NigerianConstitution.pdf|publisher= Federal Ministry of Information and Communications|accessdate=02-20-2009|language=English}}</ref> The majority of the executive branch is taken up by the Federal Executive Council - the body that comprises the President, the Vice President and ministers (the U.S. equivalent to a minister would be a Secretary or the Attorney General, these are cabinet positions). The ministers (there are nineteen in total) are not the only part of the council, though. The president is also allowed to appoint “Special Advisers” - the number that he is allowed to appoint depends on an act of the Legislative Branch.<ref name="Constitution"

Ministers control ministries - these ministries “[cover] all relevant sectors of the polity.” The President appoints all ministers. There is also a Permanent Secretary who is the “accounting officer and administrative head for each ministry”.<ref name="Ministries">{{cite web|title= Ministries|format=HTML|language=English|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/exeres/9E10B358-8D15-492E-8C95-92FEBDB9BBDF.htm|publisher=Federal Ministry of Information and Communications}}</ref>

Ministers control ministries - these ministries “[cover] all relevant sectors of the polity.” The President appoints all ministers. There is also a Permanent Secretary who is the “accounting officer and administrative head for each ministry”.<ref name="Ministries">{{cite web|title= Ministries|language=English|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/exeres/9E10B358-8D15-492E-8C95-92FEBDB9BBDF.htm|publisher=Federal Ministry of Information and Communications}}</ref>

====The Judiciary====

====The Judiciary====

|colspan="2"|'''Federal High Court'''

|colspan="2"|'''Federal High Court'''

|}

|}

There are three types of state courts in Nigeria: the High Court, the Sharia Court and the Customary Court. The Sharia Court and the Customary Court each have a distinctive appeals court that is still within the state system. Each state can choose whether to have a Sharia Court or a Customary Court, but the High Court is established in each state by the Constitution, and, in practice, it is the most important court on the federal or state level, because it is the most often used.<ref name="Dina">{{cite web|author= Dina, Yemisi, John Akintayo, Funke Ekundayo|title= Guide to Nigerian Legal Information|work=GlobaLex|publisher=Hauser Global Law School Program, New York University School of Law|date=Feb 2005|accessdate=9 Mar 2009|language=English|format=HTML|url=http://www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/nigeria.htm}}</ref>

There are three types of state courts in Nigeria: the High Court, the Sharia Court and the Customary Court. The Sharia Court and the Customary Court each have a distinctive appeals court that is still within the state system. Each state can choose whether to have a Sharia Court or a Customary Court, but the High Court is established in each state by the Constitution, and, in practice, it is the most important court on the federal or state level, because it is the most often used.<ref name="Dina">{{cite web|author= Dina, Yemisi, John Akintayo, Funke Ekundayo|title= Guide to Nigerian Legal Information|work=GlobaLex|publisher=Hauser Global Law School Program, New York University School of Law|date=Feb 2005|accessdate=9 Mar 2009|language=English|url=http://www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/nigeria.htm}}</ref>

Likewise, there are three types of court on the Federal level, however these courts are directly connected to each other. The lowest level court is the Federal High Court. The next level is the Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal receives appeals from the Federal High Court, the High Court, the Sharia Court of Appeal and the Customary Court of Appeal. The last level, and the most powerful court, is the Supreme Court, which receives appeals from the Court of Appeal, but also has original jurisdiction in cases involving states or the Federation.<ref name="Dina"/>

Likewise, there are three types of court on the Federal level, however these courts are directly connected to each other. The lowest level court is the Federal High Court. The next level is the Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal receives appeals from the Federal High Court, the High Court, the Sharia Court of Appeal and the Customary Court of Appeal. The last level, and the most powerful court, is the Supreme Court, which receives appeals from the Court of Appeal, but also has original jurisdiction in cases involving states or the Federation.<ref name="Dina"/>

The Supreme Court was established in 1963; it is the final court in all cases, and it has the power of judicial review over both state and federal laws. As prescribed by the Constitution, the Court is composed of a Chief Justice and quite a few associate justices (less than 21) depending on an act of the Legislative branch.<ref name="Constitution"/> Justices to the Supreme Court are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (a Federal Executive body that exists in order” “to insulate the Judiciary from the whims and caprices of the Executive”<ref name="NJC">{{cite web|title=National Judicial Council|work=National Judicial Council|date=15 Mar 2009|url=http://www.njc-ng.org/index.php|language=English|format=HTML}}</ref>).<ref name="Constitution"/> The Court of Appeal consists of a President of the Court and 49 other justices, three of which must be familiar with Islamic personal law and three of which must know Customary Law.<ref name="Constitution"/>

The Supreme Court was established in 1963; it is the final court in all cases, and it has the power of judicial review over both state and federal laws. As prescribed by the Constitution, the Court is composed of a Chief Justice and quite a few associate justices (less than 21) depending on an act of the Legislative branch.<ref name="Constitution"/> Justices to the Supreme Court are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (a Federal Executive body that exists in order” “to insulate the Judiciary from the whims and caprices of the Executive”<ref name="NJC">{{cite web|title=National Judicial Council|work=National Judicial Council|date=15 Mar 2009|url=http://www.njc-ng.org/index.php|language=English}}</ref>).<ref name="Constitution"/> The Court of Appeal consists of a President of the Court and 49 other justices, three of which must be familiar with Islamic personal law and three of which must know Customary Law.<ref name="Constitution"/>

There are many sources of law that the judicial branch has to work with. The Constitution as well as typical legislation are two obvious ones, however other sources include English Law, Customary Law (unwritten law, literally “by custom”), Islamic/Sharia Law (for the Sharia Courts) and judicial precedents. Sharia Law is somewhat controversial, as the Supreme Court, again, the apex court, has never had the opportunity to rule on the constitutionality of some of the more extreme Sharia punishments (such as the stoning of a person to death or amputation).<ref name="Dina"/>

There are many sources of law that the judicial branch has to work with. The Constitution as well as typical legislation are two obvious ones, however other sources include English Law, Customary Law (unwritten law, literally “by custom”), Islamic/Sharia Law (for the Sharia Courts) and judicial precedents. Sharia Law is somewhat controversial, as the Supreme Court, again, the apex court, has never had the opportunity to rule on the constitutionality of some of the more extreme Sharia punishments (such as the stoning of a person to death or amputation).<ref name="Dina"/>

===Principal Government Officials===

===Principal Government Officials===

*President--Muhammadu Buhari

*President—Muhammadu Buhari

*Vice President--Yemi Osinbajo  

*Vice President—Yemi Osinbajo  

===Foreign Relations===

===Foreign Relations===

In the light of highly expansionary public sector fiscal policies during 2001, the government has sought ways to head off higher inflation, leading to the implementation of stronger monetary policies by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and underspending of budgeted amounts. As a result of the CBN's efforts, the official exchange rate for the Naira has stabilized at about 127 Naira to the dollar. The combination of CBN's efforts to prop up the value of the Naira and excess liquidity resulting from government spending led the currency to be discounted by around 20% on the parallel (nonofficial) market. A key achievement of the Policy Support Instrument has been closure of the gap between the official and parallel market exchange rates. The Inter-Bank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) is closely tied to the official rate. Under IFEM, banks, oil companies, and the CBN can buy or sell their foreign exchange at government influenced rates. Much of the informal economy, however, can only access foreign exchange through the parallel market. Companies can hold domiciliary accounts in private banks, and account holders have unfettered use of the funds.  

In the light of highly expansionary public sector fiscal policies during 2001, the government has sought ways to head off higher inflation, leading to the implementation of stronger monetary policies by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and underspending of budgeted amounts. As a result of the CBN's efforts, the official exchange rate for the Naira has stabilized at about 127 Naira to the dollar. The combination of CBN's efforts to prop up the value of the Naira and excess liquidity resulting from government spending led the currency to be discounted by around 20% on the parallel (nonofficial) market. A key achievement of the Policy Support Instrument has been closure of the gap between the official and parallel market exchange rates. The Inter-Bank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) is closely tied to the official rate. Under IFEM, banks, oil companies, and the CBN can buy or sell their foreign exchange at government influenced rates. Much of the informal economy, however, can only access foreign exchange through the parallel market. Companies can hold domiciliary accounts in private banks, and account holders have unfettered use of the funds.  

Expanded government spending also has led to upward pressure on consumer prices. Inflation, which had fallen to 0% in April 2000, reached 14% by the end of 2003. Inflation was estimated at 8% in early 2007. High world oil prices have resulted in the government now holding $45 billion in foreign exchange reserves. State and local governmental bodies demand access to this "windfall" revenue, creating a tug-of-war between the federal government--which seeks to control spending--and state governments desirous of augmented budgets, preventing the government from making provision for periods of lower oil prices.  

Expanded government spending also has led to upward pressure on consumer prices. Inflation, which had fallen to 0% in April 2000, reached 14% by the end of 2003. Inflation was estimated at 8% in early 2007. High world oil prices have resulted in the government now holding $45 billion in foreign exchange reserves. State and local governmental bodies demand access to this "windfall" revenue, creating a tug-of-war between the federal government—which seeks to control spending—and state governments desirous of augmented budgets, preventing the government from making provision for periods of lower oil prices.  

One of Nigeria's greatest success stories has been the completion in early 2006 of a major overhaul of its banking system, although some have criticized the pace of consolidation and aggressive CBN supervision. Reforms have reduced the number of banks from 89 to 25, increased a bank's minimal capital requirement to $190 million, and required banks to hold 40% of their deposits in liquid assets. Retail, corporate, and Internet banking are seen as intensively competitive, and the home loan market is considered moderately competitive. Less than 10% of lending is believed to be made to individuals. About 65% of the economically active population is serviced by the informal financial sector, e.g., micro-finance institutions, moneylenders, friends, relatives, and credit unions. Since 1999, the Nigerian Stock Exchange has enjoyed strong performance, although equity as a means to foster corporate growth remains underutilized by Nigeria's private sector. Rural communities remain largely unbanked, the real estate sector and small businesses receive a low level of lending, and the credit card market remains at an early stage of development.  

One of Nigeria's greatest success stories has been the completion in early 2006 of a major overhaul of its banking system, although some have criticized the pace of consolidation and aggressive CBN supervision. Reforms have reduced the number of banks from 89 to 25, increased a bank's minimal capital requirement to $190 million, and required banks to hold 40% of their deposits in liquid assets. Retail, corporate, and Internet banking are seen as intensively competitive, and the home loan market is considered moderately competitive. Less than 10% of lending is believed to be made to individuals. About 65% of the economically active population is serviced by the informal financial sector, e.g., micro-finance institutions, moneylenders, friends, relatives, and credit unions. Since 1999, the Nigerian Stock Exchange has enjoyed strong performance, although equity as a means to foster corporate growth remains underutilized by Nigeria's private sector. Rural communities remain largely unbanked, the real estate sector and small businesses receive a low level of lending, and the credit card market remains at an early stage of development.  

Nigeria's publicly owned transportation infrastructure is a major constraint to economic development. Principal ports are at Lagos (Apapa and Tin Can Island), Port Harcourt, and Calabar. Docking fees for freighters are among the highest in the world. Of the 80,500 kilometers (50,000 mi.) of roads, more than 15,000 kilometers (10,000 mi.) are officially paved, but many remain in poor shape. Extensive road repairs and new construction activities are gradually being implemented as state governments, in particular, spend their portions of enhanced government revenue allocations. The government implementation of 100% destination inspection of all goods entering Nigeria has resulted in long delays in clearing goods for importers and created new sources of corruption, since the ports lack adequate facilities to carry out the inspection. Four of Nigeria's airports--Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and Abuja--currently receive international flights. There are several domestic private Nigerian carriers, and air service among Nigeria's cities is generally dependable. The maintenance culture of Nigeria's domestic airlines is not up to international standards.  

Nigeria's publicly owned transportation infrastructure is a major constraint to economic development. Principal ports are at Lagos (Apapa and Tin Can Island), Port Harcourt, and Calabar. Docking fees for freighters are among the highest in the world. Of the 80,500 kilometers (50,000&nbsp;mi.) of roads, more than 15,000 kilometers (10,000&nbsp;mi.) are officially paved, but many remain in poor shape. Extensive road repairs and new construction activities are gradually being implemented as state governments, in particular, spend their portions of enhanced government revenue allocations. The government implementation of 100% destination inspection of all goods entering Nigeria has resulted in long delays in clearing goods for importers and created new sources of corruption, since the ports lack adequate facilities to carry out the inspection. Four of Nigeria's airports—Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and Abuja—currently receive international flights. There are several domestic private Nigerian carriers, and air service among Nigeria's cities is generally dependable. The maintenance culture of Nigeria's domestic airlines is not up to international standards.  

====Gradual Reform====

====Gradual Reform====

*Inflation (2006): 8%.  

*Inflation (2006): 8%.  

*Natural resources: Petroleum, natural gas, tin, columbite, iron ore, coal, limestone, lead, zinc.  

*Natural resources: Petroleum, natural gas, tin, columbite, iron ore, coal, limestone, lead, zinc.  

*Agriculture: Products--cocoa, palm oil, yams, cassava, sorghum, millet, corn, rice, livestock, groundnuts, cotton.  

*Agriculture: Products—cocoa, palm oil, yams, cassava, sorghum, millet, corn, rice, livestock, groundnuts, cotton.  

*Industry: Types--textiles, cement, food products, footwear, metal products, lumber, beer, detergents, car assembly.  

*Industry: Types—textiles, cement, food products, footwear, metal products, lumber, beer, detergents, car assembly.  

*Trade (2005): Exports--$59 billion: petroleum (95%); cocoa; rubber. Partners--United States (52.5%); Spain (8.2%); Brazil (6.1%). Imports--$25 billion: machinery; chemicals; transport equipment; manufactured goods; food; live animals. Partners--China (10%); United States (7.3%); United Kingdom (6.7%).  

*Trade (2005): Exports--$59 billion: petroleum (95%); cocoa; rubber. Partners—United States (52.5%); Spain (8.2%); Brazil (6.1%). Imports--$25 billion: machinery; chemicals; transport equipment; manufactured goods; food; live animals. Partners—China (10%); United States (7.3%); United Kingdom (6.7%).  

====Investment====  

====Investment====  

With the country sliding into chaos, Defense Minister Sani Abacha quickly assumed power and forced Shonekan's "resignation" on November 17, 1993. Abacha dissolved all democratic political institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers. Abacha promised to return the government to civilian rule but refused to announce a timetable until his October 1, 1995 Independence Day address. Following the annulment of the June 12 election, the United States and other nations imposed various sanctions on Nigeria, including restrictions on travel by government officials and their families and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Additional sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's failure to gain full certification for its counter-narcotics efforts.  

With the country sliding into chaos, Defense Minister Sani Abacha quickly assumed power and forced Shonekan's "resignation" on November 17, 1993. Abacha dissolved all democratic political institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers. Abacha promised to return the government to civilian rule but refused to announce a timetable until his October 1, 1995 Independence Day address. Following the annulment of the June 12 election, the United States and other nations imposed various sanctions on Nigeria, including restrictions on travel by government officials and their families and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Additional sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's failure to gain full certification for its counter-narcotics efforts.  

Although Abacha's takeover was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment grew rapidly. A number of opposition figures united to form a new organization, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned for an immediate return to civilian rule. Most Nigerians boycotted the elections held from May 23-28, 1994, for delegates to the government-sponsored Constitutional Conference. On June 11, 1994, using the groundwork laid by NADECO, Abiola declared himself president and went into hiding. He reemerged and was promptly arrested on June 23. With Abiola in prison and tempers rising, Abacha convened the Constitutional Conference June 27, but it almost immediately went into recess and did not reconvene until July 11, 1994.  

Although Abacha's takeover was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment grew rapidly. A number of opposition figures united to form a new organization, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned for an immediate return to civilian rule. Most Nigerians boycotted the elections held from May 23–28, 1994, for delegates to the government-sponsored Constitutional Conference. On June 11, 1994, using the groundwork laid by NADECO, Abiola declared himself president and went into hiding. He reemerged and was promptly arrested on June 23. With Abiola in prison and tempers rising, Abacha convened the Constitutional Conference June 27, but it almost immediately went into recess and did not reconvene until July 11, 1994.  

On July 4, a petroleum workers union called a strike demanding that Abacha release Abiola and hand over power to him. Other unions then joined the strike, which brought economic life in around Lagos area and in much of the southwest to a standstill. After calling off a threatened general strike in July, the Nigeria Labor Congress (NLC) reconsidered a general strike in August, after the government imposed "conditions" on Abiola's release. On August 17, 1994, the government dismissed the leadership of the NLC. Although striking unions returned to work, the government arrested opponents, closed media houses, and moved strongly to curb dissent.  

On July 4, a petroleum workers union called a strike demanding that Abacha release Abiola and hand over power to him. Other unions then joined the strike, which brought economic life in around Lagos area and in much of the southwest to a standstill. After calling off a threatened general strike in July, the Nigeria Labor Congress (NLC) reconsidered a general strike in August, after the government imposed "conditions" on Abiola's release. On August 17, 1994, the government dismissed the leadership of the NLC. Although striking unions returned to work, the government arrested opponents, closed media houses, and moved strongly to curb dissent.  

The government alleged in early 1995 that some 40 military officers and civilians were engaged in a coup plot, including former head of state Obasanjo and his deputy, retired Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a secret tribunal, most of the accused were convicted, and several death sentences were handed down. The tribunal also charged, convicted, and sentenced prominent human rights activists, journalists, and others--including relatives of the coup suspects--for their alleged "anti-regime" activities. In October, the government announced that the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC--see below: Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule) and Abacha had approved final sentences for those convicted of participation in the coup plot.  

The government alleged in early 1995 that some 40 military officers and civilians were engaged in a coup plot, including former head of state Obasanjo and his deputy, retired Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a secret tribunal, most of the accused were convicted, and several death sentences were handed down. The tribunal also charged, convicted, and sentenced prominent human rights activists, journalists, and others—including relatives of the coup suspects—for their alleged "anti-regime" activities. In October, the government announced that the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC—see below: Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule) and Abacha had approved final sentences for those convicted of participation in the coup plot.  

In an October 1, 1995 address to the nation, Gen. Sani Abacha announced the timetable for a 3-year transition to civilian rule. Only five of the political parties which applied for registration were approved by the regime. In local elections held in December 1997, turnout was under 10%. By the April 1998 state assembly and gubernatorial elections, all five of the approved parties had nominated Abacha as their presidential candidate in controversial party conventions. Public reaction to this development in the transition program was apathy and a near-complete boycott of the elections. On December 21, 1997, the government announced the arrest of the country's second highest-ranking military officer, Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya, 10 other officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting.  

In an October 1, 1995 address to the nation, Gen. Sani Abacha announced the timetable for a 3-year transition to civilian rule. Only five of the political parties which applied for registration were approved by the regime. In local elections held in December 1997, turnout was under 10%. By the April 1998 state assembly and gubernatorial elections, all five of the approved parties had nominated Abacha as their presidential candidate in controversial party conventions. Public reaction to this development in the transition program was apathy and a near-complete boycott of the elections. On December 21, 1997, the government announced the arrest of the country's second highest-ranking military officer, Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya, 10 other officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting.  

Abacha, widely expected to succeed himself as a civilian president on October 1, 1998, remained head of state until his death on June 8 of that year. He was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The PRC, under Abubakar, commuted the sentences of those accused in the alleged 1997 coup in July 1998. In March 1999, Diya and 54 others accused or convicted of participation in coups in 1990, 1995, and 1997 were released. Following the death of former head of state Abacha in June, Nigeria released almost all known civilian political detainees, including the Ogoni 19.  

Abacha, widely expected to succeed himself as a civilian president on October 1, 1998, remained head of state until his death on June 8 of that year. He was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The PRC, under Abubakar, commuted the sentences of those accused in the alleged 1997 coup in July 1998. In March 1999, Diya and 54 others accused or convicted of participation in coups in 1990, 1995, and 1997 were released. Following the death of former head of state Abacha in June, Nigeria released almost all known civilian political detainees, including the Ogoni 19.  

During the Abacha regime, the government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the federal security system--the military, the state security service, and the courts. Under Abacha, all branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses. After Abubakar's assumption of power and consolidation of support within the PRC, human rights abuses decreased.  

During the Abacha regime, the government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the federal security system—the military, the state security service, and the courts. Under Abacha, all branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses. After Abubakar's assumption of power and consolidation of support within the PRC, human rights abuses decreased.  

====Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule====  

====Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule====  

Most civil society leaders and most Nigerians saw a marked improvement in human rights and democratic practice under Obasanjo. The press enjoyed greater freedom than under previous governments. As Nigeria works out representational democracy, there have been conflicts between the executive and legislative branches over major appropriations and other proposed legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing visibility of state governors and the inherent friction between Abuja and the various state capitols over resource allocation.  

Most civil society leaders and most Nigerians saw a marked improvement in human rights and democratic practice under Obasanjo. The press enjoyed greater freedom than under previous governments. As Nigeria works out representational democracy, there have been conflicts between the executive and legislative branches over major appropriations and other proposed legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing visibility of state governors and the inherent friction between Abuja and the various state capitols over resource allocation.  

In the eight years since the end of military rule, Nigeria has witnessed recurrent incidents of ethno-religious, community, and resource-related conflicts. Many of these arose from distorted use of oil revenue wealth, as well as from flaws in the 1999 constitution. In May 1999, violence erupted in Kaduna State over the succession of an Emir, resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November 1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi in Bayelsa State and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12 policemen by a local gang. In Kaduna in February-May 2000 over 1,000 people died in rioting over the introduction of criminal Shar'ia in the state. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal attacks in southeastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed in inter-religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in communal violence that spread across the Middle-Belt states of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa. On October 1, 2001, President Obasanjo announced the formation of a National Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence. In 2003, he was re-elected in contentious and highly flawed national elections and state gubernatorial elections, which were litigated over two years. Since 2006, violence, destruction of oil infrastructure, and kidnappings of primarily expatriates in the oil-rich Niger River Delta has intensified as militants demanded a greater share of federal revenue for states in the region, as well as benefits from community development. For many reasons, Nigeria's security services have been unable to respond to the security threat, which is both political and criminal.  

In the eight years since the end of military rule, Nigeria has witnessed recurrent incidents of ethno-religious, community, and resource-related conflicts. Many of these arose from distorted use of oil revenue wealth, as well as from flaws in the 1999 constitution. In May 1999, violence erupted in Kaduna State over the succession of an Emir, resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November 1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi in Bayelsa State and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12 policemen by a local gang. In Kaduna in February–May 2000 over 1,000 people died in rioting over the introduction of criminal Shar'ia in the state. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal attacks in southeastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed in inter-religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in communal violence that spread across the Middle-Belt states of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa. On October 1, 2001, President Obasanjo announced the formation of a National Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence. In 2003, he was re-elected in contentious and highly flawed national elections and state gubernatorial elections, which were litigated over two years. Since 2006, violence, destruction of oil infrastructure, and kidnappings of primarily expatriates in the oil-rich Niger River Delta has intensified as militants demanded a greater share of federal revenue for states in the region, as well as benefits from community development. For many reasons, Nigeria's security services have been unable to respond to the security threat, which is both political and criminal.  

In May 2006, the National Assembly soundly defeated an attempt to amend the constitution by supporters of a third presidential term for President Obasanjo. This measure was packaged in a bundle of what were otherwise non-controversial amendments. Nigeria's citizens addressed this issue in a constitutional, democratic, and relatively peaceful process.  

In May 2006, the National Assembly soundly defeated an attempt to amend the constitution by supporters of a third presidential term for President Obasanjo. This measure was packaged in a bundle of what were otherwise non-controversial amendments. Nigeria's citizens addressed this issue in a constitutional, democratic, and relatively peaceful process.  

Nigeria held state legislative and gubernatorial elections on April 14 as well as presidential and national legislative elections on April 21, 2007, in which more than 35 political parties participated. Nigeria missed an opportunity to strengthen an element of its democracy through a sound electoral process. Analysis of the process by most international observers did not conform to what Nigeria's National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported. U.S. and international observers reported overall a seriously flawed process with credible reports of malfeasance and vote rigging in some constituencies. The scope of violence that occurred also was regrettable. There were considerable degrees of difference in the conduct of elections among states, but serious differences were also observed within states during the two polling dates. The main opposition parties, All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress (AC), as well as numerous smaller political parties and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) have filed petitions to challenge the results of gubernatorial elections in 34 of Nigeria's 36 states. Challenges to the presidential election have been filed by the ANPP, AC, and others in the Federal Court of Appeals, but the opposition is not unified, and mass protests have not materialized. INEC's principal problems included politicization and lack of independence, lack of transparency in its operations and decision-making, and persistent failure to make adequate logistical arrangements for both voter registration and polling. With INEC's certification of the ruling party's presidential ticket as the winner with over 70% of the vote, Nigeria experienced its first transition of power between civilian administrations when President Obasanjo stepped down on May 29, 2007. Newly-elected President Umaru Yar'adua, a moderate and a respected governor from the northern state of Katsina, pledged publicly to make electoral reform, peace and security in the Niger Delta, and continued electoral reform his top priorities.  

Nigeria held state legislative and gubernatorial elections on April 14 as well as presidential and national legislative elections on April 21, 2007, in which more than 35 political parties participated. Nigeria missed an opportunity to strengthen an element of its democracy through a sound electoral process. Analysis of the process by most international observers did not conform to what Nigeria's National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported. U.S. and international observers reported overall a seriously flawed process with credible reports of malfeasance and vote rigging in some constituencies. The scope of violence that occurred also was regrettable. There were considerable degrees of difference in the conduct of elections among states, but serious differences were also observed within states during the two polling dates. The main opposition parties, All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress (AC), as well as numerous smaller political parties and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) have filed petitions to challenge the results of gubernatorial elections in 34 of Nigeria's 36 states. Challenges to the presidential election have been filed by the ANPP, AC, and others in the Federal Court of Appeals, but the opposition is not unified, and mass protests have not materialized. INEC's principal problems included politicization and lack of independence, lack of transparency in its operations and decision-making, and persistent failure to make adequate logistical arrangements for both voter registration and polling. With INEC's certification of the ruling party's presidential ticket as the winner with over 70% of the vote, Nigeria experienced its first transition of power between civilian administrations when President Obasanjo stepped down on May 29, 2007. Newly-elected President Umaru Yar'adua, a moderate and a respected governor from the northern state of Katsina, pledged publicly to make electoral reform, peace and security in the Niger Delta, and continued electoral reform his top priorities.  

Nigeria continues to suffer from internal disunity, however, and this prompted one Nigerian nationalist to say, "Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression." As a general rule, Nigerians generally do not consider themselves as "Nigerians" in the same way that American citizens consider themselves "Americans" or that [[Canada | Canadian]] citizens consider themselves "Canadians". One of the main splits is between [[Christians]] and [[Muslims]] - the nation is almost evenly split between the two. <ref>http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10015255</ref>

Nigeria continues to suffer from internal disunity, however, and this prompted one Nigerian nationalist to say, "Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression." As a general rule, Nigerians generally do not consider themselves as "Nigerians" in the same way that American citizens consider themselves "Americans" or that [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens consider themselves "Canadians". One of the main splits is between [[Christians]] and [[Muslims]] - the nation is almost evenly split between the two.<ref>http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10015255</ref>

==See also==

==See also==