Changes

===Austria===

===Austria===

In Austria, for example, in the late 19th century, "American" became synonymous with modernity and most Austrian observers admired American technical progress and machinery. From the turn of the century, the writings of Taylor and his productivity models were in vogue in Austria until they were eclipsed during the 1920s by interest in Henry Ford's system of mass production. After 1927, however, ideological differences and waning interest in the American rationalization model caused a reduction in educational travel to the United States. Only after World War II, with the Allied occupation of Austria and the genesis of the Marshall Plan, did Austrian emulation of American productivity models resume and the number of government-funded study tours increase.<ref>Helmut Lackner, "Travel Accounts from the United States and their Influence on Taylorism, Fordism and Productivity in Austria." ''Contemporary Austrian Studies'' 2004 12: 38-60. Issn: 1074-7184 </ref>

In Austria, for example, in the late 19th century, "American" became synonymous with modernity and most Austrian observers admired American technical progress and machinery. From the turn of the century, the writings of Taylor and his productivity models were in vogue in Austria until they were eclipsed during the 1920s by interest in Henry Ford's system of mass production. After 1927, however, ideological differences and waning interest in the American rationalization model caused a reduction in educational travel to the United States. Only after World War II, with the Allied occupation of Austria and the genesis of the Marshall Plan, did Austrian emulation of American productivity models resume and the number of government-funded study tours increase.<ref>Helmut Lackner, "Travel Accounts from the United States and their Influence on Taylorism, Fordism and Productivity in Austria." ''Contemporary Austrian Studies'' 2004 12: 38-60. Issn: 1074-7184</ref>

===Germany===

===Germany===

In Germany the "Reichskuratorium für Wirtschaftlichkeit" (RKW) was founded in 1921 by Carl Friedrich von Siemens and Carl Köttgen in order to introduce Taylorism and Fordism.  Most recent research has identified forms of organized capitalism that include significant input from organized labor along with state and industry as the most "modern" forms. While these efforts stagnated and eventually failed under the Weimar Republic, they are still seen as the origin of a characteristic and successful postwar model of organized capitalism. Acknowledging that this view is accurate, Shearer (1997) draws attention to the alternate model of the RKW, which strove to implement technical and organizational measures of industrial and economic efficiency using state funding but avoiding significant input from organized labor. This variation of German organized capitalism emerged from the more traditional, self-regulating patterns of the late 19th century. It persisted through the Weimar Republic, through World War II, and into the postwar era. Less helpful toward explaining the character of the RKW are models from the 1970s Cold War era, which elaborated a strongly symbiotic version of organized capitalism between state and big business that allegedly subordinated efforts of big business to state interests.<ref> Shearer (1997)</ref>

In Germany the "Reichskuratorium für Wirtschaftlichkeit" (RKW) was founded in 1921 by Carl Friedrich von Siemens and Carl Köttgen in order to introduce Taylorism and Fordism.  Most recent research has identified forms of organized capitalism that include significant input from organized labor along with state and industry as the most "modern" forms. While these efforts stagnated and eventually failed under the Weimar Republic, they are still seen as the origin of a characteristic and successful postwar model of organized capitalism. Acknowledging that this view is accurate, Shearer (1997) draws attention to the alternate model of the RKW, which strove to implement technical and organizational measures of industrial and economic efficiency using state funding but avoiding significant input from organized labor. This variation of German organized capitalism emerged from the more traditional, self-regulating patterns of the late 19th century. It persisted through the Weimar Republic, through World War II, and into the postwar era. Less helpful toward explaining the character of the RKW are models from the 1970s Cold War era, which elaborated a strongly symbiotic version of organized capitalism between state and big business that allegedly subordinated efforts of big business to state interests.<ref>Shearer (1997)</ref>

After World War I Taylorism and Fordism influenced modernist German architects especially Walter Gropius, Eric Mendelsohn, Peter Behrens, Lazlo Moholy-Nagy, Marcel Breuer, Hannes Meyer, and Ernst May. They sought to reform and modernize German culture and housing by using more efficient building techniques, but criticism was sparked by the resulting standardization - exemplified by low-cost mass-produced apartments called "Wohnfords" - and there was a backlash against the influence of "Americanism" on German culture.<ref> Mark Peach, "Wohnfords, or German Modern Architecture and the Appeal of Americanism." ''Utopian Studies'' 1997 8(2): 48-65. Issn: 1045-991x Fulltext: in Ebsco </ref>

After World War I Taylorism and Fordism influenced modernist German architects especially Walter Gropius, Eric Mendelsohn, Peter Behrens, Lazlo Moholy-Nagy, Marcel Breuer, Hannes Meyer, and Ernst May. They sought to reform and modernize German culture and housing by using more efficient building techniques, but criticism was sparked by the resulting standardization - exemplified by low-cost mass-produced apartments called "Wohnfords" - and there was a backlash against the influence of "Americanism" on German culture.<ref>Mark Peach, "Wohnfords, or German Modern Architecture and the Appeal of Americanism." ''Utopian Studies'' 1997 8(2): 48-65. Issn: 1045-991x Fulltext: in Ebsco</ref>

===Denmark===

===Denmark===

In Denmark, a variant of Fordism called "productivism" was expounded by Danish economists in the 1920s. The law of increasing returns appeared in contemporaneous journals on economic theory, and it revealed the connections and contradictions between mass production, employment, wages, and economic growth in both society and the business community. Productivist ideas spread to the political parties, unions, and employers' associations. Productivism and Fordism promised economic growth and prosperity for all, but workers and employers accused each other of enriching themselves at the expense of the others. There was a movement toward consensus about productivism in the late 1920's, and productivism was adopted in the party program of the Social Democrats in 1927. The onset of economic world crisis halted further debate, but by 1943-45 the idea of productivism was broadly accepted by all political parties. Due to the so-called "Danish Model," the labor market was regulated without participation of the state. The political ideas of productivism thus could not succeed without a labor market compromise. This compromise was achieved by the creation in 1946-47 of shop committees ("samarbejdsudvalg"), where rationalization and cost reductions could be discussed. The transparencies of the rationalization process were thought to reduce distrust and create a situation in which both employers and employees could reap the benefits of rationalization.<ref>Soren Toft Hansen, "Den Voksende Kage: Ideerne Om Vaekstsamfund Og Produktivisme 1920-1947," [The Expanding Cake: Economic Growth and Productivism in Denmark, 1920-47]. ''Jyske Historiker'' [in Danish] 2003 (102-103): 154-179. Issn: 0109-9280 </ref>

In Denmark, a variant of Fordism called "productivism" was expounded by Danish economists in the 1920s. The law of increasing returns appeared in contemporaneous journals on economic theory, and it revealed the connections and contradictions between mass production, employment, wages, and economic growth in both society and the business community. Productivist ideas spread to the political parties, unions, and employers' associations. Productivism and Fordism promised economic growth and prosperity for all, but workers and employers accused each other of enriching themselves at the expense of the others. There was a movement toward consensus about productivism in the late 1920's, and productivism was adopted in the party program of the Social Democrats in 1927. The onset of economic world crisis halted further debate, but by 1943-45 the idea of productivism was broadly accepted by all political parties. Due to the so-called "Danish Model," the labor market was regulated without participation of the state. The political ideas of productivism thus could not succeed without a labor market compromise. This compromise was achieved by the creation in 1946-47 of shop committees ("samarbejdsudvalg"), where rationalization and cost reductions could be discussed. The transparencies of the rationalization process were thought to reduce distrust and create a situation in which both employers and employees could reap the benefits of rationalization.<ref>Soren Toft Hansen, "Den Voksende Kage: Ideerne Om Vaekstsamfund Og Produktivisme 1920-1947," [The Expanding Cake: Economic Growth and Productivism in Denmark, 1920-47]. ''Jyske Historiker'' [in Danish] 2003 (102-103): 154-179. Issn: 0109-9280</ref>

===Soviet Union===

===Soviet Union===

Hughes (2004) has detailed how the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s enthusiastically embraced Fordism and Taylorism, importing American experts in both fields as well as American engineering firms to build parts of its new industrial infrastructure. Ford himself set up a major auto plant and sent in engineers and skilled mechanics. The concepts of the [[Five Year Plan]] and the centrally planned economy can be traced directly to the influence of Taylorism on Soviet thinking.<ref> Kurt Stephen Schultz, "The American Factor in Soviet Industrialization: Fordism and the First Five-Year Plan, 1928-1932."  PhD dissertation Ohio State U. 1992. 314 pp.  DAI 1993 53(8): 2955-A. DA9238269;  Fulltext in ProQuest Dissertations & Theses </ref>

Hughes (2004) has detailed how the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s enthusiastically embraced Fordism and Taylorism, importing American experts in both fields as well as American engineering firms to build parts of its new industrial infrastructure. Ford himself set up a major auto plant and sent in engineers and skilled mechanics. The concepts of the [[Five Year Plan]] and the centrally planned economy can be traced directly to the influence of Taylorism on Soviet thinking.<ref>Kurt Stephen Schultz, "The American Factor in Soviet Industrialization: Fordism and the First Five-Year Plan, 1928-1932."  PhD dissertation Ohio State U. 1992. 314 pp.  DAI 1993 53(8): 2955-A. DA9238269;  Fulltext in ProQuest Dissertations & Theses</ref>

[[Stalin]] himself said:

[[Stalin]] himself said:

:''American efficiency is that indomitable force which neither knows nor recognises obstacles; which continues on a task once started until it is finished, even if it is a minor task; and without which serious constructive work is impossible . . . The combination of the Russian revolutionary sweep with American efficiency is the essence of Leninism.'' (Hughes 2004, 251)

:''American efficiency is that indomitable force which neither knows nor recognises obstacles; which continues on a task once started until it is finished, even if it is a minor task; and without which serious constructive work is impossible . . . The combination of the Russian revolutionary sweep with American efficiency is the essence of Leninism.'' (Hughes 2004, 251)

===Peripheral Europe===

===Peripheral Europe===

Similar developments and timing in Spain, Portugal, and Greece over the past 50 years arose from similar historical and economic backgrounds. Fordism, in terms of the modern system of mass production and consumption, came later to these semiperipheral countries than to the core countries of Western Europe. Once economic growth had brought a modern class system and [[class conflict]], vertical control through state corporatism became obsolete; in 1974-75 dictatorships ended, societal corporatism - horizontal organization - replaced state corporatism, and "socialist" governments took power. Needing middle class support and under constraints of austerity, they were much more social democratic than socialist and furthered the consolidation of corporate liberalism.<ref> Otto Holman, "Semiperipheral Fordism in Southern Europe: the National and International Context of Socialist-led Governments in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, in Historical Perspective." ''International Journal of Political Economy'' 1987-1988 17(4): 11-55. Issn: 0891-1916 Fulltext: in Ebsco </ref>

Similar developments and timing in Spain, Portugal, and Greece over the past 50 years arose from similar historical and economic backgrounds. Fordism, in terms of the modern system of mass production and consumption, came later to these semiperipheral countries than to the core countries of Western Europe. Once economic growth had brought a modern class system and [[class conflict]], vertical control through state corporatism became obsolete; in 1974-75 dictatorships ended, societal corporatism - horizontal organization - replaced state corporatism, and "socialist" governments took power. Needing middle class support and under constraints of austerity, they were much more social democratic than socialist and furthered the consolidation of corporate liberalism.<ref>Otto Holman, "Semiperipheral Fordism in Southern Europe: the National and International Context of Socialist-led Governments in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, in Historical Perspective." ''International Journal of Political Economy'' 1987-1988 17(4): 11-55. Issn: 0891-1916 Fulltext: in Ebsco</ref>

===Australia and New Zealand===

===Australia and New Zealand===

Rolfe (1999) shows that both Australia and New Zealand were willing importers of Fordism, most especially in the fields of manufacturing, management, advertising, distribution, sales, and suburbanization. These ideas were transmitted through institutional networks - chambers of commerce and employers' and manufacturers' associations. Leaders of this trend moved easily between business and government. Successful assimilation of Fordism also required the co-optation of labor leaders. New Zealand acquired some ideas indirectly through Australia, whereas Australia went directly to the U.S. for its models and ideals. Australia also relied more heavily on loans for industrial development, many of which supported expansion and modernization of American firms. Rolfe finds little American cultural imperialism in either country.

Rolfe (1999) shows that both Australia and New Zealand were willing importers of Fordism, most especially in the fields of manufacturing, management, advertising, distribution, sales, and suburbanization. These ideas were transmitted through institutional networks - chambers of commerce and employers' and manufacturers' associations. Leaders of this trend moved easily between business and government. Successful assimilation of Fordism also required the co-optation of labor leaders. New Zealand acquired some ideas indirectly through Australia, whereas Australia went directly to the U.S. for its models and ideals. Australia also relied more heavily on loans for industrial development, many of which supported expansion and modernization of American firms. Rolfe finds little American cultural imperialism in either country.

Resistance came from both labour unions and management, especially in Britain, where craft-dominated trade unions controlled the shop floor and prevented management from introducing Fordist methods of work organization and an associated pattern of regulation. The introduction of mass standardized production on the Fordist model was less than successful during the post-WW2 period yet employee resistance appears less significant than employer resistance and the structural impact of British markets.<ref>Clark (2001) </ref>

Resistance came from both labour unions and management, especially in Britain, where craft-dominated trade unions controlled the shop floor and prevented management from introducing Fordist methods of work organization and an associated pattern of regulation. The introduction of mass standardized production on the Fordist model was less than successful during the post-WW2 period yet employee resistance appears less significant than employer resistance and the structural impact of British markets.<ref>Clark (2001)</ref>

===The Bedaux system===

===The Bedaux system===

The Bedaux system was a specific program of rationalization with elements of Taylorism and Fordism. Based on the work of Charles E. Bedaux, the system represented a method of time and motion studies with aspects of both wage management and business management. Regarding wages, Bedaux was a simple premium system based on guaranteed hourly wages. Regarding business management, however, the Bedaux system emerged to be a rather modern system of managing and accounting. Bedaux started as a special system for work measurement and wage determination but turned out to be effective above all as a general system for the management of business organization, manufacturing, and cost controlling. It covered both blue- and white-collar workers, especially of middle management. During the 1920s-1930s there about one thousand companies in 21 countries adopted Bedaux, mainly in the United States but also in Britain and France. In Germany, however, the Bedaux system operated only in the rubber and tire industry, because most German businessmen were reluctant to adopt this new "American system" and preferred the German "Refa" system, ignoring that the rationalization effects of the Bedaux system were much more far-reaching than only the reduction of labor costs. Furthermore there was strong resistance in the German labor movement to the Bedaux system. Continental, the leading rubber company in Germany, was open minded about the system and profited heavily from it, thus surviving the Great Depression relatively undamaged and improving its competitive capabilities.<ref>Paul Erker, "Das Bedaux-system: Neue Aspekte Der Historischen Rationalisierungsforschung" [The Bedaux System: New Aspects of Research on the History of Rationalization]. ''Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte'' 1996 41(2): 139-158. Issn: 0342-2852 </ref>

The Bedaux system was a specific program of rationalization with elements of Taylorism and Fordism. Based on the work of Charles E. Bedaux, the system represented a method of time and motion studies with aspects of both wage management and business management. Regarding wages, Bedaux was a simple premium system based on guaranteed hourly wages. Regarding business management, however, the Bedaux system emerged to be a rather modern system of managing and accounting. Bedaux started as a special system for work measurement and wage determination but turned out to be effective above all as a general system for the management of business organization, manufacturing, and cost controlling. It covered both blue- and white-collar workers, especially of middle management. During the 1920s-1930s there about one thousand companies in 21 countries adopted Bedaux, mainly in the United States but also in Britain and France. In Germany, however, the Bedaux system operated only in the rubber and tire industry, because most German businessmen were reluctant to adopt this new "American system" and preferred the German "Refa" system, ignoring that the rationalization effects of the Bedaux system were much more far-reaching than only the reduction of labor costs. Furthermore there was strong resistance in the German labor movement to the Bedaux system. Continental, the leading rubber company in Germany, was open minded about the system and profited heavily from it, thus surviving the Great Depression relatively undamaged and improving its competitive capabilities.<ref>Paul Erker, "Das Bedaux-system: Neue Aspekte Der Historischen Rationalisierungsforschung" [The Bedaux System: New Aspects of Research on the History of Rationalization]. ''Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte'' 1996 41(2): 139-158. Issn: 0342-2852</ref>

==Other meanings==

==Other meanings==

* Banta, Martha.  ''Taylored Lives: Narrative Production in the Age of Taylor, Veblen, and Ford.'' U. of Chicago Press, 1993. 431 pp.   

* Banta, Martha.  ''Taylored Lives: Narrative Production in the Age of Taylor, Veblen, and Ford.'' U. of Chicago Press, 1993. 431 pp.   

* Hubert Bonin, Yannick Lung, and Steve Tolliday, eds. ''Ford, 1902-2003: The European History'' (2 vol., 2003)

* Hubert Bonin, Yannick Lung, and Steve Tolliday, eds. ''Ford, 1902-2003: The European History'' (2 vol., 2003)

* Holden, Len.  "Fording the Atlantic: Ford and Fordism in Europe" in ''Business History '' Vol 47, #1 Jan 2005  pp 122-127

* Holden, Len.  "Fording the Atlantic: Ford and Fordism in Europe" in ''Business History '' Vol 47, #1 Jan 2005  pp 122–127

* Clark, Ian. "Employer Resistance to the Fordist Production Process: 'Flawed Fordism' in Post-war Britain." ''Contemporary British History'' 2001 15(2): 28-52. Issn: 1361-9462 Fulltext: in Ebsco  

* Clark, Ian. "Employer Resistance to the Fordist Production Process: 'Flawed Fordism' in Post-war Britain." ''Contemporary British History'' 2001 15(2): 28-52. Issn: 1361-9462 Fulltext: in Ebsco  

* Doray, Bernard. ''From Taylorism to Fordism: A Rational Madness'' (1988)

* Doray, Bernard. ''From Taylorism to Fordism: A Rational Madness'' (1988)

* Maier, Charles S. "Between Taylorism and Technocracy: European Ideologies and the Vision of Industrial Productivity." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1970) 5(2): 27-61. Issn: 0022-0094 Fulltext online at Jstor

* Maier, Charles S. "Between Taylorism and Technocracy: European Ideologies and the Vision of Industrial Productivity." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1970) 5(2): 27-61. Issn: 0022-0094 Fulltext online at Jstor

* Nolan, Mary. ''Visions of Modernity: American Business and the Modernization of Germany'' Oxford University Press, [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=58971942 1994 online]

* Nolan, Mary. ''Visions of Modernity: American Business and the Modernization of Germany'' Oxford University Press, [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=58971942 1994 online]

* Pietrykowski, Bruce. "Fordism at Ford: Spatial Decentralization and Labor Segmentation at the Ford Motor Company, 1920-1950," ''Economic Geography'', Vol. 71, (1995) 383-401[http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5000373348 online]

* Pietrykowski, Bruce. "Fordism at Ford: Spatial Decentralization and Labor Segmentation at the Ford Motor Company, 1920-1950," ''Economic Geography'', Vol. 71, (1995) 383-401 [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5000373348 online]

* Roediger, David, ed "Americanism and Fordism - American Style: Kate Richards O'hare's 'Has Henry Ford Made Good?'" ''Labor History'' 1988 29(2): 241-252. Socialist praise for Ford in 1916  

* Roediger, David, ed "Americanism and Fordism - American Style: Kate Richards O'hare's 'Has Henry Ford Made Good?'" ''Labor History'' 1988 29(2): 241-252. Socialist praise for Ford in 1916  

* Rolfe, Mark. "Faraway Fordism: the Americanization of Australia and New Zealand During the 1950s and 1960s." ''New Zealand Journal of History'' 1999 33(1): 65-91. Issn: 0028-8322  

* Rolfe, Mark. "Faraway Fordism: the Americanization of Australia and New Zealand During the 1950s and 1960s." ''New Zealand Journal of History'' 1999 33(1): 65-91. Issn: 0028-8322