Changes

He was opposed by far-left radicals who wanted to destroy [[capitalism]] and who feared that Alinsky was strengthening it by resolving the issues most important to the poor, and was nicknamed "The Red" for his radicalism—his book was dedicated tongue-in-cheek to Lucifer, the first radical.<ref name="worldnetdaily.com">[http://www.worldnetdaily.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&PageId=76170 Guess who recommended Obama to enter Harvard] [[WND|Worldnetdaily]], September 24, 2008</ref>

He was opposed by far-left radicals who wanted to destroy [[capitalism]] and who feared that Alinsky was strengthening it by resolving the issues most important to the poor, and was nicknamed "The Red" for his radicalism—his book was dedicated tongue-in-cheek to Lucifer, the first radical.<ref name="worldnetdaily.com">[http://www.worldnetdaily.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&PageId=76170 Guess who recommended Obama to enter Harvard] [[WND|Worldnetdaily]], September 24, 2008</ref>

Alinsky's approach to community organizing stressed "self interest as the generating reality of life." This view was solidified by his experiences in the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations]] (CIO) as an organizer in the style of labor union leaders [[Samuel Gompers]] and [[John L. Lewis]]. Alinsky produced notable results like the Back of the Yard and the Woodlawn organizations in Chicago. Alinsky and his Industrial Areas Foundation utilized confrontational tactics and dramatic protests to help members gain bargaining status and a larger share of the local pie. He disavowed with increasing vigor any national issue strategy or ideological outlook. The weakness of his emphasis on the organizer as a tactician only and the granting of control to those organized was that racist goals could be chosen by the membership as a whole.<ref>Alan S. Miller, "Saul Alinsky: America's Radical Reactionary." ''Radical America'' 1987 21(1): 11-18. 0033-7617</ref>  

Alinsky's approach to community organizing stressed "self interest as the generating reality of life." This view was solidified by his experiences in the [[Congress of Industrial Organizations]] (CIO) as an organizer in the style of labor union leaders [[Samuel Gompers]] and [[John L. Lewis]]. Alinsky produced notable results like the Back of the Yard and the Woodlawn organizations in Chicago. Alinsky and his Industrial Areas Foundation utilized confrontational tactics and dramatic protests to help members gain bargaining status and a larger share of the local pie. He disavowed with increasing vigor any national issue strategy or ideological outlook. The weakness of his emphasis on the organizer as a tactician only and the granting of control to those organized was that racist goals could be chosen by the membership as a whole.<ref>Alan S. Miller, "Saul Alinsky: America's Radical Reactionary." ''Radical America'' 1987 21(1): 11-18. 0033-7617</ref>

==Early life==

==Early life==

===Later Organizing===

===Later Organizing===

Alinsky had a tendency to rub the sores of a community raw.  During the [[Great Society]] campaigns of [[Lyndon Johnson]], he organized groups like FIGHT(Freedom, Integration, God, Honor, Today) in order to push the Eastman Kodak Company to hire more black workers.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ChMkAAAAMAAJ&q=saul+alinsky+%22Friends+of+FIGHT%22&dq=saul+alinsky+%22Friends+of+FIGHT%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiL6prqx_vNAhWCph4KHQ3xDcY4FBDoAQgfMAE ]</ref>  However, his hard-knock, do-anything techniques rubbed many leaders the wrong way, and in 1967 he found himself without a contract.  This led him to label [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]]'s "war on poverty" as a political pork barrel.  Alinsky would influence many activists in organizing, such as [[Wade Rathke]], Michael Gecan, Greg Galuzzo<ref name=Kincaid />, Edward T. Chambers, and Ernesto Cortes, many of whom went on to become leaders in Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation.

Alinsky had a tendency to rub the sores of a community raw.  During the [[Great Society]] campaigns of [[Lyndon Johnson]], he organized groups like FIGHT(Freedom, Integration, God, Honor, Today) in order to push the Eastman Kodak Company to hire more black workers.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ChMkAAAAMAAJ&q=saul+alinsky+%22Friends+of+FIGHT%22&dq=saul+alinsky+%22Friends+of+FIGHT%22&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiL6prqx_vNAhWCph4KHQ3xDcY4FBDoAQgfMAE Hearing[s] Held in Rochester, New York, September 16-17, 1966, Volumes 35-962]</ref>  Headed by the radical pastor Franklin Florence,<ref name=fight>[https://books.google.com/books?id=nsye_8Ewk0oC&pg=PA381 The Mid-Atlantic Region]</ref><ref>[http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/july64/more.html JULY ‘64], [[PBS]]</ref> FIGHT chose to remain an exclusively black organization. In response, Friends of FIGHT was formed, in order to bring in the involvement of white progressives.<ref name=fight />

 

However, his hard-knock, do-anything techniques rubbed many leaders the wrong way, and in 1967 he found himself without a contract.  This led him to label [[Lyndon Johnson|Johnson]]'s "war on poverty" as a political pork barrel.  Alinsky would influence many activists in organizing, such as [[Wade Rathke]], Michael Gecan, Greg Galuzzo<ref name=Kincaid />, Edward T. Chambers, and Ernesto Cortes, many of whom went on to become leaders in Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation.

The [[Black Panther]] movement in the 1960s made it hard for Alinsky to organize the black populace; they had a difficult time dealing with white leadership.  He finally settled with organizing middle-class white Americans to protest against the deterioration of the suburban markets.

The [[Black Panther]] movement in the 1960s made it hard for Alinsky to organize the black populace; they had a difficult time dealing with white leadership.  He finally settled with organizing middle-class white Americans to protest against the deterioration of the suburban markets.